The prospectus of a medical school of the time would announce very

probably some such program of studies as this. Besides learning

something of astrology (the astronomy of the day) the student would be

expected to know much about climate and its influence on disease, and

about soil in its relation to pathology (these were supposed to be

fruitful causes of disease). Certain minerals, among them very

probably antimony, were beginning to be used in medical practice, and

so mineralogy was a special subject of study. Of plants they were

expected to know in a general way much more than the modern {158}

medical student, to whom botany is not considered of much importance,

and of zoology they probably had at least as great practical

knowledge, since many of their dissections were made on animals, and

the differences in structure between them and man were pointed out

when the annual anatomies or human dissections at the universities

were made. Of pharmacology and the allied subject, chemistry, they had

to know all that would enable them to use properly the several hundred

vegetable remedies then used in medicine. This will give an idea,

then, what were in general the studies which Pope John was trying to

foster with so much care in the University of Perugia.

There is another phase of his regulations with regard to medical

schools which cannot but prove of the greatest interest to members of

our present-day medical faculties. It has been realized for some time,

that what is needed more than anything else to make good physicians

for the present generation is that medical students should have a

better preliminary education than has been the case in the past. In

order to secure this, various states have required evidence of a

certain number of years spent at high school or college before a

medical student's certificate allowing entrance into a medical school

will be granted. Some of the most prominent medical schools have gone

even farther than this, and have required that a degree in arts should

be obtained in the undergraduate department before medical studies may

be taken up. Something of this same kind was manifestly in Pope John's

mind when he required that seven years should have been spent at a

university, at least three years of which should have been entirely

devoted to medical studies, before the candidate might {159} be

allowed to go up for his examination for the doctor's degree.

As we begin the twentieth century, we note that the presidents of our

American universities are trying to secure just exactly the same

number of years of study for candidates for the degree of Doctor of

Medicine, as this medieval Pope insisted on as a prerequisite for the

same degree in a university founded in the Papal States at the

beginning of the fourteenth century. After the year 1910 most of the

large universities in this country will not admit further students to

their medical departments unless they have a college degree or its

equivalent, that is, unless they have devoted four years to college

undergraduate work. It is generally understood, that in the last year

of his undergraduate course the student who intends to take up

medicine may elect such scientific studies in the college department

as will obtain for him an allowance of a year's work in the medical

school. He will then be able to complete his medical course in three

years, so that our modern institutions will, if our plans succeed,

require just exactly the same amount of time for the doctorate in

Medicine as Pope John demanded, and not only demanded, but required by

legal regulation, for this bull was a law in the Papal States, just

six centuries ago. The coincidence is so striking that, only that it

is supported by documentary evidence of the best kind, we could

scarcely believe it.

Yet it is the Pope who encouraged devotion to science in all forms as

it was studied in his day, who insisted that the standards of

education in the universities of the Papal States, over which he had

direct control, should be equal to those of Paris and Bologna, who

suggested that teachers should be brought from the famous {160}

universities for the purpose of introducing the best educational

methods, who is now declared by President White to have "stimulated

the childish fear and hatred against the investigation of nature which

was felt for centuries, and whose decrees and briefs are said to have

caused chemistry to be known more and more as one of the 'seven

devilish arts.'" Here is the striking difference between traditional

and documentary history.

There are other bulls of Pope John which serve to bring out his

interest in education quite as clearly as this one, and show that the

ecclesiastics of the time were encouraged to think and act up to the

thought, that education of all kinds was sure to be of benefit to the

Church and her members. In extending the privileges of the University

of Perugia on another occasion by the bull _Inter ceteras curas_, John

declared that among the other cares which were enjoined on him from on

high by his Apostolic office and amongst the many projects which were

constantly in his mind for the betterment of religion, his thoughts

were directed more frequently and more ardently to this conclusion

than to any other, that the professors of the Catholic faith whom the

true light of the true faith illuminates should be imbued with the

deepest wisdom and should become erudite in all the studies that bring

profitable knowledge. For, he adds, this gift cannot be bought by any

price, but is divinely granted to minds that are of good will. For the

possession of knowledge is evidently desirable, since by it the

darkness of ignorance and the gloom of error are entirely done away

with and the intelligence of students is increased so as to direct all

their acts and deeds in the light of truth. "It is for this reason

(and no wonder)," he adds, "that I am led to encourage the study of

{161} letters in which the priceless pearl of knowledge is to be

found, and especially in such places as may bear worthy fruit for the

Church itself and for its members."

