_Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards called Africanus, elected
aedile before he had attained the age required by the law. The citadel
of Tarentum, in which the Roman garrison had taken refuge, betrayed to
Hannibal. Games instituted in honour of Apollo, called Apollinarian.
Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, defeat Hanno the
Carthaginian general. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus betrayed by a
Lucanian to Mago, and slain. Centenius Penula, who had been a
centurion, asks the senate for the command of an army, promising to
engage and vanquish Hannibal, is cut off with eight thousand men.
Cneius Fulvius engages Hannibal, and is beaten, with the loss of
sixteen thousand men slain, he himself escapes with only two hundred
horsemen. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, lay siege to
Capua. Syracuse taken by Claudius Marcellus after a siege of three
years. In the tumult occasioned by taking the city, Archimedes is
killed while intently occupied on some figures which he had drawn in
the sand. Publius and Cornelius Scipio, after having performed many
eminent services in Spain, are slain, together with nearly the whole
of their armies, eight years after their arrival in that country; and
the possession of that province would have been entirely lost, but for
the valour and activity of Lucius Marcius, a Roman knight, who,
collecting the scattered remains of the vanquished armies, utterly
defeats the enemy, storming their two camps, killing thirty-seven
thousand of them, and taking eighteen hundred together with an immense
booty._
* * * * *
1. Hannibal passed the summer during which these events occurred in
Africa and Italy, in the Tarentine territory, with the hope of having
the city of the Tarentines betrayed to him. Meanwhile some
inconsiderable towns belonging to them, and to the Sallentines,
revolted to him. At the same time, of the twelve states of the
Bruttians, which had in a former year gone over to the Carthaginians,
the Consentians and Thurians returned to the protection of the Roman
people. And more would have done the same, had not Titus Pomponius
Veientanus, praefect of the allies, having acquired the appearance of
a regular general, in consequence of several successful predatory
expeditions in the Bruttian territory, got together a tumultuary band,
and fought a battle with Hanno. In that battle, a great number of men,
consisting, however, of a disorderly rabble of slaves and rustics,
were slain or captured. The least part of the loss was, that the
praefect himself was taken prisoner; for he was not only in the
present instance guilty of having rashly engaged the enemy, but
previously, in the capacity of farmer of the revenue, by iniquitous
practices of every description, had shown himself faithless and
injurious to the state, as well as the companies. Among the Lucanians,
the consul, Sempronius, fought several small battles, but none worthy
of being recorded, he also took several inconsiderable towns. In
proportion as the war was protracted, and the sentiments no less than
the circumstances of men fluctuated accordingly as events flowed
prosperously or otherwise, the citizens were seized with such a
passion for superstitious observances, and those for the most part
introduced from foreign countries, that either the people or the gods
appeared to have undergone a sudden change. And now the Roman rites
were growing into disuse, not only in private, and within doors, but
in public also; in the forum and Capitol there were crowds of women
sacrificing, and offering up prayers to the gods, in modes unusual in
that country. A low order of sacrificers and soothsayers had enslaved
men's understandings, and the numbers of these were increased by the
country people, whom want and terror had driven into the city, from
the fields which were lain uncultivated during a protracted war, and
had suffered from the incursions of the enemy, and by the profitable
cheating in the ignorance of others which they carried on like an
allowed and customary trade. At first, good men gave protest in
private to the indignation they felt at these proceedings, but
afterwards the thing came before the fathers, and formed a matter of
public complaint. The aediles and triumviri, appointed for the
execution of criminals, were severely reprimanded by the senate for
not preventing these irregularities, but when they attempted to remove
the crowd of persons thus employed from the forum, and to overthrow
the preparations for their sacred rites, they narrowly escaped
personal injury. It being now evident, that the evil was too powerful
to be checked by inferior magistrates, the senate commissioned Marcus
Atilius, the city praetor, to rid the people of these superstitions.
He called an assembly, in which he read the decree of the senate, and
gave notice, that all persons who had any books of divination, or
forms of prayer, or any written system of sacrificing, should lay all
the aforesaid books and writings before him before the calends of
April; and that no person should sacrifice in any public or
consecrated place according to new or foreign rites.
2. Several of the public priests too died this year: Lucius Cornelius
Lentulus, chief pontiff, Caius Papirius Maso, son of Caius, a pontiff,
Publius Furius Philo, an augur, and Caius Papirius Maso, son of
Lucius, a decemvir for the superintendence of sacred rites. In lieu of
Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, in lieu of Papirius Cnaeius,
Servilius Caepio, were created pontiffs. Lucius Quinctius Flaminius
was created augur, and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus decemvir for the
superintendence of sacred rites. The time for the election of consuls
was now approaching; but as it was not thought proper to call the
consuls away from the war with which they were intently occupied,
Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, nominated Caius Claudius Centho as
dictator to hold the election. He appointed Quintus Fulvius Flaccus as
his master of the horse. On the first day on which the election could
be held, the dictator appointed as consuls, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus,
his master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had held the
government of Sicily as praetor. The praetors created were Cneius
Fulvius Flaccus, Caius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius
Cornelius Sulla. The election completed, the dictator retired from his
office. This year, Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamed
Africanus, held the office of curule aedile, with Marcus Cornelius
Cethegus; and when the tribunes of the people opposed his pretensions
to the aedileship, alleging, that no notice ought to be taken of him,
because he had not attained the legal age for candidateship, he
observed, "if the citizens in general are desirous of appointing me
aedile, I am old enough." Upon this the people ran to their respective
tribes to give their votes, with feelings so strongly disposed in his
favour, that the tribunes on a sudden abandoned their attempt. The
largesses bestowed by the aediles were the following: the Roman games
were sumptuously exhibited, considering the present state of their
resources; they were repeated during one day, and a gallon of oil was
given to each street. Lucius Villius Tapulus, and Marcus Fundanius
Fundulus, the plebeian aediles, accused some matrons of misconduct
before the people, and some of them they convicted and sent into
exile. The plebeian games were repeated during two days, and a feast
in honour of Jupiter was celebrated on occasion of the games.
3. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, for the third time, and Appius Claudius
entered upon the office of consuls. The praetors determined their
provinces by lot. Publius Cornelius Sulla received both the city and
the foreign jurisdiction, formerly allotted to two persons, Cneius
Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Caius Claudius Nero, Suessula, and Marcus
Junius Silanus, Tuscany. To the consuls the conduct of the war with
Hannibal was decreed with two legions each, one taking the troops of
Quintus Fabius, the consul of the former year, the other those of
Fulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the
legions which were in Luceria under Aemilius the praetor, Nero
Claudius those in Picenum under Caius Terentius, each raising recruits
for himself to fill up the number of his troops. To Marcus Junius the
city legions of the former year were assigned, to be employed against
the Tuscans. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius
Tuditanus were continued in command in their provinces of Lucania and
Gaul with the armies they had, as was also Publius Lentulus in that
part of Sicily which formed the ancient Roman province. Marcus
Marcellus had Syracuse, and that which was the kingdom of Hiero. Titus
Otacilius was continued in the command of the fleet, Marcus Valerius
in that of Greece, Quintus Mucius Scaevola in that of Sardinia. The
Cornelii, Publius and Cneius, were continued in the command of Spain.
