insinuations which flowed into Syracuse from every quarter increased
daily, and afforded hopes, not only to Epicydes but to Andranodorus
also, of effecting a revolution. The latter, wearied at length by the
importunities of his wife, who warned him, "that now was the
favourable time for seizing the government, while every thing was in
confusion in consequence of liberty being recent and not yet regularly
established; while a soldiery supported by the royal pay was to be met
with, and while generals sent by Hannibal and accustomed to the
soldiery might forward the attempt;" he communicated his design with
Themistus, who had married the daughter of Gelon, and a few days
afterwards incautiously disclosed it to a certain tragic actor, named
Ariston, to whom he was in the habit of committing other secrets. He
was a man of reputable birth and fortune, nor did his profession
disgrace them, for among the Greeks no pursuit of that kind was
considered dishonourable. He therefore discovered the plot to the
praetors, from a conviction that his country had a superior claim upon
his fidelity. These having satisfied themselves that his statement was
not false by indubitable proofs, took the advice of the elder
senators, and with their sanction, having placed a guard at the doors,
slew Themistus and Andranodorus as soon as they had entered the
senate-house. A disturbance arising in consequence of this act, which,
as none but the praetors knew the cause of it, wore an appearance of
atrocity, the praetors, having at length procured silence, introduced
the informer into the senate-house; and after he had in a regular
manner detailed to the senate every particular, showing that the
conspiracy owed its origin to the marriage of Harmonia, the daughter
of Gelon, with Themistus; that the African and Spanish auxiliaries had
been prepared to murder the praetors and others of the nobility; that
it had been given out that their goods were to be the booty of the
assassins; that already a band of mercenaries accustomed to obey the
command of Andranodorus had been procured for the reoccupation of the
island; and having then distinctly represented to them the several
parts which the persons implicated in the transaction were performing,
and having brought under their view the entire plot prepared for
execution with men and arms; it seemed to the senate that they had
fallen as justly as Hieronymus had. A shout was raised before the
senate-house by a crowd of people variously disposed and uncertain of
the facts; but as they were conducting themselves in a furious and
menacing manner, the bodies of the conspirators in the vestibule of
the senate-house restrained them with such alarm, that they silently
followed the more discreet part of the commons to an assembly. Sopater
was the person commissioned by the senate and his colleague to explain
the affair.
25. Treating them as if they stood upon their trial, he began with
their past lives; and insisted that Andranodorus and Themistus were
the authors of every act of iniquity and impiety which had been
perpetrated since the death of Hiero. "For what," said he, "did the
boy Hieronymus ever do of his own accord? What could he do who had
scarce as yet arrived at puberty? His tutors and guardians had ruled,
while the odium rested on another. Therefore they ought to have been
put to death either before Hieronymus or with him. Nevertheless those
men, deservedly marked out for death, had attempted fresh crimes after
the decease of the tyrant; first openly, when, closing the gates of
the island, Andranodorus declared himself heir to the throne, and kept
that as proprietor which he had held only in the capacity of guardian;
afterwards, when betrayed by those who were in the island and
blockaded by the whole body of the citizens who held the Achradina, he
endeavoured to obtain, by secret and artful means, that sovereignty
which he had in vain attempted openly; whom not even benefits and
honorary distinction could move, for even this conspirator against the
liberty of his country was created praetor among her liberators. But
that wives of royal blood had infected them with this thirst for
royalty, one having married the daughter of Hiero, the other the
daughter of Gelon." On hearing these words, a shout arose from every
part of the assembly, that "none of these women ought to live, and
that not one of the royal family should be left alive." Such is the
nature of the populace; they are either cringing slaves or haughty
tyrants. They know not how with moderation to spurn or to enjoy that
liberty which holds the middle place; nor are there generally wanting
ministers, the panders to their resentment, who incite their eager and
intemperate minds to blood and carnage. Thus, on the present occasion,
the praetors instantly proposed the passing of a decree, which was
consented to almost before it was proposed, that all the royal family
should be put to death; and persons despatched for the purpose by the
praetors, put to death Demarata, the daughter of Hiero, and Harmonia,
the daughter of Gelon, the wives of Andranodorus and Themistus.
26. There was a daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, the wife of
Zoippus, who, having been sent by Hieronymus as ambassador to king
Ptolemy, had become a voluntary exile. As soon as she was apprized
that they were coming to her also, she fled for refuge into the chapel
to the household gods, accompanied by her two virgin daughters, with
dishevelled hair, and other marks of wretchedness. In addition to
this, she had recourse to prayers also; she implored them "by the
memory of her father, Hiero, and her brother, Gelon, that they would
not suffer her, a guiltless person, to be consumed by their hatred of
Hieronymus. That all that she had derived from his reign was the exile
of her husband. That neither did she enjoy the same advantages as her
sister while Hieronymus was alive, nor was her cause the same as hers
now he was dead. What? Though her sister would have shared the throne
with Andranodorus, had he succeeded in his designs, she must have been
in servitude with the rest. Can any one doubt, that if information
should be conveyed to Zoippus that Hieronymus had been put to death,
and that Syracuse was free, he would instantly embark and return to
his native land. But how are all human hopes deceived! His wife and
children are struggling for their lives in his native land, now
blessed with liberty! In what manner standing in the way of liberty or
the laws? What danger could arise to any one from them, from a
solitary, and in a manner, widowed woman and girls living in a state
of orphanage? But perhaps it will be granted that no danger is to be
apprehended from them, but alleged that the whole royal family is
detested. If this were the case, she entreated that they would banish
them far from Syracuse and Sicily, and order them to be conveyed to
Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father."
Seeing that their ears and minds were unimpressed, and that certain of
them were drawing their swords to prevent a fruitless consumption of
time, she gave over entreating for herself, and began to implore them
to "spare, at least, her daughters, at an age which even exasperated
enemies spared." She entreated them "that they would not, in their
revenge on tyrants, themselves imitate the crimes which were odious to
them." While thus employed, they dragged her from the sanctuary and
murdered her; and after that they fell upon the virgins, who were
sprinkled with the blood of their mother; who, distracted alike by
fear and grief, and as if seized with madness, rushed out of the
chapel with such rapidity, that had there been an opening by which
they might have escaped into the street, they would have filled the
city with confusion. As it was, they several times made their escape
through the midst of so many armed men with their persons uninjured in
the contracted space which the house afforded, and extricated
themselves from their grasp, though they had to disengage themselves
from so many and such strong hands; but at length enfeebled by wounds,
and after covering every place with blood, they fell down lifeless.
This murder, piteous as it was in itself, was rendered still more so
by its happening that a short time after it a message arrived that
they should not be killed, as the minds of the people were now turned
to compassion. This compassion then gave rise to a feeling of anger,
because so much haste had been shown in carrying the punishment into
effect, and because no opportunity was left for relenting or retracing
the steps of their passion. The multitude therefore gave vent to their
indignation, and demanded an election to supply the places of
Andranodorus and Themistus, for both of them had been praetors; an
election by no means likely to be agreeable to the praetors.