The expressions that he here uses are almost word for word, though not

quite the same as occur in other bulls, showing that a sort of formula

was constantly used to express the opinion of the Holy See with regard

to the desirableness of knowledge and the benefit that might be

expected to flow from education. Not all of the bull, however, is a

formula, since in the rest of it Pope John insists that at least five

years must be required at the university for the study of Canon and

Civil Law, and detailed injunctions are set forth as to the method of

examination so as to secure two things, first that a proper standard

shall be maintained and that those who have completed the course shall

have the right to examinations without further payment of fees, and

secondly, that such examinations shall be absolutely fair, without any

favor being shown to the applicant in any way, and at the same time

without any prejudice being allowed to influence his examiners against

him.

Lest readers should be tempted to think of Perugia as a town of very

slight importance from a political and civil standpoint, and therefore

consider anything done for it as amounting to very little in the

culture or influence of the period, a short sketch of it will not be

out of place. This little town has had the distinction of being the

center of interest in at least four marvelous epochs of human

development. Long before Roman civilization in Italy arose, the

Etruscans did some of their greatest art-work in the country around

Perugia, the remains of which have been unearthed in recent years.

Seven centuries later, the Romans left some magnificent {162}

architectural monuments of their occupation of this neighborhood.

Somewhat more than a thousand years passed, and St. Francis breathed

his profound spirit of love for nature in all its forms into the world

almost within sight of its walls, and with him the Renaissance began.

The great Umbrian school of painters in the Renaissance period came

from this district, and they include such names as Raphael and his

great master Perugino, who received his name from his birthplace.

Before John XXII. did so much to make it a center of culture and

education for this portion of Italy, it had been noted in the early

part of the thirteenth century for possessing a library of Canon and

Civil Law to which scholars often traveled from great distances for

consultation purposes. The Pope, then, though in distant Avignon, was

greatly helping on that movement which was to culminate and mean so

much for Umbria, that great center of culture and influence in the

Renaissance time.

In erecting the University of Cahors, Pope John took occasion to say

that he did so because the city promised to provide facilities and

proper conditions for the university and he believed that the

existence of such an institution would in very many ways be of benefit

to the commonwealth. He wished, therefore, that in Cahors, "a copious,

refreshing fountain of science should spring up and continue to flow,

from whose abundance all the citizens might drink, and where those

desirous of education might become imbued with knowledge so that the

cultivators of wisdom might sow seed with success and all the student

body become learned and eloquent and in every way distinguished,

bearing abundant fruit which the Lord in His own good time would give

them if they applied themselves with good will." He wished that {163}

the erection of the university should be considered as a special

reward for their devotion to the Holy See and should always stand as a

memorial of that.

The thought may possibly occur to some that Pope John, after having

issued these noteworthy documents in the cause of education in the

early years of his pontificate, might subsequently have changed his

mind and considered with advancing years that the repression of the

enthusiasm for learning would be better for his people from a

spiritual standpoint. There is, however, no sign of this to be found

in the important documents of his pontificate, nor would anyone think

of it who realized that John became Pope at the age of 72, after

having a very wide personal experience in political affairs as well as

ecclesiastical matters, an experience which took him over many parts

of Europe and must have greatly broadened his intellectual horizon,

and that he remained in full possession of his wonderful intellectual

powers until he was well past 90. Within two years before his death he

issued the bull which laid the foundation of the University of Cahors,

his native place. This he did at the request of the citizens of the

town, who pleaded that no better memorial of their great fellow

citizen who had become Pope could be raised among them than a

university.

In the light of these other bulls it is not surprising to find that

John should also have endeavored to maintain the standard of the

University of the City of Rome. It must be remembered that at this

time the Popes were at Avignon, and that as a consequence the

population of the city of Rome had greatly decreased and there were so

many civic dissensions that very little attention could be given to

educational matters. Pope John issued a {164} bull, however, from

Avignon, confirming the erection of the University of the City of Rome

by his predecessor of happy memory, Boniface VIII. (the same who is

said, though falsely, to have hampered the development of anatomy),

and further laying down regulations for the maintenance of the

standard of education in the Roman University. In this bull John says

that he considers that a Pope could confer no greater favor on the

City of Cities so closely attached to the Roman Church, than to bring

about the re-establishment of the university there, so that the

inhabitants and the visitors to Rome might all have the opportunity

and also the incitement to seek after wisdom, for this is a gift which

comes from on high, which cannot be bought for a price, but which is

only granted to those who seek it with good will.