In addition to the armies already existing, two legions for the
service of the city were levied by the consuls, and a total of
twenty-three legions was made up this year. The levy of the consuls
was impeded by the conduct of Marcus Posthumius Pyrgensis, almost
accompanied with a serious disturbance. Posthumius was a farmer of the
revenue, who, for knavery and rapacity, practised through a course of
many years, had no equal except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who had
been taken prisoner the former year by the Carthaginians under the
conduct of Hanno, while carelessly ravaging the lands in Lucania. As
the state had taken upon itself the risk of any loss which might arise
from storms to the commodities conveyed to the armies, not only had
these two men fabricated false accounts of shipwrecks, but even those
which had really occurred were occasioned by their own knavery, and
not by accident. Their plan was to put a few goods of little value
into old and shattered vessels, which they sank in the deep, taking up
the sailors in boats prepared for the purpose, and then returning
falsely the cargo as many times more valuable than it was. This
fraudulent practice had been pointed out to Marcus Atilius, the
praetor in a former year, who had communicated it to the senate; no
decree, however, had been passed censuring it, because the fathers
were unwilling that any offence should be given to the order of
revenue farmers while affairs were in such a state. The people were
severer avengers of the fraud; and at length two tribunes of the
people, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, being moved to take some active
measure, as they saw that this conduct excited universal disgust, and
had become notorious, proposed that a fine of two hundred thousand
asses should be imposed on Marcus Posthumius. When the day arrived for
arguing the question, the people assembled in such numbers, that the
area of the Capitol could scarcely contain them; and the cause having
been gone through, the only hope of safety which presented itself was,
that Caius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the people, a connexion and
relation of Posthumius, should interpose his protest before the tribes
were called to give their votes. The witnesses having been produced,
the tribunes caused the people to withdraw, and the urn was brought,
in order that the tribes should draw lots which should give the vote
first. Meanwhile, the farmers of the revenue urged Casca to stop the
proceedings for that day. The people, however, loudly opposed it; and
Casca happened to be sitting on the most prominent part of the
rostrum, whose mind fear and shame were jointly agitating. Seeing that
no dependence was to be placed in him for protection, the farmers of
the revenue, forming themselves into a wedge, rushed into the void
space occasioned by the removal of the people for the purpose of
causing disturbance, wrangling at the same time with the people and
the tribunes. The affair had now almost proceeded to violence, when
Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, addressing the tribunes, said, "Do you
not see that you are degraded to the common rank, and that an
insurrection will be the result, unless you speedily dismiss the
assembly of the commons."
4. The commons being dismissed, the senate was assembled, when the
consuls proposed the consideration of the interruption experienced by
the assembly of the commons, in consequence of the violence and
audacity of the farmers of the revenue. They said, that "Marcus Furius
Camillus, whose banishment was followed by the downfall of the city,
had suffered himself to be condemned by his exasperated countrymen.
That before him, the decemviri, according to whose laws they lived up
to the present day, and afterwards many men of the first rank in the
state, had submitted to have sentence passed upon them by the people.
But Posthumius Pyrgensis had wrested from the Roman people their right
of suffrage, had dissolved the assembly of the commons, had set at
nought the authority of the tribunes, had drawn up a body of men in
battle-array against the Roman people; and seized upon a post, in
order to cut off the tribunes from the commons, and prevent the tribes
being called to give their votes. That the only thing which had
restrained the people from bloodshed and violence, was the forbearance
of the magistrates in giving way for the moment to the fury and
audacity of a few individuals, and suffering themselves and the Roman
people to be overcome; and that no opportunity might be afforded those
who were seeking an occasion of violence, in dissolving, agreeably to
the wish of the defendant himself, that assembly which he was about to
interrupt by force of arms." Observations of this kind having been
urged with a warmth proportioned to the atrocity of the conduct which
called them forth, by all the most respectable persons, and the senate
having passed a decree to the effect that the violence offered was
prejudicial to the state, and a precedent of pernicious tendency,
immediately the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, giving up the action
for a fine, appointed a day on which Posthumius should be tried
capitally, and ordered, that unless he gave bail, he should be
apprehended by the beadle, and carried to prison. Posthumius gave
bail, but did not appear. The tribunes then proposed to the commons,
and the commons resolved, that if Marcus Posthumius did not appear
before the calends of May, and if on being cited on that day he did
not answer, and sufficient cause were not shown why he did not, he
would be adjudged an exile, his goods would be sold, and himself
interdicted from water and fire. They then proceeded to indict
capitally, and demand bail of each of the persons who had been the
promoters of the disorder and riot. At first they threw into prison
those who did not give bail, and afterwards even such as could; upon
which the greater part of them went into exile, to avoid the danger to
which this proceeding exposed them.
5. The knavery of the revenue farmers, and their subsequent audacious
conduct to screen themselves from its effects, thus terminated. An
assembly was then held for the creation of a chief pontiff. The new
pontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, presided. The election was
contested with the greatest obstinacy by three candidates, Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, who had been twice consul before and
censor, Titus Manhus Torquatus, who had himself also been
distinguished by two consulships and the censorship, and Publius
Licinius Ciassus, who was about to stand for the office of curule
aedile. In this contest, the last-mentioned candidate, though a young
man, beat the others, who were his superiors in years, and had filled
offices of honour. Before him there had not been a man for a hundred
and twenty years, except Publius Cornelius Calussa, who had been
created chief pontiff without having sat in the curule chair. Though
the consuls found great difficulty in completing the levy, for in
consequence of the scarcity of young men, it was not easy to procure
enough for the two purposes of forming the new city legions, and
recruiting the old ones, the senate forbade them to desist from the
attempt, and ordered two triumvirates to be appointed, one of which
within, the other without the fiftieth mile from the city, might
ascertain the utmost number of free-born men which were to be found in
the villages, and market towns, and hamlets, and enlist whom they
thought strong enough to bear arms, though they had not attained the
military age. That the tribunes of the people, if they thought proper,
should propose to the people, that such as should take the military
oath being under seventeen years, should be allowed to reckon their
period of service in the same manner as if they had enlisted at
seventeen or older. The two triumvirates, created agreeably to this
decree of the senate, enlisted free-born men throughout the country.
At the same time a letter from Marcellus from Sicily, respecting the
petition of the troops who served with Publius Lentulus, was read in
the senate. These troops were the relics of the disaster at Cannae,
and had been sent out of the way into Sicily, as has been mentioned
before, on an understanding that they should not be brought home
before the conclusion of the Carthaginian war.