27. The day was fixed for the election, when, to the surprise of all,
one person from the extremity of the crowd nominated Epicydes, and
then another from the same quarter nominated Hippocrates. Afterwards
the voices in favour of these persons increased with the manifest
approbation of the multitude. The assembly was one of a heterogeneous
character, consisting not only of the commons, but a crowd of
soldiers, with a large admixture even of deserters, who were desirous
of innovation in every thing. The praetors, at first, concealed their
feelings, and were for protracting the business; but at length,
overcome by the general opinion, and apprehensive of a sedition, they
declared them the praetors. These did not, however, immediately openly
avow their sentiments, though they were chagrined that ambassadors had
been sent to Appius Claudius to negotiate a ten days' truce, and that
on obtaining this, others were sent to treat for the renewal of the
old alliance. The Romans, with a fleet of a hundred ships, were then
stationed at Murgantia, waiting the issue of the commotion raised at
Syracuse by the death of the tyrants, and to what their recent
acquisition of liberty would impel the people. Meanwhile, the
Syracusan ambassadors were sent by Appius Claudius to Marcellus on his
coming into Sicily, and Marcellus having heard the conditions of
peace, and being of opinion that matters might be brought to a
settlement, himself also sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat with
the praetors in person on the renewal of the alliance. But now by no
means the same state of quiet and tranquillity existed there.
Hippocrates and Epicydes, their fears being removed, after that
intelligence had arrived that a Carthaginian fleet had put in at
Pachynum, complained sometimes to the mercenary soldiers, at other
times to the deserters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to the
Romans. And when Appius began to station his ships at the mouth of the
port, in order to inspire the other party with courage, their false
insinuations appeared to receive great corroboration; and on the first
impulse, the populace had even run down in a disorderly manner to
prevent them from disembarking.
28. While affairs were in this unsettled state, it was resolved to
call an assembly; in which, when some leaned to one side and some to
the other, and an insurrection being on the point of breaking out,
Apollonides, one of the nobles, delivered a speech fraught with
salutary advice, considering the critical state of affairs: "Never,"
he said, "had a state a nearer prospect of safety and annihilation.
For if they would all unanimously espouse the cause either of the
Romans or the Carthaginians, there could be no state whose condition
would be more prosperous and happy; but if they pulled different ways,
the war between the Romans and Carthaginians would not be more bloody
than that which would take place between the Syracusans themselves, in
which both the contending parties would have their forces, their
troops, and their generals, within the same walls. Every exertion
ought therefore to be made that all might think alike. Which alliance
would be productive of the greater advantages, was a question of quite
a secondary nature, and of less moment; though the authority of Hiero
ought to be followed in preference to that of Hieronymus in the
selection of allies, and a friendship of which they had had a happy
experience through a space of fifty years, ought to be chosen rather
than one now untried and formerly unfaithful. That it ought also to
have some weight in their deliberations, that peace with the
Carthaginians might be refused in such a manner as not immediately, at
least, to have a war with them, while with the Romans they must
forthwith have either peace or war." The less of party spirit and
warmth appeared in this speech the greater weight it had. A military
council also was united with the praetors and a chosen body of
senators; the commanders of companies also, and the praefects of the
allies, were ordered to consult conjointly. After the question had
been agitated with great warmth, at length, as there appeared to be no
means of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was resolved that a
treaty of peace should be formed, and that ambassadors should be sent
with those from Rome to ratify the same.
29. Not many days intervened before ambassadors came from the
Leontines, requesting troops to protect their frontiers; an embassy
which appeared to afford a very favourable opportunity for
disencumbering the city of a turbulent and disorderly rabble, and for
removing their leaders to a distance. The praetor, Hippocrates, was
ordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the mercenary
auxiliaries accompanying them made them number four thousand armed
men. This expedition gave great delight both to those who were sent
and those who sent them, for to the former an opportunity was afforded
of change which they had long desired, while the latter were rejoiced
because they considered that a kind of sink of the city had been
drained off. But they had, as it were, only relieved a sick body for a
time, that it might afterwards fall into a more aggravated disease.
For Hippocrates began to ravage the adjoining parts of the Roman
province, at first by stealthy excursions, but afterwards, when Appies
had sent a body of troops to protect the lands of the allies, he made
an attack with all his forces upon the guard posted over against him,
and slew many. Marcellus, when informed of this, immediately sent
ambassadors to Syracuse, who said that the faith of the treaty had
been broken, and that there would never be wanting a cause for
hostilities, unless Hippocrates and Epicydes were removed not only
from Syracuse, but far from all Sicily. Epicydes, lest by being
present he should be arraigned for the offence committed by his absent
brother, or should be wanting on his own part in stirring up a war,
proceeded himself also to the Leontines; and seeing that they were
already sufficiently exasperated against the Romans, he endeavoured to
detach them from the Syracusans also. His argument was, that the terms
on which they had formed a treaty of peace with the Romans were, that
whatever people had been subject to their kings should be placed under
their dominion; and that now they were not satisfied with liberty
unless they could also exercise kingly power and dominion over others.
The answer, therefore, he said, which they ought to send back was,
that the Leontines also considered themselves entitled to liberty,
either on the ground that the tyrant fell in the streets of their
city, or that there the shout was first raised for liberty; and that
they were the persons who, abandoning the king's generals, flocked to
Syracuse. That, therefore, either that article must be expunged from
the treaty, or that that term of it would not be admitted. They easily
persuaded the multitude; and when the ambassadors of Syracuse
complained of the slaughter of the Roman guard, and ordered that
Hippocrates and Epicydes should depart either to Locri or any other
place they pleased, provided they quitted Sicily, a reply was made to
them in a haughty manner, "that they had neither placed themselves at
the disposal of the Syracusans to make a peace for them with the
Romans, nor were they bound by the treaties of other people." This
answer the Syracusans laid before the Romans, declaring at the same
time that "the Leontines were not under their control, and that,
therefore, the Romans might make war on them without violating the
treaty subsisting between them; that they would also not be wanting in
the war, provided that when brought again under subjection, they
should form a part of their dominion, agreeably to the conditions of
the peace."
30. Marcellus marched with his entire forces against Leontini, having
sent for Appius also, in order that he might attack it in another
quarter; when, such was the ardour of the troops in consequence of the
indignation they felt at the Roman guards being put to the sword
during the negotiations for a peace, that they took the town by storm
on the first assault. Hippocrates and Epicydes, perceiving that the
enemy were getting possession of the walls and breaking open the
gates, retired with a few others into the citadel, from which they
fled unobserved during the night to Herbessus. The Syracusans, who had
marched from home with eight thousand troops, were met at the river
Myla by a messenger, who informed them that the city was taken. The
rest which he stated was a mixture of truth and falsehood; he said
that there had been an indiscriminate massacre of the soldiers and the
townsmen, and that he did not think that one person who had arrived at
puberty had survived; that the town had been pillaged, and the
property of the rich men given to the troops. On receiving such
direful news the army halted; and while all were under violent
excitement, the generals, Sosis and Dinomenes, consulted together as
to the course to be taken. The scourging and beheading of two thousand
deserters had given to this false statement a plausibility which
excited alarm; but no violence was offered to any of the Leontine or
other soldiers after the city was taken; and every man's property was
restored to him, with the exception only of such as was destroyed in
the first confusion which attended the capture of the city. The
troops, who complained of their fellow-soldiers having been betrayed
and butchered, could neither be induced to proceed to Leontini, nor
wait where they were for more certain intelligence. The praetors,
perceiving their minds disposed to mutiny, but concluding that their
violence would not be of long continuance, if those who had led them
on to such folly were removed, led the troops to Megara, whence they
themselves with a few horsemen proceeded to Herbessus, under the
expectation of having the city betrayed to them in the general
consternation; but being disappointed in this attempt, they resolved
to resort to force, and moved their camp from Megara on the following
day, in order to attack Herbessus with all their forces. Hippocrates
and Epicydes having formed the design of putting themselves into the
hands of the soldiers, who were for the most part accustomed to them,
and were now incensed at the report of the massacre of their comrades,
not so much as a safe measure on the first view of it as that it was
their only course, now that all hope was cut off, went out to meet the
army. It happened that the troops which marched in the van were six
hundred Cretans, who had been engaged in the service of Hieronymus
under their command, and were under obligation to Hannibal, having
been captured at the Trasimenus among the Roman auxiliaries, and
dismissed by him. Hippocrates and Epicydes, recognising them by their
standards and the fashion of their armour, held out olive branches,
and the fillets usually worn by suppliants, and implored them to
receive them into their ranks, protect them when received, and not
betray them to the Syracusans, by whom they themselves would soon be
delivered up to the Romans to be butchered.
