The modern American historian of Theology and Science says, "for over

a thousand years surgery was considered dishonorable." For the sake of

contrast with this opinion of President White's, read for a moment the

following remarks which constitute the opening sentences of Pagel's

paragraphs on Surgery from 1200 to 1500, in Puschmann's Handbuch of

the History of Medicine, already referred to. Before making the

quotation, let me recall attention to the fact that Professor Pagel is

the best informed living writer on the history of medicine. This book

was issued in 1902. It is universally conceded to contain the last

words on the history of medical development. There is no doubt at all

about its absolute authoritativeness. President White has been calling

on his imagination; Professor Pagel has consulted original documents

in the history of surgery. He says:

{172}

"A more favorable star shone during the whole Middle Ages over

surgery than over practical medicine. The representatives of this

specialty succeeded earlier than did the practical physicians in

freeing themselves from the ban of scholasticism. In its development

a more constant and more even progress cannot fail to be seen. The

stream of literary works on surgery flows richer during this period.

While the surgeons are far from being able to emancipate themselves

from the ruling pathological theories, there is no doubt that in one

department, that of manual technics, free observation came to occupy

the first place in the effort for scientific progress. Investigation

is less hampered and concerns itself with practical things and not

with artificial theories. Experimental observation was in this not

repressed by an unfortunate and iron-bound appeal to reasoning." I

am tempted to add as a reflection, deduction was not allowed to

replace attention to facts, though it has in some supposed surgical

history of this period.

Pagel continues: "Indeed, the lack of so-called scholarship, the

freshness of view free from all prejudice with which surgery,

uninfluenced by scholastic presumption, was forced to enter upon the

objective consideration of things, while most of the surgeons

brought with them to their calling an earnest vocation in union with

great technical facility, caused surgery to enter upon ways in which

it secured, as I have said, greater relative success than did

practical medicine."

President White has evidently never bothered to look into a history of

surgery at all, or he would not have fallen into the egregious error

of saying that the period from 1200 to 1400 was barren of surgery, for

it is really one of the most important periods in the development of

{173} modern surgery. Further evidence as to this is rather easy to

obtain.

I have cited two German authorities in the history of medicine and

surgery. Here is an English writer who is quite as authoritative. In

the address on The Historical Relations of Medicine and Surgery to the

end of the Sixteenth Century, which Professor Clifford Allbutt, the

Regius Professor of Physic at the University of Cambridge, delivered

by special invitation at the Congress of Arts and Sciences of St.

Louis in 1904, this distinguished authority in the history of medicine

had much to say with regard to the wonderful development of surgery in

the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, that is, during the period

when, if we were to accept President White's declarations, surgery

either did not exist, or else had been relegated to such mere

handicraftsmen that no real scientific progress in it could possibly

be expected. As Professor Allbutt was trying only to give a twentieth

century audience some idea of the magnificent work that had been

accomplished by fellow members of his profession of medicine seven

centuries before, and had no idea of discussing the influence,

favorable or otherwise, of the Church upon the progress of medical

science, I have preferred to quote directly from this address for

evidence of the surgery of these centuries, than to gather the details

from many sources, when it might perhaps be thought that I was making

out a more favorable case than actually existed, for the sake of the

Church and the Popes.

"Both for his own great merits as an original and independent

observer and as the master of Lanfranc, William Salicet (Gugliemo

Salicetti of Piacenza, in Latin G. Placentinus or de Saliceto--now

Cadeo) was eminent {174} among the great Italian physicians of the

latter half of the thirteenth century. Now, these great Italians

were as distinguished in surgery as in medicine, and William was one

of the protestants of the period against the division of surgery

from inner medicine--a division which he regarded as a separation of

medicine from intimate touch with nature. Like Lanfranc and the

other great surgeons of the Italian tradition, and unlike Franco and

Pare, he had the advantage of the liberal university education of

Italy; but, like Pare and Wuertz, he had large practical experience

in hospital and in the battlefield. He practiced first at Bologna,

afterwards in Verona. William fully recognized that surgery cannot

be learned from books only. His surgery contains many case

histories, for he rightly opined that good notes of cases are the

soundest foundation of good practice; and in this opinion and method

Lanfranc followed him. William discovered that dropsy may be due to

a "durities renum"; he substituted the knife for the Arabist abuse

of the cautery; he investigated the causes of the failure of healing

by first intention; he described the danger of wounds of the neck;