6. With the permission of Lentulus, these men sent the most
distinguished of the cavalry and centurions, and a select body of the
legionary infantry, as ambassadors to Marcellus, to his winter
quarters. Having obtained leave to speak, one of them thus addressed
him: "We should have approached you, Marcus Marcellus, when consul in
Italy, as soon as that decree of the senate was passed respecting us,
which, though not unjust, was certainly severe, had we not hoped, that
being sent into a province which was in a state of disorder in
consequence of the death of its kings, to carry on an arduous war
against the Sicilians and Carthaginians together, we should make
atonement to the state by our blood and wounds, in the same manner as,
within the memory of our fathers, those who were taken prisoners by
Pyrrhus at Heraclea, made atonement by fighting against the same
Pyrrhus. And yet, for what fault of ours, conscript fathers, did you
then, or do you now, feel displeasure towards us; for when I look upon
you, Marcus Marcellus, I seem to behold both the consuls and the whole
body of the senate; and had you been our consul at Cannae, a better
fate would have attended the state as well as ourselves. Permit me, I
entreat you, before I complain of the hardship of our situation, to
clear ourselves of the guilt with which we are charged. If it was
neither by the anger of the gods, nor by fate, according to whose laws
the course of human affairs is unalterably fixed, but by misconduct
that we were undone at Cannae; but whose was that misconduct; the
soldiers', or that of their generals? For my own part, I, as a
soldier, will never say a word of my commander, particularly when I
know that he received the thanks of the senate for not having
despaired of the state; and who has been continued in command through
every year since his flight from Cannae. We have heard that others
also who survived that disaster, who were military tribunes, solicit
and fill offices of honour, and have the command of provinces. Do you
then, conscript fathers, pardon yourselves and your children, while
you exercise severity towards such insignificant persons as we are? It
was no disgrace to a consul and other leading persons in the state, to
fly when no other hope remained; and did you send your soldiers into
the field as persons who must of necessity die there? At the Allia
nearly the whole army fled; at the Caudine Forks the troops delivered
up their arms to the enemy, without even making an effort; not to
mention other disgraceful defeats of our armies. Yet, so far from any
mark of infamy being sought for, which might be fixed upon these
troops, the city of Rome was recovered by means of those very troops
who had fled to Veii from the Allia; and the Caudine legions, which
had returned to Rome without their arms, being sent back armed to
Samnium, brought under the yoke that very enemy who had exulted in the
disgrace which, in this instance, attached to them. But is there a man
who can bring a charge of cowardice or running away against the army
which fought at Cannae, where more than fifty thousand men fell; from
whence the consul fled with only seventy horsemen; where not a man
survived, except perchance those whom the enemy left, being wearied
with killing? When the proposal to ransom the prisoners was negatived,
we were the objects of general commendation, because we reserved
ourselves for the service of the state; because we returned to the
consul to Venusia, and exhibited an appearance of a regular army. Now
we are in a worse condition than those who were taken prisoners in the
time of our fathers; for they only had their arms, the nature of their
service, and the place where they might pitch their tents in the camp
altered; all which, however, they got restored by one service rendered
to the state, and by one successful battle. Not one of them was sent
away into banishment; not one was deprived of the hope of completing
the period of his service; in short, an enemy was assigned to them,
fighting with whom they might at once terminate their life or their
disgrace. We, to whom nothing can be objected, except that it is owing
to us that any Roman soldier has survived the battle of Cannae, are
removed far away, not only from our country and Italy, but even from
an enemy; where we may grow old in exile, where we can have no hope or
opportunity of obliterating our disgrace, of appeasing the indignation
of our countrymen, or, in short, of obtaining an honourable death. We
seek neither to have our ignominy terminated, nor our virtue rewarded,
we only ask to be allowed to make trial of our courage, and to
exercise our virtue. We seek for labour and danger that we may
discharge the duty of men and soldiers. A war is carrying on in
Sicily, now for the second year, with the utmost vigour on both sides.
The Carthaginians are storming some cities, the Romans others, armies
of infantry and horse are engaging in battle, at Syracuse the war is
prosecuted by sea and by land. We hear distinctly the shout of the
combatants, and the din of arms, while we ourselves lie inactive and
unemployed, as if we had neither hands nor arms. The consul,
Sempronius has now fought many pitched battles with the enemy with
legions of slaves. They receive as the fruits of their exertion their
liberty, and the rights of citizens. Let us at least be employed by
you as slaves purchased for the service of this war, let us be allowed
to combat with the enemy and acquire our freedom by fighting. Do you
wish to make trial of our valour by sea, by land, in a pitched battle,
or in the assault of towns? We ask as our portion all those
enterprises which present the greatest difficulty and danger, that
what ought to have been done at Cannae may be done as soon as
possible, for the whole of our subsequent lives has been doomed to
ignominy."
7. At the conclusion of this speech they prostrated themselves at the
knees of Marcellus. Marcellus replied, that the question was neither
within his authority nor his power, that he would, however, write to
the senate, and be guided in every thing he did by the judgment of the
fathers. This letter was brought to the new consuls, and by them read
in the senate, and, on the question being put relative to this letter,
they decreed, "that the senate saw no reason why the interests of the
republic should be intrusted to the hands of soldiers who had deserted
then comrades, in battle, at Cannae. If Marcus Marcellus, the
proconsul, thought otherwise, that he should act as he deemed
consistent with the good of the republic and his own honour, with this
proviso, however, that none of these men should be exempt from
service, nor be presented with any military reward in consideration of
valour, or be conveyed back to Italy, while the enemy was in that
country." After this, agreeably to the decree of the senate, and the
order of the people, an election was held by the city praetor, at
which five commissioners were created for the purpose of repairing the
walls and turrets, and two sets of triumviri, one to search for the
property belonging to the temples, and to register the offerings, the
other for repairing the temples of Fortune and Mother Matuta within
the Carmental gate, and also that of Hope without the gate, which had
been destroyed by fire the year before. Dreadful storms occurred at
this time. It rained stones for two days without intermission in the
Alban mount. Many places were struck by lightning; two buildings in
the Capitol, the rampart in the camp above Suessula in many places,
and two of the men on guard were killed. A wall and certain towers at
Cannae were not only struck with lightning, but demolished. At Reate,
a vast rock was seen to fly about; the sun appeared unusually red and
blood-like. On account of these prodigies there was a supplication for
one day, and the consuls employed themselves for several days in
sacred rites; at the same time there was a sacred rite performed
through nine days. An accidental circumstance which occurred at a
distance, hastened the revolt of Tarentum, which had now for a long
time been the object of the hopes of Hannibal and of the suspicion of
the Romans. Phileas, a native of Tarentum, who had been a long time at
Rome under the pretence of an embassy, being a man of a restless mind,
and ill brooking that inactive state in which he considered that his
powers had been for too long a time sinking into imbecility,
discovered for himself a means of access to the Tarentine hostages.
They were kept in the court of the temple of Liberty, and guarded with
less care, because it was neither the interest of themselves nor of
their state to escape from the Romans. By corrupting two of the
keepers of the temple, he was enabled to hold frequent conferences
with them, at which he solicited them to come into this design; and
having brought them out of their place of confinement as soon as it
was dark, he became the companion of their clandestine flight, and got
clear away. As soon as day dawned, the news of their escape spread
through the city, and a party sent in pursuit, having seized them all
at Tarracina, brought them back. They were led into the Comitium, and
after being scourged with rods, with the approbation of the people,
were thrown down from the rock.
8. The severity of this punishment exasperated the inhabitants of two
of the most distinguished Greek states in Italy, not only publicly as
communities, but privately as individuals, according as each was
connected, either by relationship or friendship, with those who had
been so disgracefully put to death. Of these about thirteen noble
Tarentine youths formed a conspiracy, the chief of whom were Nico and
Philemenus. Concluding that it would be right to confer with Hannibal
before they took any step, they went to him, having been allowed to go
out of the city by night on pretence of hunting. When they were now
not far from the camp, all the rest hid themselves in a wood by the
road side; but Nico and Philemenus, proceeding to the advanced guard,
were seized, and at their own request brought before Hannibal. Having
laid before him the motives of their plan, and the object they had in
view, they received the highest commendation, and were loaded with
promises; and that their countrymen might believe that they had gone
out of the city to obtain plunder, they were desired to drive to the
city some cattle of the Carthaginians which had been sent out to
graze. A promise was given them that they might do this without danger
or interruption. The booty of the young men attracted notice, and less
astonishment was therefore felt that they should frequently repeat the
attempt. At a second meeting with Hannibal they entered into a solemn
engagement, that the Tarentines should be free, enjoying their own
laws, and all their rights uninterfered with; that they should neither
pay any tribute to the Carthaginians, nor receive a garrison against
their will; that their present garrison should be delivered up to the
Carthaginians. These points being agreed upon, Philemenus then began
to repeat more frequently his customary practice of going out and
returning to the city followed by his dogs, and furnished with the
other requisites for hunting; for he was remarkable for his fondness
of hunting; and generally bringing home something which he had
captured or taken away from the enemy, who had purposely placed it in
his way he presented it to the commander or the guards of the gates.
