_July 17th._ There was an old Lady (daughter to a Sultana of some of the

former emperours), commonly now called Sultana Sporca,[254] from her ill

manner of life, for she kept about 30 women slaves of youth and greatest

beauty she could provide, and these were all taught to tumble, dance, and

sing, and act many tricks; and so, often going abroad to great Bassa’s

houses to shew them sport, brought their old baw’d in a great revenue,

every one presenting them liberally, and what they got she received.

Amongst the rest she was possest of one of the greatest beauty that then

was found (as was said), not onely in the Court, but the whole Empire,

if not the world. When we were at Adrianople the Grand Signor sent to

demand her for his own use; the Sultana denyed her, saying she had made

her free, and that she could not now be used by them legally, but as his

wife; thus she avoyded the G. Srs. importunety. Here about 10 dayes since

she (continuing on the dancing trade) with her companions were at a great

Bassa’s house to tumble and play tricks, and the Capitaine of the guards

to the G. V.[255] (who had been with him, and fought valiantly in all

his warres at Candia, etc., and was become his favourite) chanct to be

there; and when the girl had done, he (which is unusuall for strangers)

presented her 200 zechines, being smitten most desperately with her,

and two dayes after sent to the Sultana, begging that she might come to

his house, and he promised 2,000 zechines reward; they came, and after

some houres sport he sent home all the slaves, but kept her all night,

and next day conveighed her to a friend’s house in Stambal; she was thre

dayes by Mr. Hyet’s house. The Sultana next morn made Answer to the G.

S., telling him that the girl was really her slave, submitting herself

to his mercy for having cheated him before, saying it was only because

she was then too young for him, but now the captain had violently ravisht

her. The G. S. was as much inflamed on the other side, partly with

remembrance of former love, partly with madnesse that he lost one so

sweet. He went immediately to the Viz., commanding him to look into the

businesse as his; he cals the Captain, demands why he had done so, and

where she was, etc. He denys all; says he abused her not, nor knew where

she was. He sent to the Kaimachan of Stambol, and charged him privately

to watch the Captain, etc. In the third night the Kaimachan took them

both about 12 at clock in bed, or on a sofa together, brought them before

the Grand Vizier. The Sultana (infinitely troubled) sent the Grand

Signor word. The Captain told him she had been at 40 other houses as

well as his, etc.; he was not afraid of death nor the sword (as he very

well knew), and therefore valued not one straw what became of him; but

all that he desired was that his Mistress should be spared, in whome he

should live even when he was dead. G. S. sent word immediately to strike

of his head, which was done (he was strangled: Soliman Basha saw him),

and the body lay’d publickly open at the Tents, with the head under his

arme all day (July 18), being pay day, for all the Janissaryes to behold

it. He had been infinitely beloved by them and all the court, and 2,000

purses of money had been offer’d to save him, but all impossible; the

girl was immediately taken into the Seraglio. I fancy this was at bottome

onely a deep policy of the Grand Signior’s Vizier, “it is necessary that

one die for the people.” People began to be mutinous and rebellious, and

by the process of the story (for certainly the Vizier might have hinted

something to the Captain when he set the Kaimachan to catch him, and have

advised him to let the girl be forth coming under hand, making peace

with the Sultana, etc.), some great example was to be made, which was on

the Vizier’s own favourite, etc.; else I must count it a severe piece

of justice upon the Captain, who dare do that against Law which the G.

S. refrained from. The G. S. kept the law which the Captain dare break,

yet he knew her to be a slave, which the G. S. knew not, and that might

alleviate. The Sultana was punisht as well in losing her slave and future

gain. Or, lastly, we may roll the exorbitancy of Princes last, who desire

to engrosse all pleasure to themselves. This great Capt.’s death breads

ill blood in many hearts: his good services in the Field of Mars might

have interceded for one spasso (recreation) in the court of Venus.

_July 19th._ From St. Swithin’s day, 15th, the ayre was cloudy, and upon

this day at even began a mist which daily increast to that thicknesse as

no man could se 300 yards at sea, nor at land (unlesse on the hills) as

far again. It was not a moist mist; it continued vehement till 28th, then

dayly abated. The sun continually rose and set like blood; most part of

this time the wind blew strong, which is more wonderfull; at other times

it carying all mists away. It lay continually betwixt N.E. and N.W., yet

more to the E., then the W.; all which make one conclude that this mist

was brought and continued from the Palus Mœotis and Black Sea it self,

and gave us a perfect taste of the Cimmeriæ tenebræ. The 29th and 30th

days of June almost cleare.