31. But the Cretans with one accord called out to them to be of good
courage; that they would share every fortune with them. During this
conversation, the vanguard had halted, and the march was delayed; nor
had the cause of the delay as yet reached the generals. After the
report had spread that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there, and a
voice was heard through the whole army, which showed evidently that
the troops were pleased at their arrival, the praetors immediately
gallopped to the front, and earnestly asked "what was the meaning of
that violation of discipline, which the Cretans had committed in
holding conference with the enemy, and allowing them to mingle with
their ranks without the authority of the praetors." They ordered
Hippocrates to be seized and thrown into chains. On hearing which such
a clamour was raised, first by the Cretans and then by the rest, that
it was quite evident if they proceeded farther that they would have
cause to fear. In this state of anxiety and perplexity, they gave
orders to march back to Megara, whence they had set out, and sent
messengers to Syracuse, to give information of their present
condition. Hippocrates added a deception, seeing that the minds of the
troops were disposed to entertain every suspicion. Having sent some
Cretans to lie in wait in the roads, he read a letter he pretended had
been intercepted, but which he had written himself. The address was:
"The praetors of Syracuse to the consul Marcellus." After the
customary wishing of health, it stated "that he had acted duly and
properly in sparing none of the Leontines, but that the cause of all
the mercenary troops was the same, and that Syracuse would never be
tranquil while there were any foreign auxiliaries in the city or in
the army. That it was therefore necessary that he should endeavour to
get into his power those who were encamped at Megara, with their
praetors, and by punishing them, at length restore Syracuse to
liberty." After this letter had been read, they ran to seize their
arms in every direction, with so great a clamour, that the praetors,
in the utmost consternation, rode away to Syracuse during the
confusion. The mutiny, however, was not quelled even by their flight,
but an attack was made upon the Syracusan soldiers; nor would any one
have escaped their violence, had not Hippocrates and Epicydes opposed
the resentment of the multitude, not from pity or any humane motive,
but lest they should cut off all hope of effecting their return; and
that they might have the soldiers, both as faithful supporters of
their cause, and as hostages, and conciliate to themselves their
relatives and friends, in the first place by so great an obligation,
and in the next by reason of the pledge. Having also experienced that
the populace could be excited by any cause, however groundless or
trifling, they procured a soldier of the number of those who were
besieged at Leontini, whom they suborned to carry a report to
Syracuse, corresponding with that which had been falsely told at the
Myla; and by vouching for what he stated, and relating as matters
which he had seen, those things of which doubts were entertained, to
kindle the resentment of the people.
32. This man not only obtained credit with the commons, but being
introduced into the senate-house, produced an impression upon the
senate also. Some men of no small authority openly declared, that it
was very fortunate that the rapacity and cruelty of the Romans had
been made apparent in the case of the Leontines; that if they had
entered Syracuse, they would have committed the same or even more
horrible acts, as there the temptations to rapacity would have been
greater. All, therefore, advised that the gates should be closed and
the city guarded, but not the same persons were objects of fear or
hatred to all alike. Among the soldiers of every kind, and a great
part of the people, the Roman name was hated. The praetors, and a few
of the nobles, though enraged by the fictitious intelligence, rather
directed their cautions against a nearer and more immediate evil.
Hippocrates and Epicycles were now at the Hexapylum; and conversations
were taking place, fomented by the relatives of the native soldiers
who were in the army, touching the opening of the gates, and the
allowing their common country to be defended from the violence of the
Romans. One of the doors of the Hexapylum was now thrown open, and the
troops began to be taken in at it, when the praetors interposed; and
first by commands and menaces, then by advice, they endeavoured to
deter them from their purpose, and last of all, every other means
proving ineffectual, forgetful of their dignity, they tried to move
them by prayers, imploring them not to betray their country to men
heretofore the satellites of the tyrant, and now the corrupters of the
army. But the ears of the excited multitude were deaf to all these
arguments, and the exertions made from within to break open the gates,
were not less than those without; the gates were all broken open, and
the whole army received into the Hexapylum. The praetors, with the
youth of the city, fled into the Achradina; the mercenary soldiers and
deserters, with all the soldiers of the late king who were at
Syracuse, joined the forces of the enemy. The Achradina also was
therefore taken on the first assault, and all the praetors, except
such as escaped in the confusion, were put to the sword. Night put an
end to the carnage. On the following day the slaves were invited to
liberty, and those bound in prison were released; after which this
mixed rabble created Hippocrates and Epicydes their praetors, and thus
Syracuse, when for a brief period the light of liberty had shone on
it, relapsed into her former state of servitude.
33. The Romans, on receiving information of these events, immediately
moved their camp from Leontini to Syracuse. It happened at this time
that ambassadors were sent by Appius in a quinquereme, to make their
way through the harbour. A quadrireme was sent in advance, which was
captured as soon as it entered the mouth of the harbour, and the
ambassadors with difficulty made their escape. And now not only the
laws of peace but of war also were not regarded, when the Roman army
pitched their camp at Olympium, a temple of Jupiter, a mile and a half
from the city. From which place also it was thought proper that
ambassadors should be sent forward; these were met by Hippocrates and
Epicydes with their friends without the gate, to prevent their
entering the city. The Roman, who was appointed to speak, said that
"he did not bring war, but aid and assistance to the Syracusans, not
only to such as, escaping from the midst of the carnage, fled to the
Romans for protection, but to those also, who, overpowered by fear,
were submitting to a servitude more shocking, not only than exile, but
than death. Nor would the Romans suffer the horrid murder of their
friends to go unavenged. If, therefore, those who had taken refuge
with them were allowed to return to their country with safety, the
authors of the massacre delivered up, and the Syracusans reinstated in
the enjoyment of their liberty and laws, there would be no necessity
for arms; but if these things were not done, they would direct their
arms unceasingly against those who delayed them, whoever they might
be." Epicydes replied, that "if they had been commissioned with any
message for them, they would have given them an answer; and when the
government of Syracuse was in the hands of those persons to whom they
were come, they might visit Syracuse again. If they should commence
hostilities, they would learn by actual experience that it was by no
means the same thing to besiege Syracuse and Leontini." With this he
left the ambassadors and closed the gate. The siege of Syracuse then
commenced by sea and land at the same time; by land on the side of the
Hexapylum; by sea on the side of the Achradina, the wall of which is
washed by its waves; and as the Romans felt a confidence that as they
had taken Leontini by the terror they occasioned on the first assault,
they should be able in some quarter to effect an entrance into a city
so desert, and diffused over so large an extent of ground, they
brought up to the walls every kind of engine for besieging cities.