They supposed that he preferred going and returning by night through
fear of the enemy. After this practice had become so familiar, that at
whatever time of the night he gave a signal, by whistling, the gate
was opened, Hannibal thought that it was now time to put the plan in
execution. He was at the distance of three days' journey, and to
diminish the wonder which would be felt at his keeping his camp fixed
in one and the same place so long, he feigned himself ill. Even to the
Romans who formed the garrison of Tarentum, his protracted inactivity
had ceased to be an object of suspicion.
9. But after he determined to proceed to Tarentum, selecting from his
infantry and cavalry ten thousand men, whom, from activity of body,
and lightness of arms, he judged best adapted for the expedition, he
began his march in the fourth watch of the night; and sending in
advance about eighty Numidian horsemen, ordered them to scour the
country on each side of the road, and narrowly examine every place,
lest any of the rustics who might have observed his army at a distance
should escape; to bring back those who were got before, and kill those
whom they met, that they might appear to the neighbouring inhabitants
to be a plundering party, rather than a regular army. Hannibal
himself, marching at a rapid pace, pitched his camp about fifteen
miles from Tarentum; and without telling his soldiers even there, what
was their destination, he only called them together and admonished
them to march all of them in the road, and not to suffer any one to
turn aside or deviate from the line; and above all, that they would be
on the watch, so as to catch the word of command, and not do any thing
without the order of their leaders; that in due time he would issue
his commands as to what he wished to be done. About the same hour a
rumour reached Tarentum, that a few Numidian horsemen were devastating
the fields, and had terrified the rustics through a wide extent of
country; at which intelligence the Roman praefect took no further step
than to order a division of his cavalry to go out the following day at
sunrise to check the depredations of the enemy; and so far was he from
directing his attention to any thing else on this account, that on the
contrary, this excursion of the Numidians was a proof to him that
Hannibal and his army had not moved from his camp. Early in the night
Hannibal put his troops in motion, and Philemenus, with his customary
burden of prey taken in hunting, was his guide. The rest of the
conspirators waited the accomplishment of what had been concerted; and
the agreement was, that Philemenus, while bringing in his prey through
the small gate by which he was accustomed to pass, should introduce
some armed men, while Hannibal in another quarter approached the gate
called Temenis, which faced the east, in that quarter which was
towards the continent, near the tombs which were within the walls.
When he drew near to the gate, Hannibal raised a fire according to
agreement, which made a blaze; the same signal was returned by Nico,
and the fires were extinguished on both sides. Hannibal led his troops
on in silence to the gate. Nico suddenly fell upon the guards while
asleep, slew them in their beds, and opened the gate. Hannibal then
entered with his infantry, ordering his cavalry to stay behind, that
they might be able to bring their assistance wherever it was required
without obstruction. Philemenus also in another quarter approached the
small gate by which he was accustomed to pass and re-pass. His voice,
which was well known, for he said he could scarcely bear the weight of
the huge beast he had gotten, and his signal, which had now become
familiar, having roused the guard, the small gate was opened. Two
youths carrying in a boar, Philemenus himself followed, with a
huntsman, unencumbered, and while the attention of the guard was
incautiously turned upon those who carried the boar, in consequence of
its astonishing size, he transfixed him with a hunting spear. About
thirty armed men then entering, slew the rest of the guards, and broke
open the adjoining gate, when a body of troops, in regular array,
instantly rushed in. Being conducted hence in silence to the forum,
they joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent the Tarentines, with
two thousand Gauls formed into three divisions, in different
directions through the city, with orders to occupy the most frequented
streets. A confusion arising, the Romans were put to the sword on all
hands. The townsmen were spared; but in order to insure this, he
instructed the Tarentine youths, when they saw any of their friends at
a distance, to bid them be quiet and silent, and be of good courage.
10. The tumult and clamour was now such as usually takes place in a
captured city, but no man knew for certain what was the occasion. The
Tarentines supposed that the Romans had suddenly risen to plunder the
city. To the Romans it appeared, that some commotion had been set on
foot by the townsmen with a treacherous design. The praefect, who was
awakened at the first alarm, escaped to the port, whence getting into
a boat he was conveyed round to the citadel. The sound of a trumpet
also from the theatre excited alarm; for it was a Roman trumpet,
prepared by the conspirators for this very purpose; and as it was
blown unskilfully by a Grecian, it could not be ascertained who gave
the signal, or to whom it was given. At dawn of the day, the Romans
recognised the Carthaginian and Gallic arms, which removed all doubt;
and the Greeks, seeing the bodies of slain Romans spread about in all
directions, perceived that the city had been taken by Hannibal. When
the light had increased, so that they could discriminate with greater
certainty, and the Romans who survived the carnage had taken refuge in
the citadel, the tumult now beginning to subside a little, Hannibal
gave orders to assemble the Tarentines without their arms. All of them
attended the assembly, except those who had accompanied the Romans in
their retreat to the citadel, to share every fortune with them. Here
Hannibal having addressed the Tarentines in terms of kindness, and
appealed to the services he had rendered to those of their countrymen
whom he had captured at the Trasimenus and at Cannae, and having at
the same time inveighed against the haughty domination of the Romans,
desired that they would every one of them retire to their respective
houses, and inscribe their names upon their doors; declaring, that he
should give orders that those houses which had not the names written
upon them should be plundered. That if any man should write his name
upon the house of a Roman, (and the Romans occupied houses by
themselves,) he should treat him as an enemy. Having dismissed the
assembly, and the names inscribed upon the doors having made it easy
to distinguish the house of an enemy from that of a friend, on a
signal given, the troops ran in every direction to plunder the
lodgings of the Romans, and a considerable booty was found.