* * * * *

_Aug. 24th, ’76._ _The G. S.’s Tents._ I have seen them and the rest at

Adrianople and at Maidan[256] here several times. He hath but onely the

three; the rest are little tents for his servants’ kitching. I saw the

G. Srs. tent at the shew at Adrianople, which was much the same in make

and dimentions, but this at Maidan being most perfectly set out with all

its appertenances, take its description. First, then, there was a small

stand about 8 foot square within, with a paire of small staires to mount

it, was cover’d with reddish or inclining to purple cloth, with 4 golden

balls at the corners and one at the top; the corners were to be lifted

up, or, if he desired more fresco, the whole side, as all the rest could

be quite taken away, the cloth being fasten’d above with loopes and

buttons of wood. This Kiosk, or stand, they remove upon many occasions;

he had a farre greater at Demirdesh[257] to see the horse races. This

stood next the outward door of the tents, looking towards the place of

execution, as likewise to the plain where the Janissaryes are pay’d,

etc., and he is there present himself. At the sights at Adrianople there

was another for the young prince.

The first tent is square, supported with 7 wood posts one way and 4 the

other way; it was 15 strides long and 12 broad; the roof flat, kept

streight with ropes; a large round flower in the middle. They have sides

for this in cold weather, which they can open and shut at pleasure; on

the outside upon every post stands a golden ball or flower-pot. The

second tent is round, supported by one standing post in the middle,

with golden ball or pot at the top, by which there is drawn upon a

cord a curtain at pleasure crosse the tent, on the outside of which

he gives audience to his own ministers of state, or makes his great

divan, and sits in justice; on the in or back side he gives audience to

Embassadores, or the like. The diameter of this tent (that is, from edge

to edge of the fringe that hangs above as the eaves of an house) was 17

paces; that in Adrianople was 15, so that it is plain they are made of

severall bignesses. The under sides of this likewise were to let down or

up, take on or off, at pleasure, by such kind of loopes above and on the

sides, the button being a piece of wood; the interstices between, if they

were above, were cover’d with a fring, one within the other; without, if

it was on the side to clasp the curtains together, one was made to lap

over the other, so that they can shut a tent up most exceedingly close

and warme. The third tent is his long tent, supported with three posts,

and golden balls or pots; it was long (from the eves at one end to the

other) 35 paces; at Adrianople, 37; by putting of it and extending it

they may easily gain or loose a pace or two. At the middle post, to

the outward side, was set a bed or broad couch, bolstered up at both

ends, of twilt or ticking sattin; the coverings, silk, embroyder’d. At

Adrianople it was ten times richer, with gold and pearls, for without

doubt they have alwayes ready several coverings. The floor on this and

the round tent is covered next the ground with a thick sort of course

Yorkshire or Kidderminster woollen cloth, over which at severall times

they spread carpets, or foot cloths of severall richnesse and value. At

Adrianople I saw it once with Persian carpets; another time with sattin,

embroyder’d with massy gold, as the floor likewise was where my Lord had

his audience; the bolsters and cushions were suitable. Behind this was

a partition wall made of canvas, the ground and the flowers of bits of

cloth; the covering of all these tents was on the outside a pale green

canvas; on the inside the ground satten flower’d with bits of divers

colours, some satten, some fine cloth, and all the edges and seems were

wrought with gold and silver twist. All the flowers and Kiosks, etc.,

wrought are fancyes not at all according to nature, and though all

together showes very glorious and stately, yet in the particulars it is

very bungling and blockish. They often bring in round bits of satten

or cloath patch’t one upon the other in their fruits and flowers, and

being of divers colours, represent so many Crescents. They make likewise

the figures of some antick birds, few beasts, but no men. The panes of

the inside are all arch’t as the wall tents belowe; at bottom a fring

as on the side. The vallance was of the same make, and were of various

sorts and fancyes in several tents of party colours. Passing through the

Partition wall we came to the Gr. Sr. sleeping tent, or bedchamber, which

they call _oda_[258]; it is square, with a ridge above like a house,

which is supported with two long posts, four shorter being at the corners

under the eves, which hang over like a pent-house, as the wals which

were made lattice fashion, and richly gilded and painted, with doors to

open on thre sides; it was about 12 or 13 foot square, for we were not

suffer’d to enter neither here nor at Adrianople. When it is very hot

these lattices alone are used; if it be cold it is wal’d round with red

cloth lined with flower’d damask. We looked in; it is floored in like

manner with the rest, sometimes richer, sometimes not; there is a bed

stand crosse the door at upper end, bolster’d at each end; the bed stood

plain, but they can set it out with severall adornments. Upon a settle

or little stand by lay the Al Koran and a whimsicall coat of a great

Santon[259] dervish, which was all cover’d with green silk; this was not

there at Adrianople. The santones coat I saw taken out about ten dayes

after; it was like a _Taberd_.[260] There are therefore three courts, as

it were, all invironed with a wall tent, embattled like the walls of a

City, which none else can have but himself; the flowers and corners are

red canvas, the lists of white girt web, the ground green canvas; all in

this fashion, but 4 have some severall fantasyes in some suits, which are

not in other suits; yet the severall suits are uniforme to themselves.