34. And an attempt made with so much energy would have succeeded, had
it not been for one person then at Syracuse. That person was
Archimedes, a man of unrivalled skill in observing the heavens and the
stars, but more deserving of admiration as the inventor and
constructor of warlike engines and works, by means of which, with a
very slight effort, he turned to ridicule what the enemy effected with
great difficulty. The wall which ran along unequal eminences, most of
which were high and difficult of access, some low and open to approach
along level vales, he furnished with every kind of warlike engine, as
seemed suitable to each particular place. Marcellus attacked from the
quinqueremes the wall of the Achradina, which, as before stated, was
washed by the sea. From the other ships the archers and slingers and
light infantry, whose weapon is difficult to be thrown back by the
unskilful, allowed scarce any person to remain upon the wall
unwounded. These, as they required room for the discharge of their
missiles, kept their ships at a distance from the wall. Eight more
quinqueremes joined together in pairs, the oars on their inner sides
being removed, so that side might be placed to side, and which forming
as it were ships, were worked by means of the oars on the outer sides,
carried turrets built up in stories, and other engines employed in
battering walls. Against this naval armament, Archimedes placed on
different parts of the walls engines of various dimensions. Against
the ships which were at a distance he discharged stones of immense
weight. Those which were nearer he assailed with lighter, and
therefore more numerous missiles. Lastly, in order that his own men
might heap their weapons upon the enemy, without receiving any wounds
themselves, he perforated the wall from the top to the bottom with a
great number of loop-holes, about a cubit in diameter, through which
some with arrows, others with scorpions of moderate size, assailed the
enemy without being seen. Certain ships which came nearer to the walls
in order to get within the range of the engines, he placed upon their
sterns, raising up their prows by throwing upon them an iron grapple,
attached to a strong chain, by means of a tolleno which projected from
the wall, and overhung them, having a heavy counterpoise of lead which
forced back the lever to the ground; then the grapple being suddenly
disengaged, the ship falling as it were from the wall, was, by these
means, to the utter consternation of the mariners, dashed in such a
manner against the water, that even if it fell back in an erect
position it took in a great quantity of water. Thus the attack by sea
was foiled, and their whole efforts were directed to an attack by land
with all their forces. But on this side also the place was furnished
with a similar array of engines of every kind, procured at the expense
of Hiero, who had given his attention to this object through a course
of many years, and constructed by the unrivalled abilities of
Archimedes. The nature of the place also assisted them; for the rock
which formed the foundation of the wall was for the most part so
steep, that not only materials discharged from engines, but such as
were rolled down by their own gravity, fell upon the enemy with great
force; the same cause rendered the approach to the city difficult, and
the footing unsteady. Wherefore, a council being held, it was
resolved, since every attempt was frustrated, to abstain from
assaulting the place, and keeping up a blockade, only to cut off the
provisions of the enemy by sea and land.
35. Meanwhile, Marcellus, who had set out with about a third part of
the army, to recover the towns which, during the commotion, had gone
over to the Carthaginians, regained Helorus and Herbessus by voluntary
surrender. Megara, which he took by storm, he demolished and
plundered, in order to terrify the rest, but particularly the
Syracusans. Much about the same time, Himilco, who had kept his fleet
for a long time at the promontory of Pachynus, landed twenty-five
thousand infantry, three thousand horse, and twelve elephants, at
Heraclea, which they call Minoa. This force was much greater than that
which he had before on board his fleet at Pachynus. But after Syracuse
was seized by Hippocrates, he proceeded to Carthage, where, being
aided by ambassadors from Hippocrates, and a letter from Hannibal, who
said that now was the time to recover Sicily with the highest honour,
while his own advice given in person had no small influence, he had
prevailed upon the Carthaginians to transport into Sicily as large a
force as possible, both of foot and horse. Immediately on his arrival
he retook Heraclea, and within a few days after Agrigentum; and in the
other states which sided with the Carthaginians, such confident hopes
were kindled of driving the Romans out of Sicily, that at last even
those who were besieged at Syracuse took courage; and thinking that
half their forces would be sufficient for the defence of the city,
they divided the business of the war between them in such a manner,
that Epicydes superintended the defence of the city, while
Hippocrates, in conjunction with Himilco, prosecuted the war against
the Roman consul. The latter, having passed by night through the
intervals between the posts, with ten thousand foot and five hundred
horse, was pitching a camp near the city Acrillae, when Marcellus came
upon them, while engaged in raising the fortifications, on his return
from Agrigentum, which was already occupied by the enemy, having
failed in his attempt to get there before the enemy by expeditious
marching, Marcellus calculated upon any thing rather than meeting with
a Syracusan army at that time and place; but still through fear of
Himilco and the Carthaginians, for whom he was by no means a match
with the forces he had with him, he was marching with all possible
circumspection, and with his troops so arranged, as to be prepared for
any thing which might occur.
36. It happened that the caution he had observed with intent to guard
him against the Carthaginians, proved useful against the Sicilians.
Having caught them in disorder and dispersed, employed in forming
their camp, and for the most part unarmed, he cut off all their
infantry. Their cavalry, having commenced a slight engagement, fled to
Acrae with Hippocrates. This battle having checked the Sicilians in
their purpose of revolting from the Romans, Marcellus returned to
Syracuse, and a few days after Himilco, being joined by Hippocrates,
encamped on the river Anapus, about eight miles distant from that
place. Nearly about the same time, fifty-five ships of war of the
Carthaginians, with Bomilcar as commander of the fleet, put into the
great harbour of Syracuse from the sea, and a Roman fleet of thirty
quinqueremes landed the first legion at Panormus; and so intent were
both the contending powers upon Sicily, that the seat of war might
seem to have been removed from Italy. Himilco, who thought that the
Roman legion which had been landed at Panormus, would doubtless fall a
prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was mistaken in his road; for the
Carthaginian marched through the inland parts of the country, while
the legion, keeping along the coast, and attended by the fleet, came
up with Appius Claudius, who had advanced to Pachynum with a part of
his forces to meet it. Nor did the Carthaginians delay longer at
Syracuse. Bomilcar, who at the same time that he did not feel
sufficient confidence in his naval strength, as the Romans had a fleet
more than double his number, was aware that delay which could be
attended with no good effect, would only increase the scarcity of
provisions among the allies by the presence of his troops, sailed out
into the deep, and crossed over into Africa. Himilco, who had in vain
followed Marcellus to Syracuse, to see if he could get any opportunity
of engaging him before he was joined by larger forces, failing in this
object, and seeing that the enemy were secured at Syracuse, both by
their fortifications and the strength of their forces, to avoid
wasting time in sitting by as an idle spectator of the siege of his
allies, without being able to do any good, marched his troops away, in
order to bring them up wherever the prospect of revolt from the Romans
might invite him, and wherever by his presence he might inspire
additional courage in those who espoused his interest. He first got
possession of Murgantia, the Roman garrison having been betrayed by
the inhabitants themselves. Here a great quantity of corn and
provisions of every kind had been laid up by the Romans.
37. To this revolt the minds of other states also were stimulated; and
the Roman garrisons were now either driven out of the citadels, or
treacherously given up and overpowered. Enna, which stood on an
eminence lofty and of difficult ascent on all sides, was impregnable
on account of its situation, and had besides in its citadel a strong
garrison commanded by one who was very unlikely to be overreached by
treachery, Lucius Pinarius, a man of vigorous mind, who relied more on
the measures he took to prevent treachery, than on the fidelity of the
Sicilians; and at that time particularly the intelligence he had
received of so many cities being betrayed, and revolting, and of the
massacre of the garrisons, had made him solicitous to use every
precaution. Accordingly, by day and night equally, every thing was
kept in readiness, and every place furnished with guards and watches,
the soldiery being continually under arms and at their posts. But when
the principal men in Enna, who had already entered into a covenant
with Himilco to betray the garrison, found that they could get no
opportunity of circumventing the Roman, they resolved to act openly.