John proceeds to say that he hopes that the city of Rome shall, under

the favor of Providence, produce men of pre-eminent worth in science,

and that in order that the wishes of Pope Boniface VIII. in this

matter may be fulfilled he confirms and extends all the privileges

which had been originally granted. In the University at Rome there

were also professors of medicine, and there is good historical

authority for the assertion that John himself offered to pay out of

the Papal revenues the salary of the professor of physic, in order

that this department of the university might become established as

firmly as were the other departments. In a word, in the documentary

evidence so readily available to any one who wishes to consult it, we

find John manifesting that he was "a kindly and rational scholar," to

use President White's expression, "seeking," surely if education shall

have any such effect, and in modern times we have been led {165} to

believe that it can, "to save the people from the clutch of

superstition." President White has employed the expression

satirically. I think that any one who reads the contemporary documents

in the case must acknowledge that it is literally true.

The life of Pope John XXII. is a striking example of the difference

between traditional and documentary history. According to the

traditions that have gathered around his name, John has been declared

by many to be one of the banes of civilization and education in the

Middle Ages. A little study of the documents issued by him shows him

in quite a different light. He was not only interested in educational

matters of every kind, but he was deeply intent, and as far as the

Papal power enabled him he succeeded in carrying out his intention, of

making education thoroughly effective in every department. It is by a

man's intentions that he must be judged. John meant to do everything

for the best. Unfortunately, some of his actions in the matter of the

provision of revenues became subject later to abuse. For this it is

hard to understand how he should be held responsible. In the meantime,

for educators, the study of the actual documents issued by him and

their utterly different significance from what might be expected

according to the usually accepted notion of his character, cannot but

prove a lesson in historical values. It illustrates very well a phase

of history that has recently been called to attention.

As we have said, one hundred years ago De Maistre declared that

history had been a conspiracy against the truth. At last a universal

recognition is coming of the fact that history has been written

entirely too much from the personal standpoint of the historian

without {166} due reference to contemporary documents and authorities,

or with the citation of only such references from these as would

support the special contention of the writer. Even the writers of

history whose reputation has been highest have suffered from this

fault, and the consequence is that on disputed points it is more

important to know what party a historian belongs to than what he

writes.

Is it not time that at least our educators should cease accepting this

old traditional opinion with regard to the times before the

reformation so-called, and get at the truth in the matter, or as near

it as possible. These educators of the thirteenth and fourteenth

centuries were zealous and earnest beyond cavil. That everyone admits.

It is supposed, however, that they were ridiculously ignorant and

superstitious. Only those who are themselves ridiculously ignorant and

superstitious, for the real meaning of superstition is persistence in

accepting a supposed truth that is a survival (_superstes_) from a

previous state of knowledge, after the reasons for its acceptance have

been shown to be groundless, will continue to believe this absurd

proposition. If the educator of the modern day will only study with

the sympathy they deserve, the lives of the earliest educators of

modern times, the professors, the officials, and the ecclesiastical

authorities as well as the Papal patrons of the universities of the

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, we shall hear no more of the

Church during the Middle Ages having been opposed to education, nor to

science, nor to any other department of human knowledge.

{167}

THE CHURCH AND SURGERY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES.

It is with regard to surgery that the opposition of the Church is

sometimes supposed to have been most serious in its effects upon the

progress of medical science and its applications for the relief of

human suffering. President White has stated this, as usual, very

emphatically in certain paragraphs of his chapter on From Miracles to

Medicine, especially under the caption of Theological Discouragement

of Medicine. He says, for instance:--

"As to surgery, this same amalgamation of theology with survivals of

pagan beliefs continued to check the evolution of medical science

down to the modern epoch. The nominal hostility of the Church to the

shedding of blood withdrew, as we have seen, from surgical practice

the great body of her educated men; hence surgery remained down to

the fifteenth century a despised profession, its practice continued

largely in the hands of charlatans, and down to a very recent period

the name 'barber-surgeon' was a survival of this. In such surgery,

the application of various ordures relieved fractures; the touch of

the hangman cured sprains; the breath of a donkey expelled poison;

friction with a dead man's tooth cured toothache."

In another and earlier portion of the same chapter, under the heading

"Theological Opposition to Anatomical Studies," he states the reasons

why this low state of surgical practice existed. Once more it is

declared to be {168} because of a prohibitory decree, or several of

them, directed against the practice of surgery by ecclesiastical

authorities. These decrees, we shall find, as was true of previous

supposed prohibitions, are entirely perverted from their real meaning

by President White, who has the happy faculty of lighting upon mares'

nests of Papal decrees and decrees of councils and neglecting to pay

any attention to the real history of the science of which he writes.