11. The next day he led his troops to assault the citadel; but seeing
that it was protected by very high rocks towards the sea, which washed
the greater part of it, and formed it into a sort of peninsula, and
towards the city by a wall and ditch, and consequently that it could
not be taken by assault or by works; lest the design to protect the
Tarentines should detain him from the prosecution of more important
objects, and lest the Romans should have the power of sallying from
the citadel whenever they pleased against the Tarentines, if left
without a strong protecting force, he resolved to cut off the
communication between the citadel and city by a rampart; not without a
hope that he might have an opportunity of fighting with the Romans,
when attempting to obstruct the work; and if they should sally forth
too eagerly, that by killing many of them the strength of the garrison
would be so far reduced, that the Tarentines alone would be easily
able to defend themselves from them. After they had begun, the Romans,
suddenly throwing open the gate, rushed in upon the workmen. The guard
stationed before the works allowed itself to be driven back, in order
that their boldness might be increased by success, and that they might
pursue them when driven back, in greater numbers, and to a greater
distance. Then on a signal given, the Carthaginians, whom Hannibal
kept in readiness for this purpose, sprang up on all sides; nor could
the Romans sustain the attack, but were prevented from precipitate
flight by the narrowness of the ground, by impediments occasioned in
some places by the works already commenced, in others by the
preparations for the work. Most of them were driven headlong into the
ditch, and more were killed in the flight than in the battle. After
this the work was commenced without any attempt to obstruct it. A
large ditch was formed, within which a rampart was thrown up. He
prepared also to add a wall at a small distance, and on the same side,
that they might defend themselves from the Romans even without a
garrison. He, however, left them a small force, at once for their
protection and to assist in building the wall. The general himself,
setting out with the rest of his forces, pitched his camp at the river
Galaesus, five miles from the city. Returning from this position to
inspect the work, which had gone on somewhat faster than he had
anticipated, he conceived a hope that the citadel might even be taken
by storm; for it was not protected by an elevated situation as the
other parts were, but placed upon a plain, and separated from the city
only by a wall and ditch. While subjected to an attack from every kind
of military engine and work, a reinforcement sent from Metapontum
inspired the Romans with courage to assault the works of the enemy, by
a sudden attack, under cover of the night. Some of them they threw
down, others they destroyed by fire, and thus there was an end to
Hannibal's attempts against the citadel in that quarter. His only
remaining hope was in a siege; nor did that afford a good prospect of
success, because, occupying a citadel which was placed on a peninsula
and commanded the entrance of the harbour, they had the sea open to
them, while the city, on the contrary, was deprived of any supplies by
sea: and thus the besiegers were in greater danger of want than the
besieged. Hannibal assembled the chief men of the Tarentines, and laid
before them all the present difficulties. He said, "That he could
neither discover any method by which a citadel so well fortified could
be taken, nor could he hope for any favourable result from a siege,
while the enemy was master of the sea; but that if ships could be
obtained, by which the introduction of supplies might be prevented,
the enemy would either immediately evacuate it, or surrender
themselves." The Tarentines agreed with him; but were of opinion, that
"he who gave the advice ought also to assist in carrying it into
execution; for if the Carthaginian ships were brought there from
Sicily, they would be able to effect it; but by what means could their
own ships, shut up as they were in a confined harbour, the mouth of
which was in the command of the enemy, be brought out into the open
sea." "They shall be brought out," said Hannibal. "Many things which
are difficult in themselves, are easily effected by contrivance. You
have a city situated upon a plain; you have level and sufficiently
wide roads extending in every direction. By the road which runs
through the midst of the city from the harbour to the sea I will
convey your ships in waggons without any great difficulty, and the sea
will be ours which the enemy now commands. We will invest the citadel
on one side by sea, on the other by land; nay, rather, in a short
time, we will take it either abandoned by the enemy, or with the enemy
in it." This speech not only inspired hopes of accomplishing the
object, but excited the greatest admiration of the general. Waggons
were immediately collected from every quarter and joined together;
machines were employed to haul the ships on shore, and the road was
prepared, in order that the waggons might run more easily, and thus
the difficulty of passing be diminished. Beasts of burden and men were
next collected, and the work was actively commenced. After the lapse
of a few days, the fleet, equipped and ready for action, sailed round
the citadel, and cast anchor just before the mouth of the harbour.
Such was the state of things at Tarentum, when Hannibal left it and
returned to his winter quarters. Authors, however, are divided as to
whether the defection of the Tarentines took place in the present or
former year. The greater number, and those who, from their age, were
more able to recollect these events, represent it to have occurred in
the present year.
12. The Latin holidays detained the consuls and praetors at Rome till
the fifth of the calends of May; on which day, having completed the
solemnities on the mount, they proceeded to their respective
provinces. Afterwards a new difficulty respecting religious matters
arose out of the prophetic verses of Marcius, who had been a
distinguished soothsayer; and on a search being made the year before,
for books of this description, agreeably to a decree of the senate,
these verses had fallen into the hands of Marcus Atilius, the city
praetor, who had the management of that business, and he had
immediately handed them over to the new praetor, Sulla. The importance
attached to one of the two predictions of Marcius, which was brought
to light after the event to which it related had occurred, and the
truth of which was confirmed by the event, attached credence to the
other, the time of whose fulfilment had not yet arrived. In the former
prophecy, the disaster at Cannae was predicted in nearly these words:
"Roman of Trojan descent, fly the river Canna, lest foreigners should
compel thee to fight in the plain of Diomede. But thou wilt not
believe me until thou shalt have filled the plain with blood, and the
river carries into the great sea, from the fruitful land, many
thousands of your slain countrymen, and thy flesh becomes a prey for
fishes, birds, and beasts inhabiting the earth. For thus hath Jupiter
declared to me." Those who had served in that quarter recognised the
correspondence with respect to the plains of the Argive Diomede and
the river Canna, as well as the defeat itself. The other prophecy was
then read, which was more obscure, not only because future events are
more uncertain than past, but also from being more perplexed in its
style of composition. "Romans, if you wish to expel the enemy and the
ulcer which has come from afar, I advise, that games should be vowed,
which may be performed in a cheerful manner annually to Apollo; when
the people shall have given a portion of money from the public
coffers, that private individuals then contribute, each according to
his ability. That the praetor shall preside in the celebration of
these games, who holds the supreme administration of justice to the
people and commons. Let the decemviri perform sacrifice with victims
after the Grecian fashion. If you do these things properly you will
ever rejoice, and your affairs will be more prosperous, for that deity
will destroy your enemies who now, composedly, feed upon your plains."
They took one day to explain this prophecy. The next day a decree of
the senate was passed, that the decemviri should inspect the books
relating to the celebration of games and sacred rites in honour of
Apollo. After they had been consulted, and a report made to the
senate, the fathers voted, that "games should be vowed to Apollo and
celebrated; and that when the games were concluded, twelve thousand
_asses_ should be given to the praetor to defray the expense of
sacred ceremonies, and also two victims of the larger sort." A second
decree was passed, that "the decemviri should perform sacrifice in the
Grecian mode, and with the following victims: to Apollo, with a gilded
ox, and two white goats gilded; to Latona, with a gilded heifer." When
the praetor was about to celebrate the games in the Circus Maximus, he
issued an order, that during the celebration of the games, the people
should pay a contribution, as large as was convenient, for the service
of Apollo. This is the origin of the Apollinarian games, which were
vowed and celebrated in order to victory, and not restoration to
health, as is commonly supposed. The people viewed the spectacle in
garlands; the matrons made supplications; the people in general
feasted in the courts of their houses, throwing the doors open; and
the day was distinguished by every description of ceremony.
13. While Hannibal was in the neighbourhood of Tarentum, and both the
consuls in Samnium, though they seemed as if they were about to
besiege Capua, the Campanians were experiencing famine, that calamity
which is the usual attendant of a protracted siege. It was occasioned
by the Roman armies' having prevented the sowing of the lands. They
therefore sent ambassadors to Hannibal, imploring him to give orders
that corn should be conveyed to Capua from the neighbouring places,
before both the consuls led their legions into their fields, and all
the roads were blocked up by the troops of the enemy. Hannibal ordered
Hanno to pass with his army from Bruttium into Campania, and to take
care that the Campanians were supplied with corn. Hanno, setting out
from Bruttium with his army, and carefully avoiding the camp of the
enemy and the consuls who were in Samnium, when he drew near to
Beneventum, pitched his camp on an eminence three miles from the city.