They urged, that "the city and the citadel ought to be under their
control, as they had formed an alliance with the Romans on the
understanding that they were to be free, and had not been delivered
into their custody as slaves. That they therefore thought it just that
the keys of the gates should be restored to them. That their honour
formed the strongest tie upon good allies, and that the people and
senate of Rome would entertain feelings of gratitude towards them if
they continued in friendship with them of their own free will, and not
by compulsion." The Roman replied, that "he was placed there by his
general to protect the place; that from him he had received the keys
of the gates and the custody of the citadel, trusts which he held not
subject to his own will, nor that of the inhabitants of Enna, but to
his who committed them to him. That among the Romans, for a man to
quit his post was a capital offence, and that parents had sanctioned
that law by the death even of their own children. That the consul
Marcellus was not far off; that they might send ambassadors to him,
who possessed the right and liberty of deciding." But they said, they
would certainly not send to him, and solemnly declared, that as they
could not obtain their object by argument, they would seek some means
of asserting their liberty. Pinarius upon this observed, "that if they
thought it too much to send to the consul, still they would, at least,
grant him an assembly of the people, that it might be ascertained
whether these denunciations came from a few, or from the whole state."
An assembly of the people was proclaimed for the next day, with the
general consent.
38. After this conference, he returned into the citadel, and
assembling his soldiers, thus addressed them: "Soldiers, I suppose you
have heard in what manner the Roman garrisons have been betrayed and
cut off by the Sicilians of late. You have escaped the same treachery,
first by the kindness of the gods, and secondly by your own good
conduct, in unremittingly standing and watching under arms. I wish the
rest of our time may be passed without suffering or committing
dreadful things. This caution, which we have hitherto employed, has
been directed against covert treachery, but not succeeding in this as
they wished, they now publicly and openly demand back the keys of the
gates; but as soon as we shall have delivered them up, Enna will be
instantly in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be butchered
under circumstances more horrid than those with which the garrison of
Murgantia were massacred. I have with difficulty procured a delay of
one night for deliberation, that I might employ it in acquainting you
with the danger which threatens you. At daybreak they intend holding a
general assembly for the purpose of criminating me, and stirring up
the people against you; to-morrow, therefore, Enna will be inundated
either with your blood, or that of its own inhabitants. If they are
beforehand with you, you will have no hope left, but if you anticipate
their proceedings, you will have no danger. Victory will belong to
that side which shall have drawn the sword first. You shall all,
therefore, full armed, attentively wait the signal. I shall be in the
assembly, and by talking and disputing will spin out the time till
every thing shall be ready. When I shall have given the signal with my
gown, then, mind me raising a shout on all sides rush upon the
multitude, and fell all before you with the sword, taking care that no
one survive from whom either force or fraud can be apprehended. You,
mother Ceres and Proserpine, I entreat, and all ye other gods,
celestial and infernal, who frequent this city and these consecrated
lakes and groves, that you would lend us your friendly and propitious
aid, as we adopt this measure not for the purpose of inflicting, but
averting injury. I should exhort you at greater length my soldiers, if
you were about to fight with armed men, men unarmed and off their
guard, you will slay to satiety. The consul's camp too is near, so
that nothing can be apprehended from Himilco and the Carthaginians'."
39. Being allowed to retire immediately after this exhortation, they
employed themselves in taking refreshment. The next day they stationed
themselves some in one place and others in another, to block up the
streets, and shut up the ways by which the townsmen might escape, the
greater part of them stationing themselves upon and round the theatre,
as they had been accustomed before also to be spectators of the
assemblies. When the Roman praefect, having been brought into the
presence of the people by the magistrates, said, that the power and
authority of deciding the question appertained to the consul, and not
to him, repeating for the most part what he had urged the day before,
first of all a small number, and then more, desired him to give up the
keys, but afterwards all with one consent demanded it, and when he
hesitated and delayed, threatened him furiously, and seemed as though
they would not further delay violent extremities then the praefect
gave the signal agreed upon with his gown and the soldiers, who had
been long anxiously waiting the signal, and in readiness, raising a
shout, ran down, some of them from the higher ground, upon the rear of
the assembly while others blocked up the passages leading out of the
crowded theatre. The people of Enna thus shut up in the pit were put
to the sword, being heaped one upon another not only in consequence of
the slaughter, but also from their own efforts to escape, for some
scrambling over the heads of others, and those that were unhurt
falling upon the wounded, and the living upon the dead, they were
accumulated together. Thence they ran in every direction throughout
the city, when nothing was any where to be seen but flight and
bloodshed, as though the city had been captured, for the rage of the
soldiery was not less excited in putting to the sword an unarmed
rabble, than it would have been had the heat of battle and an equality
of danger stimulated it. Thus possession of Enna was retained, by an
act which was either atrocious or unavoidable. Marcellus did not
disapprove of the deed, and gave up the plunder of the place to the
soldiery, concluding that the Sicilians, deterred by this example,
would refrain from betraying their garrisons. As this city was
situated in the heart of Sicily, and was distinguished both on account
of the remarkable strength of its natural situation, and because every
part of it was rendered sacred by the traces it contained of the rape
of Proserpine of old, the news of its disaster spread though the whole
of Sicily in nearly one day, and as people considered that by this
horrid massacre violence had been done not only to the habitations of
men, but even of the gods, then indeed those who even before this
event were in doubt which side they should take, revolted to the
Carthaginians Hippocrates and Himilco, who had in vain brought up
their troops to Enna at the invitation of the traitors, retired
thence, the former to Murgantia, the latter to Agrigentum. Marcellus
retrograded into the territory of Leontium, and after collecting a
quantity of corn and other provisions in his camp there, left a small
body of troops to protect it, and then went to carry on the siege of
Syracuse. Appius Claudius having been allowed to go from thence to
Rome to put up for the consulship, he appointed Titus Quintus
Crispinus to command the fleet and the old camp in his room. He
himself fortified his camp, and built huts for his troops at a
distance of five miles from Hexapylum, at a place called Leon. These
were the transactions in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter.
40. The same summer the war with king Philip, as had been before
suspected, broke out. Ambassadors from Oricum came to Marcus Valerius,
the praetor, who was directing his fleet around Brundusium and the
neighbouring coasts of Calabria, with intelligence, that Philip had
first made an attempt upon Apollonia, having approached it by sailing
up the river with a hundred and twenty barks with two banks of oars;
after that, not succeeding so speedily as he had hoped, that he had
brought up his army secretly to Oricum by night; which city, as it was
situated on a plain, and was not secured either by fortifications or
by men and arms, was overpowered at the first assault. At the same
time that they delivered this intelligence, they entreated him to
bring them succour, and repel that decided enemy of the Romans by land
or by a naval force, since they were attacked for no other cause than
that they lay over against Italy. Marcus Valerius, leaving Publius
Valerius lieutenant-general charged with the protection of that
quarter, set sail with his fleet equipped and prepared, having put on
board of ships of burthen such soldiers as there was not room for in
the men of war, and reached Oricum on the second day; and as that city
was occupied by a slight garrison, which Philip had left on his
departure thence, he retook it without much opposition. Here
ambassadors came to him from Apollonia, stating that they were
subjected to a siege because they were unwilling to revolt from the
Romans, and that they would not be able any longer to resist the power
of the Macedonians, unless a Roman force were sent for their
protection. Having undertaken to perform what they wished, he sent two
thousand chosen armed men in ships of war to the mouth of the river,
under the command of Quintus Naevius Crista, praefect of the allies, a
man of enterprise, and experienced in military affairs. Having landed
his troops, and sent back the ships to join the rest of the fleet at
Oricum, whence he had come, he marched his troops at a distance from
the river, by a way not guarded at all by the king's party, and
entered the city by night, so that none of the enemy perceived him.