he sutured divided nerves; he forwarded the diagnosis of suppurative

disease of the hip; and he referred chancre and phagedaena to "their

proper causes."

Anyone who knows the history of surgery and of supposed modern

progress in medicine will recognize at once that many of these ideas

of Salicet are anticipations of discoveries supposed to have been made

in the nineteenth century. The connection between dropsy and hardening

of the kidneys is a typical example of this. The fact that William

should have insisted that surgery cannot be learned from books is an

open contradiction {175} of what is so frequently said about

scholasticism having invaded the realm of medicine, and the study of

books having replaced the study of patients. It is not surprising that

with his study of cases William should have recognized the danger of

wounds of the neck, nor that he should have taught the suture of

divided nerves. It cannot fail to be a matter of surprise, however,

that he should have any hint of the possibility of union by first

intention, for that is supposed to be quite recent, and the knowledge

he displays of venereal diseases is supposed to have come into

medicine and surgery at least two centuries later.

Allbutt next takes up Salicet's great pupil Lanfranc. "Lanfranc's

'Chirurgia Magna' was a great work, written by a reverent but

independent follower of Salicet. He distinguished between venous and

arterial hemorrhage, and used styptics (rabbit's fur, aloes, and

white of egg was a popular styptic in older surgery), digital

compression for an hour, or in severe cases ligature. His chapter on

injuries of the head is one of the classics of medieval surgery.

_Clerk as he was_, Lanfranc nevertheless saw but the more clearly

the danger of separating surgery from medicine. 'Good God!' he

exclaims, 'why this abandoning of operations by physicians to lay

persons, disdaining surgery, as I perceive, because they do not know

how to operate ... an abuse which has reached such a point that the

vulgar begin to think that the same man cannot know medicine and

surgery... I say, however, that no man can be a good physician who

has no knowledge of operative surgery; a knowledge of both branches

is essential.' (Chir. Magna.) Is it not strange that this ancient

was wiser than most of us are even yet."

{176}

Striking as all this is, much more that is of interest might be added

to it from Pagel's account of Lanfranc's work. Pagel says that he has

excellent chapters on the affections of the eyes, the ears and mouth,

the nose, even the teeth, and treats of hernia in a very practical,

common sense way. He warns against the radical operation, and says in

phrases that have often been repeated even in our own time, that many

surgeons decide on operations too easily, not for the sake of the

patient, but for the sake of the money there is in them. He believes

that most of the danger and inconvenience of the hernia can be removed

by means of a properly fitting truss. He treats of stone in the

kidney, but insists that the main thing for this affection is

prophylaxis. He suggests that stone in the bladder should first be

treated by internal remedies; but in severe cases advises extraction.

Lanfranc's discussion of cystotomy, Pagel characterizes "as prudent,

yet rational," for he considers that the operation should not be

feared too much nor delayed too long. In patients suffering from the

inconvenience which comes from large quantities of fluid in the

abdomen, he advises _paracentesis abdominis_. He warns, however,

against putting the patient in danger from such an operation without

due consideration and only when symptoms absolutely demand it.

Pagel says that Lanfranc must be considered as one of the greatest of

the surgeons of the Middle Ages and the real founder of the French

School of Surgery which continued to be the most prominent in the

world down to the nineteenth century. Lanfranc had equalled, if not

surpassed, his great master William Salicet. His own disciple,

Mondeville, accomplished almost as much for surgery as his master,

however. Both of them were {177} destined to be thrown into the shade

for succeeding generations by another great French surgeon of the next

half-century, Guy de Chauliac. Pagel can scarcely say enough of the

capacity as a teacher of Lanfranc. The seeds of surgical doctrine

which he sowed bore fruit richly. His important successors in French

surgery walked for the most part in his tracks and thus furnished the

best proof of the enduring character of his capacity as a teacher.