He next ordered that the corn which had been collected during the
summer, should be brought from the neighbouring people in alliance
with him, into his camp, assigning a guard to escort those supplies.
He then sent a messenger to the Capuans, fixing a day when they should
attend at his camp to receive the corn, bringing with them vehicles
and beasts of every description, collected from every part of their
country. The Campanians executed this business with their usual
indolence and carelessness. Somewhat more than four hundred vehicles,
with a few beasts of burden besides, were sent. After receiving a
reproof from Hanno for this conduct, who told them, that not even
hunger, which excited dumb animals to exertion, could stimulate them
to diligence, another day was named when they were to fetch the corn
after better preparation. All these transactions being reported to the
Beneventans, just as they occurred, they lost no time in sending ten
ambassadors to the Roman consuls, who were encamped in the
neighbourhood of Bovianum. The consuls, hearing what was going on at
Capua, arranged it so that one of them should lead an army into
Campania; and Fulvius, to whose lot that province had fallen, setting
out by night, entered the walls of Beneventum. Being now near the
enemy, he obtained information that Hanno had gone out to forage with
a portion of his troops; that the Campanians were supplied with corn
by a quaestor; that two thousand waggons had arrived together with an
undisciplined and unarmed rabble; that every thing was done in a
disorderly and hurried manner; and that the form of a camp, and all
military subordination, were destroyed by the intermixture of rustics
out of the neighbourhood. This intelligence being sufficiently
authenticated, the consul ordered his soldiers to get ready only their
standards and arms against the next night, as he must attack the
Carthaginian camp. They set out at the fourth watch of the night,
leaving all their packages and baggage of every description at
Beneventum; and arriving a little before daylight at the camp, they
occasioned such a panic, that, had the camp been situated on level
ground, it might doubtlessly have been taken on the first assault. The
height of its situation and the works defended it; for they could not
be approached on any side except by a steep and difficult ascent. At
break of day a hot engagement commenced, when the Carthaginians not
only defended their rampart, but having more even ground, threw down
the enemy as they attempted to ascend the steep.
14. Persevering courage, however, at length prevailed over every
impediment, and they made their way up to the ditch and rampart in
several parts at the same time, but with many wounds and much loss of
soldiers. The consul, therefore assembling the military tribunes, said
they must desist from this inconsiderate enterprise; and that it
appeared to him to be the safer course, that the troops should be led
back to Beneventum for that day, and then on the following day to
pitch his camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanians
could not quit it, nor Hanno return to it; and in order that that
object might be attained with the greater ease, that he should send
for his colleague and his army; and that they would direct their whole
force on that point. This plan of the general was disconcerted, after
the signal began to sound for a retreat, by the clamours of the
soldiery, who despised so pusillanimous an order. Nearest to the gate
of the enemy's camp was a Pelignian cohort, whose commander, Vibius
Accuaeus, seizing the standard, threw it over the rampart. Then
pronouncing a curse upon himself and his cohort, if the enemy got
possession of that standard, he rushed forward before the rest, and
crossing the ditch and rampart, burst into the camp of the enemy. The
Pelignians were now fighting within the rampart, when in another
quarter Valerius Flaccus, a military tribune of the third legion,
taunting the Romans with cowardice for conceding to allies the honour
of taking the camp. Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the first
century, snatched the standard out of the hands of the
standard-bearer, and cried out, "Soon shall this standard, and this
centurion, be within the rampart of the enemy; let those follow who
would prevent the standard's being captured by the enemy." Crossing
the ditch, he was followed first by the men of his own maniple, and
then by the whole legion. By this time the consul also, changing his
plan on seeing them crossing the rampart, began to incite and
encourage his soldiers, instead of calling them off; representing to
them, how critical and perilous was the situation of the bravest
cohort of their allies and a legion of their countrymen. All,
therefore, severally exerting themselves to the utmost, regardless
whether the ground were even or uneven, while showers of weapons were
thrown against them from all sides, the enemy opposing their arms and
their persons to obstruct them, made their way and burst in. Many who
were wounded, even those whose blood and strength failed them, pressed
forward, that they might fall within the rampart of the enemy. The
camp, therefore, was taken in an instant, as if it had been situated
upon level ground, and not completely fortified. What followed was a
carnage rather than a battle. The troops of both sides being huddled
together within the rampart, above six thousand of the enemy were
slain; above seven thousand, together with the Campanians who fetched
the corn, and the whole collection of waggons and beasts of burden,
were captured. There was also a great booty, which Hanno in his
predatory excursions, which he had been careful to make in every
quarter, had drawn together from the lands of the allies of the
Romans. After throwing down the camp of the enemy, they returned
thence to Beneventum; and there both the consuls (for Appius Claudius
came thither a few days after) sold the booty and distributed it,
making presents to those by whose exertions the camp of the enemy had
been captured; above all, to Accuaeus the Pelignian, and Titus
Pedanius, first centurion of the third legion. Hanno, setting off from
Cominium in the territory of Cere, whither intelligence of the loss of
the camp had reached him, with a small party of foragers, whom he
happened to have with him, returned to Bruttium, more after the manner
of a flight than a march.
15. The Campanians, when informed of the disaster which had befallen
themselves and their allies, sent ambassadors to Hannibal to inform
him, that "the two consuls were at Beneventum, which was a day's march
from Capua; that the war was all but at their gates and their walls;
and that if he did not hasten to their assistance, Capua would fall
into the power of the enemy sooner than Arpi had; that not even
Tarentum itself, much less its citadel, ought to be considered of so
much consequence as to induce him to deliver up to the Roman people,
abandoned and undefended, Capua, which he used to place on an equal
footing with Carthage." Hannibal, promising that he would not neglect
the interest of the Campanians, sent, for the present, two thousand
horse, with the ambassadors, aided by which, they might secure their
lands from devastation. The Romans, meanwhile, among the other things
which engaged their attention, had an eye to the citadel of Tarentum,
and the garrison besieged therein. Caius Servilius,
lieutenant-general, having been sent, according to the advice of the
fathers, by Publius Cornelius, the praetor, to purchase corn in
Etruria, made his way into the harbour of Tarentum, through the
guard-ships of the enemy, with some ships of burden. At his arrival,
those who before, having very slight hopes of holding out, were
frequently invited by the enemy, in conferences, to pass over to them,
now, on the contrary, were the persons to invite and solicit the enemy
to come over to them; and now, as the soldiers who were at Metapontum
had been brought to assist in guarding the citadel of Tarentum, the
garrison was sufficiently powerful. In consequence of this measure,
the Metapontines, being freed from the fears which had influenced
them, immediately revolted to Hannibal. The people of Thurium,
situated on the same coast, did the same. They were influenced not
more by the defection of the Metapontines and Tarentines, with whom
they were connected, being sprung from the same country, Achaia, than
by resentment towards the Romans, in consequence of the recent
execution of the hostages. The friends and relations of these hostages
sent a letter and a message to Hanno and Mago, who were not far off
among the Bruttii, to the effect, that if they brought their troops up
to the walls, they would deliver the city into their hands. Marcus
Atinius was in command at Thurium, with a small garrison, who they
thought might easily be induced to engage rashly in a battle, not from
any confidence which he reposed in his troops, of which he had very
few, but in the youth of Thurium, whom he had purposely formed into
centuries, and armed against emergencies of this kind. The generals,
after dividing their forces between them, entered the territory of
Thurium; and Hanno, with a body of infantry, proceeded towards the
city in hostile array. Hanno staid behind with the cavalry, under the
cover of some hills, conveniently placed for the concealment of an
ambush. Atinius, having by his scouts discovered only the body of
infantry, led his troops into the field, ignorant both of the domestic
treachery and of the stratagem of the enemy. The engagement with the
infantry was particularly dull, a few Romans in the first rank
engaging while the Thurians rather waited than helped on the issue.