During the following day they remained quiet, to afford time for the
praefect to inspect the youth of Apollonia, together with the arms and
resources of the city. Having derived considerable confidence from a
review and inspection of these, and at the same time discovering from
scouts the supineness and negligence which prevailed among the enemy,
he marched out of the city during the dead of night without any noise,
and entered the camp of the enemy, which was in such a neglected and
exposed state, that it was quite clear that a thousand men had passed
the rampart before any one perceived them, and that had they abstained
from putting them to the sword, they might have penetrated to the
royal pavilion. The killing of those who were nearest the gate aroused
the enemy; and in consequence, they were all seized with such alarm
and dismay, that not only none of the rest attempted to take arms or
endeavour to expel the enemy from the camp, but even the king himself,
betaking himself to flight, in a manner half naked and just as he was
when roused from his sleep, hurried away to the river and his ships in
a garb scarcely decent for a private soldier, much less for a king.
Thither also the rest of the multitude fled with the utmost
precipitation. Little less than three thousand men were slain or made
prisoners in the camp; considerably more, however, were captured than
slain. The camp having been plundered, the Apollonians removed into
their city the catapults, ballistas, and other engines which had been
got together for the purpose of assaulting their city, for the
protection of their walls, in case at any time a similar conjuncture
should arise; all the rest of the plunder which the camp afforded was
given up to the Romans. Intelligence of these events having been
carried to Oricum, Marcus Valerius immediately brought his fleet to
the mouth of the river, that the king might not attempt to make his
escape by ship. Thus Philip, having lost all hope of being able to
cope with his enemies by land or sea, and having either hauled on
shore or burnt his ships, made for Macedonia by land, his troops being
for the most part unarmed and despoiled of their baggage. The Roman
fleet, with Marcus Valerius, wintered at Oricum.
41. The same year the war was prosecuted in Spain with various
success; for before the Romans crossed the Iberus, Mago and Hasdrubal
had routed an immense army of Spaniards; and the farther Spain would
have revolted from the Romans, had not Publius Cornelius, hastily
crossing the Iberus with his army, given a seasonable stimulus to the
wavering resolutions of his allies by his arrival among them. The
Romans first encamped at a place called the High Camp, which is
remarkable for the death of the great Hamilcar. It was a fortress
strongly defended by works, and thither they had previously conveyed
corn; but as the whole circumjacent country was full of enemy's
troops, and the Roman army on its march had been charged by the
cavalry of the enemy without being able to take revenge upon them, two
thousand men, who either loitered behind or had strayed through the
fields, having been slain, the Romans quitted this place to get nearer
to a friendly country, and fortified a camp at the mount of Victory.
To this place came Cneius Scipio with all his forces, and Hasdrubal,
son of Gisgo, and a third Carthaginian general, with a complete army,
all of whom took up a position opposite the Roman camp and on the
other side the river. Publius Scipio, going out with some light troops
to take a view of the surrounding country, was observed by the enemy;
and he would have been overpowered in the open plain, had he not
seized an eminence near him. Here too he was closely invested, but was
rescued from the troops which environed him by the arrival of his
brother. Castulo, a city of Spain, so strong and celebrated, and so
closely connected with the Carthaginians, that Hannibal had taken a
wife from it, revolted to the Romans. The Carthaginians commenced the
siege of Illiturgi, because there was a Roman garrison in it; and it
seemed that they would carry the place, chiefly in consequence of a
lack of provisions. Cneius Scipio, setting out with a legion lightly
equipped, in order to bring succour to his allies and the garrison,
entered the city, passing between the two camps of the enemy, and
slaying a great number of them. The next day also he sallied out and
fought with equal success. Above twelve thousand were slain in the two
battles, more than a thousand made prisoners, and thirty-six military
standards captured. In consequence of this they retired from
Illiturgi. After this the siege of Bigerra, a city which was also in
alliance with the Romans, was commenced by the Carthaginians; but
Scipio coming up, raised the siege without experiencing any
opposition.
42. The Carthaginians then removed their camp to Munda, whither the
Romans speedily followed them. Here a pitched battle was fought, which
lasted almost four hours; and while the Romans were carrying all
before them in the most glorious manner, the signal for retreat was
sounded, because the thigh of Cneius Scipio had been transfixed with a
javelin. The soldiers round about him were thrown into a state of
great alarm, lest the wound should be mortal. However, there was no
doubt but that if they had not been prevented by the intervention of
this accident, they might have taken the Carthaginian camp that day.
By this time, not only the men, but the elephants, were driven quite
up to the rampart; and even upon the top of it nine and thirty
elephants were pierced with spears. In this battle, too, as many as
twelve thousand are said to have been slain, nearly three thousand
captured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginians
retired thence to the city Auringis, whither the Romans followed them,
in order to take advantage of their terror. Here Scipio again fought
them, having been carried into the field in a small litter; the
victory was decisive; but not half so many of the enemy were slain as
before, because fewer survived to fight. But this family, which
possessed a natural talent at renewing war and restoring its effects,
in a short time recruited their army, Mago having been sent by his
brother to press soldiers, and assumed courage to try the issue of a
fresh struggle. Though the soldiers were for the most part different,
yet as they fought in a cause which had so often been unsuccessful
within the space of a few days, they carried into the field the same
state of mind as those which had been engaged before, and the issue of
the battle was similar. More than eight thousand were slain, not much
less than a thousand captured, with fifty-eight military standards.
The greater part of the spoils had belonged to the Gauls, consisting
of golden chains and bracelets in great numbers. Also two
distinguished Gallic petty princes, whose names were Moenicaptus and
Civismarus, fell in this battle. Eight elephants were captured and
three slain. When affairs went on so prosperously in Spain, the Romans
began to feel ashamed that Saguntum, on account of which the war had
originated, should continue for now the eighth year in the power of
the enemy. Accordingly, having expelled by force the Carthaginian
garrison, they retook that town, and restored it to such of the
ancient inhabitants as had survived the fury of the war. The
Turditanians also, who had been the cause of the war between that
people and the Carthaginians, they reduced under their power, sold
them as slaves, and razed their city.