The next great name in thirteenth century surgery, for we are not yet

out of that fruitful period, is Henri de Mondeville. He was known by

his contemporaries and immediate successors as the most cultured of

the surgeons. Whatever he wrote bears the traces of his wide reading

and of his respect for authority, yet shows also his power to make

observations for himself, and his name is due much more to his

independent work both in the technics and the diagnostics of surgery,

than to his reputation for scholarship or the depth of his culture.

Lanfranc (whose name was Lanfranchi) had been an Italian. Mondeville

was born in Normandy sometime about the beginning of the last quarter

of the thirteenth century. The place of his education is not

absolutely sure, but there is good authority for saying that he was,

for a time at least, in Bologna. On his return from Italy he passed

some time, just at the beginning of the fourteenth century, in

Montpelier. He seems to have looked for a professorship at Montpelier,

but instead received the appointment as surgeon to the French king,

Philip Le Bel. This brought him to Paris, where the first portion of

his book on surgery was written about 1306. This was not completed

until 1312. His work was interrupted by several campaigns on which he

attended {178} the king along the Northern coast. When he again took

up his work of writing, he revised what he had written at first by the

light of the experience that he had acquired in the campaign. Pagel

says that his style is lively and clear and often full of meat. Many

of his own opinions and experiences are incorporated in his work, and

in spite of his tendency to display his erudition by quotations, his

originality is not seriously interfered with.

Some of his remarks are very curiously interesting to the modern. He

seems to have had the idea that portions of metal which had penetrated

the body as the result of explosions, for gun-powder was already being

used, might be removed by means of a magnet. He would not have been a

distinguished surgeon without inventing a needle-holder, and

accordingly we find that he was one of the first of a long line of

such inventors. He invented certain instruments also for the removal

of arrow-heads, which because of their form and hooks become firmly

imbedded in the tissues. Mondeville had no such fear of trephining as

Lanfranc had, though he did not hesitate to emphasize the value of

expectant treatment in most of these cases of injury to the head that

might seem at first to demand the trephine.

Pagel notes the fact that when he prescribed drinks for his patients

this medieval surgeon suggested that certain verses of the psalms

which were usually recited, according to the custom of the times,

whenever anything was administered to a patient, should be said. Pagel

considers it quite natural that as a believing physician he should

have realized how much his believing patients would be influenced for

the better by such a procedure. He did not place any supreme faith in

its efficacy, but {179} knew that it could do no harm, and had

probably seen, as has many a physician and surgeon of the modern time,

that such a practice does good, if not by the direct interference of

Providence, then at least by the calmness of mind which it

superinduces in the patient. In the same way Mondeville was not averse

to his patients going on pilgrimages. He did not expect that they

would all be cured miraculously, but according to Pagel, his

discussion of this subject is quite modern. Travel and change of scene

would do good anyhow in many cases, expectancy would help the

patient's condition, and the hope aroused was also good. The best

merit, however, of this French surgeon is undoubtedly the immense

influence which he exerted over his great successor, Guy de Chauliac.