President White says:

"To those arguments against dissection was now added another one

which may well fill us with amazement. It is the remark of the

foremost of recent English philosophical historians, that of all

organizations in human history, the Church of Rome has caused the

greatest spilling of innocent blood. No one conversant with history,

even though he admit all possible extenuating circumstances and

honor the older Church for the great circumstances which can

undoubtedly be claimed for her, can deny this statement. Strange is

it, then, to note that one of the main objections developed in the

Middle Ages against anatomical studies was the maxim that 'The

Church abhors the shedding of blood.'"

"On this ground, in 1248, the Council of Le Mans forbade surgery to

monks. Many other councils did the same, and at the end of the

thirteenth century came the most serious blow of all: for it was

then that Pope Boniface VIII., without any of that foresight of

consequences which might well have been expected in an infallible

teacher, issued a decretal forbidding a practice which had come into

use during the Crusades, namely, the separation of the flesh from

the bones of the dead whose remains it was desired to carry back to

their own country." Note always the return to Pope Boniface's {169}

bull and always the perversion of the meaning of the word

infallibility.

I have already stated the real significance of Boniface's bull. It

neither forbade, nor did its interpretation in any way hamper, the

development of anatomy. Just exactly the same thing is true with

regard to the Papal regulations or decrees of councils that are

claimed to have hampered surgery. President White and others have

insisted that the prohibition of surgery to monks and priests

prevented the development of surgery or was responsible for the low

state of surgical practice. Here once more we are in the presence of a

deduction, and not of an induction that represents the actual facts in

the case. Most students at the universities were clerks, that is, had

the privileges of clergymen, and were, as a rule, in minor orders. All

the great surgeons of this time, and they were many, were

ecclesiastics.

The climax of President White's treatment of the relationship of the

Church to surgery and of the intense opposition manifested by

ecclesiastics to surgical progress, and, I may add, the climax of

absurdity as far as the real history of surgery is concerned, comes in

the last paragraph of this portion of his chapter on From Miracles to

Medicine, which President White has placed under the title Theological

Opposition to Anatomical Studies. He says:

"So deeply was the idea rooted in the mind of the Universal Church

that for over a thousand years surgery was considered dishonorable;

the greatest monarchs were often unable to secure an ordinary

surgical operation; and it was only in 1406 that a better beginning

was made, when the Emperor Wenzel of Germany ordered that dishonor

should no longer attach to the surgical profession."

{170}

President White insists over and over again that whatever surgery

there was, and especially whatever progress was made in surgery, was

due to the Arabs, or at least to Arabian initiative. Gurlt, in his

History of Surgery, [Footnote 21] which we have referred to elsewhere,

is very far from sharing this view. I need scarcely say that Gurlt is

one of our best authorities in the history of surgery. In his sketch

of Roger, the first of the great Italian surgeons of the thirteenth

century who came after the foundation of the universities, Gurlt says

that, "though Arabian writings on surgery had been brought over to

Italy by Constantine Africanus a hundred years before Roger's time,

those exercised no influence over Italian surgery in the next century,

and there is not a trace of the surgical knowledge of the Arabs to be

found in Roger's work." His writing depends almost entirely upon the

surgical traditions of his time, the experience of his teachers and

colleagues, to whom in two places he has given due credit, and on the

Greek writers. There are no traces of Arabisms to be found in Roger's

writing, while they are full of Grecisms. Roger represents the first

important writer on surgery in modern times, and his works have been

printed several times because of their value as original documents.

[Footnote 21: Geschichte der Chirurgie und ihrer Ausuebung. Von Dr. E.

Gurlt, Vol. I., p. 701.]

It is wonderfully amusing to anyone who knows Gurlt's History of

Surgery, [Footnote 22] that the distinguished old professor of the

University of Berlin, looked up to as so well informed as to the

history of the branch of medical science to which he had devoted a

long life, should have wasted some three hundred pages of his first

volume on the {171} History of Surgery in Middle and West Europe

during the Middle Ages, for they are mainly taken up with the

consideration of the period when President White asserts that there

was no surgery in Europe. Gurlt even protests that he has not as much

space as he would like to devote to these old-time masters of surgery,

who did so much to lay the foundation of modern surgical practices.

Those who have paid any attention to President White's assertion with

regard to surgery at this time, should at least look over Gurlt. They

will thus realize what a dangerous thing it is to attempt large

conclusions in the history of a department of knowledge of which one

knows nothing. They will also realize how easy it is for a writer with

some prestige, to lead others astray in a matter of history, by simply

making assertions without taking the trouble to see whether they are

supported by the facts in the case or not.

[Footnote 22: Geschichte der Chirurgie und ihrer Ausuebung. Von Dr. K.

Gurlt, Geh. Med. Rath, Prof, der Chirurgie an der Koeniglichen

Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitaet zu Berlin. Berlin, 1898.]

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