43. Such were the achievements in Spain during the consulate of
Quintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius. At Rome, as soon as the new
plebeian tribunes entered upon their office, Lucius Metellus, a
plebeian tribune, immediately appointed a day for impleading the
censors, Publius Furius and Marcus Atilius, before the people. In the
preceding year, when he was quaestor, they had deprived him of his
horse, removed him from his tribe, and disfranchised him, on account
of the conspiracy entered into at Cannae to abandon Italy. But being
aided by the other nine tribunes, they were forbidden to answer while
in office, and were discharged. The death of Publius Furius prevented
their completing the lustrum. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. An
assembly for the election of consuls was held by Quintus Fabius
Maximus. The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Maximus, son of the
consul, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus a second time, both being
absent. The praetors appointed were Marcus Atilius, and the two curule
aediles, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Cneius Fulvius Centumalus,
together with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. It is recorded, that the scenic
games were this year, for the first time, celebrated for four days by
the curule aediles. The aedile Tuditanus was the man who made his way
through the midst of the enemy at Cannae when all the rest were
paralysed with fear, in consequence of that dreadful calamity. As soon
as the elections were completed, the consuls elect having been
summoned to Rome, at the instance of Quintus Fabius, the consul,
entered upon their office, and took the sense of the senate respecting
the war, their own provinces as well as those of the praetors, and
also respecting the armies to be employed, and which each of them was
to command.
44. The provinces and armies were thus distributed: the prosecution of
the war with Hannibal was given to the consuls, and of the armies, one
which Sempronius himself had commanded, and another which the consul
Fabius had commanded, each consisting of two legions. Marcus Aemilius,
the praetor, who had the foreign jurisdiction, was to have Luceria as
his province, with the two legions which Quintus Fabius, then consul,
had commanded as praetor, his colleague, Marcus Atilius, the city
praetor, undertaking the duties of his office. The province of
Ariminum fell to the lot of Publius Sempronius, that of Suessula to
Cneius Fulvius, with two legions each likewise; Fulvius taking with
him the city legions; Tuditanus receiving his from Manius Pomponius.
The following generals were continued in command, and their provinces
assigned to them thus: to Marcus Claudius, so much of Sicily as lay
within the limits of the kingdom of Hiero; to Lentulus, the
propraetor, the old province in that island; to Titus Otacilius, the
fleet; no additional troops were assigned to them. Marcus Valerius had
Greece and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he had
there; Quintus Mucius had Sardinia, with his old army, consisting of
two legions; Caius Terentius, Picenum, with one legion which he then
commanded. Besides, orders were given to enlist two legions for the
city, and twenty thousand men from the allies. With these leaders and
these forces did they fortify the Roman empire against the many wars
which had either actually broken out, or were suspected at one and the
same time. After enlisting the city legions and raising troops to make
up the numbers of the others, the consuls, before they quitted the
city, expiated the prodigies which were reported. A wall and a gate
had been struck by lightning; and at Aricia even the temple of Jupiter
had been struck by lightning. Other illusions of the eyes and ears
were credited as realities. An appearance as of ships had been seen in
the river at Tarracina, when there were none there. A clashing of arms
was heard in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of
Compsa; and a river at Amiternum had flowed bloody. These prodigies
having been expiated according to a decree of the pontiffs, the
consuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia. The father
of the latter came into the camp at Suessula, as his
lieutenant-general; and when the son advanced to meet him, the
lictors, out of respect for his dignity, went on in silence. The old
man rode past eleven of the fasces, when the consul ordered the lictor
nearest to him to take care and he called to him to dismount; then at
length dismounting, he exclaimed, "I wished to try, my son, whether
you were duly sensible that you are a consul."
45. To this camp came Dasias Altinius of Arpi privately and by night,
attended by three slaves, with a promise that if he should receive a
reward for it, he would engage to betray Arpi to them. Fabius having
laid the matter before a council, some were of opinion that "he ought
to be scourged and put to death as a deserter, as a man of unstable
mind, and a common enemy to both sides; who, after the defeat at
Cannae, had gone over to Hannibal and drawn Arpi into revolt, as if it
were right that a man's fidelity should vary according to the
fluctuations of fortune; and who now, when the Roman cause, contrary
to his hopes and wishes, was as it were rising up again, would seem to
aggravate his baseness by recompensing those whom he had formerly
betrayed, by fresh betrayal. That a man whose custom it was to espouse
one side, while his heart was on another, was unworthy of confidence
as an ally, and contemptible as an enemy; that he ought to be made a
third example to deserters, in addition to the betrayers of Falerii
and Pyrrhus." On the other hand, Fabius, the father of the consul,
observed, that, "forgetful of circumstances, men were apt to exercise
a free judgment on every question in the heat of war, as in time of
peace; for though in the present instance that which ought rather to
form the object of their endeavours and to occupy their thoughts, is
by what means it may be brought about that none of the allies may
revolt from the Roman people, yet that they never think of; but, on
the contrary, they urge that an example ought to be made of any who
might repent and look back upon their former alliance. But if it is
allowable to forsake the Romans, and not allowable to return to them,
who can doubt but that in a short time the Romans, deserted by their
allies, will see every state in Italy united in leagues with the
Carthaginians. Not, however, that he was of opinion that any
confidence was to be reposed in Altinius, but he would invent some
middle course of proceeding. Treating him neither as an enemy nor as a
friend for the present, his wish was, that he should be kept during
the war in some city whose fidelity could be relied on, at a short
distance from the camp, in a state of easy restraint; and that when
the war was concluded, they should then deliberate whether he more
deserved to be punished for his former defection, or pardoned for his
present return." The opinion of Fabius was approved of. Altinius was
bound in chains and given into custody, together with his companions,
and a large quantity of gold which he brought with him was ordered to
be kept for him. He was kept at Cales, where, during the day, he was
unconfined, but attended by guards who locked him up at night. He was
first missed and inquired for at his house at Arpi. but afterwards,
when the report of his absence had spread through the city, a violent
sensation was excited, as if they had lost their leader, and, from the
apprehension of some attempt to alter the present state of things,
messengers were immediately despatched to Hannibal. With this the
Carthaginian was far from being displeased, both because he had long
regarded the man himself with suspicion, as one of doubtful fidelity,
and because he had now been lucky enough to get a pretext for
possessing himself of the property of so wealthy a person. But that
the world might suppose that he had yielded to resentment more than to
avarice, he added cruelty to rapacity; for he summoned his wife and
children to the camp, and after having made inquiry, first, respecting
the flight of Altinius, and then, touching the quantity of gold and
silver which was left at his house, and informed himself on all these
points, he burned them alive.
46. Fabius, setting out from Suessula, first set about the siege of
Arpi; and having pitched his camp about half a mile from it, he took a
near view of the site and walls of the city, and resolved to attack
it, in preference, in that quarter where it was most secured by works,
and where the least care was taken in guarding it. After getting all
things together which could be of use in besieging a city, he selected
the most efficient of the centurions out of the whole army, placing
them under the command of tribunes of approved valour, and giving them
six hundred soldiers, a number which was thought sufficient for the
purpose. These he ordered to bring the scaling ladders to the place
which he had marked out, as soon as the signal of the fourth watch had
sounded. In this part there was a low and narrow gate, opening into a
street which was little frequented, and which led through a deserted
part of the city. He ordered them, after scaling the wall, to proceed
to this gate, and break down the bars on the inside by force, and when
they were in possession of that part of the city, to give a signal
with a cornet, that the rest of the troops might be brought up,
observing that he would have every thing prepared and ready. These
orders were executed promptly, and that which seemed likely to impede
their operations, served more than any thing to conceal them. A shower
of rain, which came on suddenly at midnight, compelled the guards and
watches to slip away from their posts and take shelter in the houses;
and the noise of the shower, which was somewhat copious, at first
prevented their hearing that which was made by the men in breaking
open the gate. Afterwards, when it fell upon the ear more gently and
uniformly, it lulled a great number of the men to sleep. After they
had secured possession of the gate, they placed cornet-players in the
street at equal distances, and desired them to sound, in order to call
the consul. This being done according to the plan previously agreed
upon, the consul ordered the troops to march, and a little before
daylight entered the city through the broken gate.