We are really only beginning to accumulate knowledge with regard to

the surgery of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Pagel has

devoted three very full pages, in his compressed account of surgery,

to John Yperman, a surgeon of the early fourteenth century of whom

practically nothing was known until about twenty-five years ago, when

the Belgian historian Broeck brought to light his works and gathered

some details of his life. He was a pupil of Lanfranc's, and at the end

of the thirteenth century studied at Paris on a scholarship provided

by his native town of Ypres, which deliberately sent him in order that

he might become expert in surgery. This may seem a strange thing for a

medieval town to do, at least it may seem so to those who have been

accustomed to think little of the Middle Ages, but it will not to

anyone who knows anything about the wonderful civic spirit of the Free

Towns. In the chapter on Science at the Medieval Universities I have

quoted {180} from Prince Kropotkin's work on Mutual Aid in the

Medieval Towns, and further consultation of that as a ready reference,

would make all cause for ignorant surprise with regard to the culture

and the enterprise of medieval towns disappear. Ypres, while a town of

only fifteen thousand inhabitants now, was one of the most important

towns of Flanders in the Middle Ages, noted for its manufacture of

linens and fine laces, and has a handsome cathedral dating from the

thirteenth century and a town hall, the famous Cloth Hall, from the

same period, which is one of the most beautiful architectural

monuments in Europe and one of the finest municipal buildings in the

world.

After his return Yperman settled down in his native town and practiced

surgery until his death, which probably took place about 1330. He

obtained a great renown, and this has been maintained so that in that

part of the country even yet, an expert surgeon is spoken of as an

Yperman. He is the author of two works in Flemish. One of these is

what Pagel calls an unimportant compilation on internal medicine, but

the headings of the chapters as he gives them can scarcely fail to

attract the attention of the modern physician. He treats of dropsy,

rheumatism, under which occur the terms coryza and catarrh, icterus,

phthisis (he calls the tuberculous, tysiken), apoplexy, epilepsy,

frenzy, lethargy, fallen palate, cough, shortness of breath, lung

abscess, hemorrhage, blood-spitting, liver abscess, hardening of the

spleen, affections of the kidney, bloody urine, diabetes, incontinence

of urine, dysuria, strangury, gonorrhoea and involuntary seminal

emissions--all these terms are quoted directly from Pagel.

All this would seem to show that Yperman was a {181} thoroughly

representative medical man. When I add that Pagel says he shows a well

marked striving to free himself from the bondage of authority and that

most of his therapeutic prescriptions rest upon his own experience, it

will be seen that he deserves the greatest possible credit. His work

in medicine, however, Pagel considers as nothing compared to his work

in surgery. A special feature of this is the presence of seventy

illustrations of instruments of the most various kinds, together with

a plate showing the anatomical features of the stitching of a wound of

the head. The work as we have it is only a fragment. The last part of

it which treated of the extremities is defective. If anyone thinks for

a moment that surgery was a neglected specialty at the end of the

thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, he should

consult the text of this, or even Pagel's brief account of its

contents. Some of the features of it are noteworthy. There is a

chapter devoted to intoxications, which includes the effects of

cantharides as well as alcohol, and treats of the bites of snakes,

scorpions, and of hydrophobia due to the bites of mad hounds. There is

scarcely a feature of modern surgery of the head that is not touched

upon very sensibly in this work.

The best proof, however, at once of the flourishing state of surgery

during the fourteenth century and of the utter absurdity of saying

that surgery did not develop because of the opposition of the Church

or of ecclesiastics, and above all of the Popes, is to be found in the

life of Guy de Chauliac, who has been deservedly called the Father of

Modern Surgery and whose contributions to surgery occupy a prominent

place in every history of medicine that one picks up. While the works

of other {182} great writers in surgery of the thirteenth and

fourteenth centuries have as a rule only come to be commonly known

during the latter part of the nineteenth century, Guy de Chauliac's

position and the significance of his work and his writings have been a

commonplace in the history of medicine for as long as it has been

written seriously. We have already stated in several places in this

volume his relations to the Popes. He was a chamberlain of the Papal

Court while it was at Avignon, and while he was teaching and

developing surgery at the University of Montpelier he was also body

physician to three of the Popes, and the intimate friend and

influential adviser to whom they turned for consultation in matters

relating to medical education and to science generally.