The Carthaginian line retreated, on purpose that they might draw the
incautious enemy to the back of the hill, where their cavalry were
lying in ambush; and when they had come there, the cavalry rising up
on a sudden with a shout, immediately put to flight the almost
undisciplined rabble of the Thurians, not firmly attached to the side
on which they fought. The Romans, notwithstanding they were surrounded
and hard pressed on one side by the infantry, on the other by the
cavalry, yet prolonged the battle for a considerable time; but at
length even they were compelled to turn their backs, and fled towards
the city. There the conspirators, forming themselves into a dense
body, received the multitude of their countrymen with open gates; but
when they perceived that the routed Romans were hurrying towards the
city, they exclaimed that the Carthaginian was close at hand, and that
the enemy would enter the city mingled with them, unless they speedily
closed the gates. Thus they shut out the Romans, and left them to be
cut up by the enemy. Atinius, however, and a few others were taken in.
After this for a short time there was a division between them, some
being of opinion that they ought to defend the city, others that they
ought, after all that had happened, to yield to fortune, and deliver
up the city to the conquerors; but, as it generally happens, fortune
and evil counsels prevailed. Having conveyed Atinius and his party to
the sea and the ships, more because they wished that care should be
taken of him, in consequence of the mildness and justice of his
command, than from regard to the Romans, they received the
Carthaginians into the city. The consuls led their legions from
Beneventum into the Campanian territory, with the intention not only
of destroying the corn, which was in the blade, but of laying siege to
Capua; considering that they would render their consulate illustrious
by the destruction of so opulent a city, and that they would wipe away
the foul disgrace of the empire, from the defection of a city so near
remaining unpunished for three years. Lest, however, Beneventum should
be left without protection, and that in case of any sudden emergency,
if Hannibal should come to Capua, in order to bring assistance to his
friends, which they doubted not he would do, the cavalry might be able
to sustain his attack, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come from
Lucania to Beneventum with his cavalry and light-armed troops and to
appoint some person to take the command of the legions and stationary
camp, for the defence of Lucania.
16. An unlucky prodigy occurred to Gracchus, while sacrificing,
previous to his departure from Lucania. Two snakes gliding from a
secret place to the entrails, after the sacrifice was completed, ate
the liver; and after having been observed, suddenly vanished out of
sight. The sacrifice having been repeated according to the admonition
of the aruspices, and the vessel containing the entrails being watched
with increased attention, it is reported that the snakes came a
second, and a third time, and, after tasting the liver, went away
untouched. Though the aruspices forewarned him that the portent had
reference to the general, and that he ought to be on his guard against
secret enemies and machinations, yet no foresight could avert the
destiny which awaited him. There was a Lucanian, named Flavius, the
leader of that party which adhered to the Romans when the others went
over to Hannibal; he was this year in the magistracy, having been
created praetor by the same party. Suddenly changing his mind, and
seeking to ingratiate himself with the Carthaginians, he did not think
it enough that he himself should pass over to them, or that he should
induce the Lucanians to revolt with him, unless he ratified his league
with the enemy with the head and blood of the general, betrayed to
them, though his guest. He entered into a secret conference with Mago,
who had the command in Bruttium, and receiving a solemn promise from
him, that he would take the Lucanians into his friendship, without
interfering with their laws, if he should betray the Roman general to
the Carthaginians, he conducted Mago to a place to which he was about
to bring Gracchus with a few attendants. He then directed Mago to arm
his infantry and cavalry, and to occupy the retired places there, in
which he might conceal a very large number of troops. After thoroughly
inspecting and exploring the place on all sides, a day was agreed upon
for the execution of the affair. Flavius came to the Roman general,
and said, that "he had begun a business of great importance, for the
completion of which, it was necessary to have the assistance of
Gracchus himself. That he had persuaded the praetors of all the states
which had revolted to the Carthaginians in the general defection of
Italy, to return into the friendship of the Romans, since now the
Roman power too, which had almost come to ruin by the disaster at
Cannae. was daily improving and increasing, while the strength of
Hannibal was sinking into decay, and was almost reduced to nothing. He
had told them that the Romans would be disposed to accept an atonement
for their former offence; that there never was any state more easy to
be entreated, or more ready to grant pardon; how often, he had
observed to them, had they forgiven rebellion even in their own
ancestors! These considerations," he said, "he had himself urged, but
that they would rather hear the same from Gracchus himself in person,
and touching his right hand, carry with them that pledge of faith.
That he had agreed upon a place with those who were privy to the
transaction, out of the way of observation, and at no great distance
from the Roman camp; that there the business might be settled in few
words, so that all the Lucanian states might be in the alliance and
friendship of the Romans." Gracchus, not suspecting any treachery
either from his words or the nature of the proposal, and being caught
by the probability of the thing, set out from the camp with his
lictors and a troop of horse, under the guidance of his host, and fell
headlong into the snare. The enemy suddenly arose from their
lurking-place, and Flavius joined them; which made the treachery
obvious. A shower of weapons was poured from all sides on Gracchus and
his troop. He immediately leaped from his horse, and ordering the rest
to do the same, exhorted them, that "as fortune had left them only one
course, they would render it glorious by their valour. And what is
there left," said he, "to a handful of men, surrounded by a multitude,
in a valley hemmed in by a wood and mountains, except death? The only
question was, whether, tamely exposing themselves to be butchered like
cattle, they should die unavenged; or whether, drawing the mind off
from the idea of suffering and anticipation of the event, and giving
full scope to fury and resentment, they should fall while doing and
daring, covered with hostile blood, amid heaps of arms and bodies of
their expiring foes." He desired that "all would aim at the Lucanian
traitor and deserter;" adding, that "the man who should send that
victim to the shades before him, would acquire the most distinguished
glory, and furnish the highest consolation for his own death." While
thus speaking, he wound his cloak round his left arm, for they had not
even brought their shields out with them, and then rushed upon the
enemy. The exertion made in the fight was greater than could be
expected from the smallness of the number. The bodies of the Romans
were most exposed to the javelins, with which, as they were thrown on
all sides from higher ground into a deep valley, they were transfixed.
The Carthaginians seeing Gracchus now bereft of support, endeavoured
to take him alive; but he having descried his Lucanian host among the
enemy, rushed with such fury into their dense body that it became
impossible to save his life without a great loss. Mago immediately
sent his corpse to Hannibal, ordering it to be placed, with the fasces
which were taken at the same time, before the tribunal of the general.
This is the true account; Gracchus fell in Lucania, near the place
called the Old Plains.