47. Then at length the enemy were roused, the shower was now
subsiding, and daylight coming on. Hannibal had a garrison of about
five thousand armed men in the city, and the inhabitants themselves
had three thousand men in arms; these the Carthaginians placed in
front against the enemy, to guard against any treachery on their rear.
The fight was carried on at first in the dark, and in the narrow
streets, the Romans having seized not only the streets, but the houses
also nearest the gate, that they might not be struck or wounded by any
thing discharged at them from above. Some of the Arpinians and Romans
recognised each other, which led to conversations, in which the Romans
asked them, what it was they meant? for what offence on the part of
the Romans, or what service on that of the Carthaginians, they, who
were Italians, made war in favour of foreigners and barbarians,
against their ancient allies the Romans, and endeavoured to render
Italy tributary and stipendiary to Africa? The Arpinians urged in
excuse of themselves, that in ignorance of all the circumstances, they
had been sold to the Carthaginians by their nobility, and that they
were kept in a state of thraldom and oppression by the few. A
beginning having been made, greater numbers on both sides entered into
conversation; and at length the praetor of Arpi was brought by his
countrymen before the consul, and after exchanging assurances in the
midst of the standards and the troops, the Arpinians suddenly turned
their arms against the Carthaginians, in favour of the Romans. Some
Spaniards also, little less than a thousand in number, after only
stipulating with the consul that the Carthaginian garrison might be
allowed to march out unhurt, passed over to the consul. The gates were
therefore thrown open for the Carthaginians; and being allowed to go
out unmolested, in conformity with the stipulation, they joined
Hannibal in Salapia. Thus was Arpi restored to the Romans, without the
loss of a life, except that of one man, who was formerly a traitor,
and recently a deserter. The Spaniards were ordered to receive a
double allowance of provisions, and on very many occasions the
republic availed itself of their brave and faithful services. While
one of the consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, a hundred
and twelve Campanian noblemen, having gone out of Capua, with the
permission of the magistrates, under pretence of collecting booty from
the enemy's lands, came into the Roman camp, which lay above Suessula.
They told the soldiers, forming the vanguard, that they wished to
speak with the praetor. Cneius Fulvius commanded the camp; who, on
being informed of the circumstance, ordered ten of them to be brought
into his presence unarmed; and after hearing their request, (and all
they asked was, that when the Romans should recover Capua, their
property might be restored to them,) they were all received under his
protection. The other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took by force the
town of Aternum; more than seven thousand were captured, with a
considerable quantity of coined brass and silver. A dreadful fire
happened at Rome, which continued for two nights and a day; every
thing was burnt to the ground between the Salinae and the Carmental
gate, with the Aequimaelium and the Jugarian street. In the temples of
Fortune, Mater Matuta, and Hope, which latter stood without the gate,
the fire, spreading to a wide extent, consumed much both sacred and
profane.
48. The same year, the two Cornelii, Publius and Cneius, as affairs
were now in a prosperous state in Spain, and they had recovered many
ancient allies, and attached fresh ones to them, extended their views
even to Africa. Syphax was a king of the Numidians, who had suddenly
become hostile to the Carthaginians; to him they sent three centurions
as ambassadors, to form a treaty of friendship and alliance with him;
and to promise, that, if he persevered in pressing the war against the
Carthaginians, he would render an acceptable service to the senate and
people of Rome, and they would endeavour to requite the favour with
large additions, and at a seasonable time. This embassy was gratifying
to the barbarian; and when conversing with the ambassadors on the art
of war he heard the observations of those experienced soldiers, by
comparing his own practice with so regular a system of discipline, he
became sensible of how many things he himself was ignorant. Then he
entreated them to give the first proof of their being good and
faithful allies, "by letting two of them carry back the result of
their embassy to their generals, while one remained with him as his
instructor in military science, observing that the Numidian nation
were unacquainted with the method of carrying on war with foot forces,
being useful only as mounted soldiers. That it was in this manner that
their ancestors had carried on war even from the first origin of their
nation, and to this they were habituated from their childhood. But
that they had to contend with an enemy who relied upon the prowess of
their infantry; with whom, if they wished to be placed upon an
equality in respect of efficient strength, they must also furnish
themselves with infantry. That his dominions abounded with a large
quantity of men fit for the purpose, but that he was unacquainted with
the art of arming, equipping, and marshalling them; that all his
infantry were unwieldy and unmanageable, like a rabble collected
together by chance." The ambassadors answered, that they would comply
with his request for the present, on his engaging to send him back
immediately, if their generals did not approve of what they had done.
The name of the person who staid behind with the king was Quintus
Statorius. With the two other Romans, the Numidian sent ambassadors
into Spain, to receive the ratification of the alliance from the Roman
generals. He gave it in charge to the same persons, forthwith to
induce the Numidians, who were serving as auxiliaries among the
Carthaginian troops, to go over to the other side. Statorius raised a
body of infantry for the king out of the large number of young men
which he found; and having formed them into companies, in close
imitation of the Roman method, taught them to follow their standards
and keep their ranks when being marshalled, and when performing their
evolutions; and he so habituated them to military works and other
military duties, that in a short time the king relied not more on his
cavalry than on his infantry; and in a regular and pitched battle,
fought on a level plain, he overcame his enemies, the Carthaginians.
In Spain also the arrival of the king's ambassadors was of the
greatest advantage to the Romans, for at the news thereof the
Numidians began rapidly to pass over. Thus the Romans and Syphax were
united in friendship, which the Carthaginians hearing of, immediately
sent ambassadors to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, over
a nation called Massylians.
49. Gala had a son named Masinissa, seventeen years of age, but a
youth of such talents, that even at that time it was evident that he
would render the kingdom more extensive and powerful than when he
received it. The ambassadors represented that, "since Syphax had
united himself with the Romans, that by their alliance he might
strengthen his hands against the kings and nations of Africa, it would
be better for Gala also to unite with the Carthaginians as soon as
possible, before Syphax crossed over into Spain, or the Romans into
Africa; that Syphax might be overpowered, while as yet he derived
nothing from his league with the Romans but the name of it." Gala, his
son claiming to be intrusted with the conduct of the war, was easily
prevailed upon to send an army, which, joined by the legions of the
Carthaginians, totally defeated Syphax in a great battle. In this
thirty thousand men are said to have been slain. Syphax, with a few
horsemen, fled from the field, and took refuge among the Maurusian
Numidians, a nation dwelling at the extremity of Africa, near the
ocean, and over against Gades. But the barbarians flocking to his
standard from all sides, in consequence of his great renown, he
speedily armed a very large force. Before he passed over with these
forces into Spain, which was separated only by a narrow strait,
Masinissa came up with his victorious army; and here he acquired great
glory in the prosecution of the war with Syphax, in which he acted
alone and unsupported by any aid from the Carthaginians. In Spain
nothing worth mentioning was performed, except that the Romans drew
over to their side the Celtiberian youth, by giving them the same pay
which they had stipulated with the Carthaginians to pay them. They
also sent above three hundred Spaniards of the greatest distinction
into Italy, to bring over their countrymen, who served among the
auxiliary troops of Hannibal. The only memorable circumstance of this
year in Spain was, that the Romans then, for the first time, employed
mercenary troops in their camp, namely, the Celtiberians.