In the present chapter, then, we shall only discuss the contributions

to surgery of this surgeon of the Popes, at a time when, according to

President White, because of Church opposition, surgery was considered

dishonorable; "_when the greatest monarchs were often unable to secure

an ordinary surgical operation, and when it required an edict of the

German Emperor in order that dishonor should no longer attach to the

surgical profession._" This is what Chauliac accomplished, according

to Professor Allbutt:

"Of his substantial advances in surgery no sufficient account is

possible; but some chief points, with the aid of Haeser, Malgaigne,

and Nicaise, I may briefly sum up thus: He pointed out the dangers

of surgery of the neck, among them that of injuring the voice by

section of the recurrent laryngeal nerve, a precaution he probably

learned from Paul. He urges a low diet for the wounded, as did

Mondeville and many others. He uses sutures well and discreetly (p.

9), but with far too many salves. {183} On fractures of the skull he

is at his best; he noted the escape of cerebro-spinal fluid, and the

effect of pressure on the respiration. It is somewhat strange that

in days of war the study of chest wounds had been rather neglected

by Galen, Haly, and Avicenna; their practice, however, was to leave

them open, lest pus should gather about the heart. Theodoric and

Henry ordered chest wounds to be closed 'lest the vital spirits

escape.' Guy also closed these wounds, unless there were any

effusion to be removed. In empyema he objects to caustics and

prefers the knife. For haemorrhages he used sutures--a little too

closely perhaps--styptics, cautery or ligature. Sinuses he dilated

with tents of gentian root, or he incised them upon a director. On

ulcers his large experience is fully manifest. He describes the

carcinomatous kind as hopeless, unless the mass can be excised at a

very early stage and the incision followed by caustics. If in

fractures and dislocations he tells us nothing new, these sections

testify to a remarkable fulness of knowledge at a period when the

Hippocratic treatises were unknown. Haeser says that in respect of

position in fractured femur he was the best physician in the Middle

Ages."

[Illustration: Guy de Chauliac's Cauteries:--5, 6, 7, 8, cauteries

called from their shapes: knife, sword, olive, date kernel; 9, cautery

with protective nail to be inserted cold; 10, protective plate for

cauteries.]

[Illustration: Guy de Chauliac's Cauteries:--11, 12, long, smooth

cautery and canula protector; 13, 14, ring cautery with five buttons

and the protective plate with five openings.]

This is the period, it must not be forgotten, when, according to

President White, surgery was in such a state that _the application of

various ordures relieved fractures; the touch of the hangman cured

sprains; the breath of a donkey expelled poison; friction with a dead

man's tooth cured a toothache._ [Footnote 23]

[Footnote 23: Quite as curious notions as these which President White

mentions still exist in popular medicine in our own day. I have myself

known a man to blow the dried excrement of the dog into the throat of

his child suffering from diphtheria, and _he assured me that it cured

him_. In the country districts they still use ordure poultices for

sprains of various kinds, and I have known doctors prescribe them. I

have seen an intelligent woman smoking dried angleworms in a pipe for

toothache. I sincerely hope, however, that no serious(!) historian of

the twenty-fifth century will gather up side remarks like the present

with regard to such curious customs--real superstitions that have

nothing to do with religion, as most supersititions have not--and

state them as showing the ignorance of our generation, and above all

as indicating the low state of medicine in our time.]

{184}

Lest it should be thought that possibly Professor Allbutt had been

rather partial to the great Father of Modern Surgery in his enthusiasm

for these medieval surgeons, it seems worth while to compress here

something of what Pagel has to say with regard to this great man, who

represents in himself a full hundred years of progress in surgery. He

wrote an immense text-book of surgery, from which his teaching may be

learned with absolute authenticity. The great significance attached to

Guy's writings by his contemporaries and successors will be readily

appreciated from the immense number of manuscript copies, original

editions in print, and the many translations which are extant. This

monument of scientific surgery has for dedication a sentence that

would alone and of itself obliterate all the nonsense that has been

talked about Papal opposition to the development of surgery. It runs

as follows:--

The Popes and Science The History of the Papal Relations to Science During the Middle Ages and Down to Our Own Time · 第 14 / 44 段