17. There are some who have put forth an account, stating, that when
in the territory of Beneventum, near the river Calor, having gone out
from his camp with his lictors and three servants, for the purpose of
bathing, he was slain while naked and unarmed, and endeavouring to
defend himself with the stones which the river brought down, by a
party of the enemy which happened to be concealed among the osiers
which grew upon the banks. Others state, that having gone out five
hundred paces from the camp, at the instance of the aruspices, in
order to expiate the prodigies before mentioned on unpolluted ground,
he was cut off by two troops of Numidians who happened to be lying in
ambush there. So different are the accounts respecting the place and
manner of the death of so illustrious and distinguished a man. Various
also are the accounts of the funeral of Gracchus. Some say that he was
buried by his own friends in the Roman camp; others relate, and this
is the more generally received account, that a funeral pile was
erected by Hannibal, in the entrance of the Carthaginian camp; that
the troops under arms performed evolutions, with the dances of the
Spaniards, and motions of the arms and body, which were customary with
the several nations; while Hannibal himself celebrated his obsequies
with every mark of respect, both in word and deed. Such is the account
of those who assert that the affair occurred in Lucania. If you are
disposed to credit the statement of those who relate that he was slain
at the river Calor, the enemy got possession only of the head of
Gracchus; which being brought to Hannibal, he immediately despatched
Carthalo to convey it into the Roman camp to Cneius Cornelius, the
quaestor, who buried the general in the camp, the Beneventans joining
the army in the celebration.
18. The consuls having entered the Campanian territory, while
devastating the country on all sides, were alarmed, and thrown into
confusion, by an eruption of the townsmen and Mago with his cavalry.
They called in their troops to their standards from the several
quarters to which they were dispersed, but having been routed when
they had scarcely formed their line, they lost above fifteen hundred
men. The confidence of the Campanians, who were naturally
presumptuous, became excessive in consequence of this event, and in
many battles they challenged the Romans; but this one battle, which
they had been incautiously and imprudently drawn into, had increased
the vigilance of the consuls. Their spirits were restored, while the
presumption of the other party was diminished, by one trifling
occurrence; but in war nothing is so inconsiderable as not to be
capable, sometimes, of producing important consequences. Titus
Quinctius Crispinus was a guest of Badius, a Campanian, united with
him by the greatest intimacy. Their acquaintance had increased from
the circumstance of Badius having received the most liberal and kind
attentions at the house of Crispinus, in a fit of illness, at Rome,
before the Campanian revolt. On the present occasion, Badius,
advancing in front of the guards, which were stationed before the
gate, desired Crispinus to be called; and Crispinus, on being informed
of this, thinking that a friendly and familiar interview was
requested, and the memory of their private connexion remaining even
amidst the disruption of public ties, advanced a little from the rest.
When they had come within view of each other, Badius exclaimed, "I
challenge you to combat, Crispinus; let us mount our horses, and
making the rest withdraw, let us try which is the better soldier." In
reply, Crispinus said, that "neither of them were in want of enemies
to display their valour upon; for his own part, even if he should meet
him in the field he would turn aside, lest he should pollute his
right-hand with the blood of a guest;" and then turning round, was
going away. But the Campanian, with increased presumption, began to
charge him with cowardice and effeminacy, and cast upon him reproaches
which he deserved himself, calling him "an enemy who sheltered himself
under the title of host, and one who pretended to spare him for whom
he knew himself not to be a match. If he considered; that when public
treaties were broken, the ties of private connexion were not severed
with them, then Badius the Campanian openly, and in the hearing of
both armies, renounced his connexion of hospitality with Titus
Quinctius Crispinus the Roman. He said, that there could exist no
fellowship or alliance with him and an enemy whose country and
tutelary gods, both public and private, he had come to fight against.
If he was a man, he would meet him." Crispinus hesitated for a long
time; but the men of his troop at length prevailed upon him not to
allow the Campanian to insult him with impunity. Waiting, therefore,
only to ask his generals whether they would allow him to fight,
contrary to rule, with an enemy who had challenged him; having
obtained their permission, he mounted his horse, and addressing Badius
by name, called him out to the combat. The Campanian made no delay.
They engaged with their horses excited to hostility. Crispinus
transfixed Badius with his spear in the left shoulder, over his
shield. He fell from his horse in consequence of the wound; and
Crispinus leaped down to despatch him as he lay, on foot. But Badius,
before his enemy was upon him, ran off to his friends, leaving his
horse and buckler. Crispinus, decorated with the spoils, and
displaying the horse and arms which he had seized together with the
bloody spear, was conducted amid the loud plaudits and congratulations
of the soldiery into the presence of the consuls, where he was highly
commended, and was presented with gifts.
19. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the territory of Beneventum
to Capua, drew out his troops in order of battle the third day after
his arrival; not entertaining the least doubt but that, as the
Campanians had fought successfully a few days ago when he was absent,
the Romans would be still less able to withstand him and his army,
which had been so often victorious. After the battle had commenced,
the Roman line was distressed chiefly from the attack of the cavalry,
being overwhelmed with their darts, till the signal was given to the
Roman cavalry to direct their horses against the enemy; thus it was a
battle of the cavalry. But at this time the Sempronian army, commanded
by Cneius Cornelius the quaestor, being descried at a distance,
excited alarm in both parties equally, lest those who were approaching
should be fresh enemies. As if by concert, therefore, both sounded a
retreat; and the troops were withdrawn from the field to their camps,
in an equal condition; a greater number, however, of the Romans fell
in the first charge of the cavalry. The consuls, to divert the
attention of Hannibal from Capua, departed thence on the following
night in different directions, Fulvius into the territory of Cuma,
Claudius into Lucania. The next day Hannibal, having received
intelligence that the camp of the Romans was deserted, and that they
had gone off in different directions in two divisions, doubtful at
first which he should follow, commenced the pursuit of Appius; who,
after leading him about whichever way he pleased, returned by another
route to Capua. Hannibal, while in this quarter, had another
opportunity of gaining an advantage. Marcus Centenius, surnamed
Penula, was distinguished among the centurions of the first rank by
the size of his person, and his courage. Having gone through his
period of service, he was introduced to the senate by Publius
Cornelius Sulla, when he requested of the fathers that five thousand
men might be placed at his disposal. He said, that "as he was
acquainted with the character of the enemy, and the nature of the
country, he should speedily perform some service; and that he would
employ those arts by which our generals and armies had been hitherto
ensnared against the inventor of them." This was not promised more
foolishly than it was believed; as if the qualifications of a soldier
and a general were the same. Instead of five, eight thousand men were
given him, half Romans, half allies. He himself also got together a
considerable number of volunteers, in the country, on his march; and
having almost doubled his force, arrived in Lucania, where Hannibal
had halted after having in vain pursued Claudius. No doubt could be
entertained of the issue of a contest which was to take place between
Hannibal, as general on one side, and a centurion on the other;
between armies, one of which had grown old in victory, the other
entirely inexperienced, and for the most part even tumultuary and
half-armed. As soon as the troops came within sight of each other,
and neither of them declined an engagement, the lines were formed. The
battle, notwithstanding the utter disparity of the contending parties,
lasted more than two hours, the Roman troops acting with the greatest
spirit as long as their general survived. But after that he had
fallen, for he continually exposed himself to the weapons of the
enemy, not only from regard to his former character, but through fear
of the disgrace which would attach to him if he survived a disaster
occasioned by his own temerity, the Roman line was immediately routed.
But so completely were they prevented from flying, every way being
beset by the cavalry, that scarcely a thousand men escaped out of so
large an army; the rest were destroyed on all hands, in one way or
other.