In the first court, therefore, stood the Kiosk, the square tent, round

tent, and the _Capagasi_,[261] etc., and Long tent; in the 2d Court the

_odà_, and many tents at distance two _oghlans_, or pages; and others in

the third court were all other offices, Kitching, sherbets, etc. One side

of this outward wall in the Maidan reached 400 paces; but that may alter,

according to the ground on which they pitch it, which may be lesse, or

far more, and the figure may alter; the foreside was about 100 paces.

They have many bales of wall tents to adde upon occasion. We went in at

a side door, having obtein’d first leave of the Capagasi; before the

great or common door stood six Javelings, which, with horse-tayles about

their upper end, and a golding globe at top, about 4 yards high, and just

before them was pitch’t a round ordinary tent, where the hangman set, and

all publick justice is done in the sight of the G. Sr., who stands in his

little Kiosk.

Upon the right hand, going up from thence, stood the Mosäifs[262] tent

with 3 horse tayles before it, as every vizier of the bench hathe;

but they have but two great tents in their first court, to wit, the

square and long one. Next to his was the Muftis,[263] then the two

Cadeleskiers’,[264] all with but two tayles before them; then several

bashes tents, then the vizier’s tents, in all things equall to the G.

Sr.’s in pomp and fashion, onely his walls are plain (as the rest of

the great men), without battlements, and the balls of gold are lesse.

The bignesse likwise of his tents did not agree, though that may depend

upon the pitching, for the square tent or portico was 12 paces long and

8 broad. These tents were canvas without and within the ground, but the

flowers were bits of cloth, satten, painted and gilded leather, very

little silver and gold about them. In the place of audience was a stool

cover’d with purple velvet for Embassadores audience; befor his 3 tayles

was also a round tent for Justice; there sit also his under officers, to

write Ashrs.[265] One side of his tent reach’t down about 330 paces, the

bredth at head was 80. Next, at a good distance, was the Vizier’s tent;

a long one stood without, where he or his _Hasnadar_[266] gave audience

to all that came. He has two courts within; one long tent for himself,

with artificial gardens about it, and all his slaves and waiting servants

in 7 or 8 more round about him; these in the first court. In the second

his agà,[267] and other tents for other servants. I have been treated

there several times by his _sherbetjé basha_,[268] who was my friend;

his tent is full of fingians,[269] snowpit fountain water, etc., all

ready coffee, etc. Never tasted such sherbert in my life. All these tents

front to one center; in a circle in the midst are tents belonging to the

_Dafterdar_,[270] where stood openly many, many sopets with money and

treasure. Behind Kaseamstapha basha the G. Sr.’s son-in-law, Kaimachan of

Adrianople. When we were there I was informed that they alwayes pitch’t

in this form. Behind the vizier were all the other bashas, and many other

officers and servants. When they are at war the Janissaryes are placed

round on the outside.

Now, on the land by Chalcedon is built a lighthouse or Pharos, which they

call (as likewise a little village by it) Pheneir, and Phenerè,[271]

as at Pompey’s pillar, which I question not was erected for the same

purpose. Coming from thence, on the shoar towardes the factory seraglio

is a fair large fountain; just by it a garden new empaled, and enlarged

much bigger then it was. A great kiosk in it, then ready furnish’t for

the G. Sr.; under it, about 15 or 20 steps, is a fountain of delicate

water, which the G. Sr. uses now daily. At Scutary there are very fine

walks, all shaded with Cipresse (most), pine, firre, some oak, ash,

Lotus, horse chesnut, cherry, beach, and other trees; there are new taken

in two or three vinyards. There are several Arbors cover’d with vines of

delicate grapes. The Bustange[272] invited us in, and treated us very

civilly.

* * * * *

I was at the Dervises in Galata, which Dervise Mustapha the Näizam bashè,

or head of the players of the pipe which they call Näi.[273] He hath

been there 14 years, his pay is 45 aspers[274]; to the rest he payes 5,

6, 7, 8, or more, as they are deserving. They have 100 kilos of wheat

per annum, 100 per annum vacoof,[275] 3,000 aspers per man; from the

G. Sr., 10 sheep at little Beiram, 100 at Ramazam. They have usuall

prayers in the houses, and he that is devout may pray all night long,

fast, etc. There are 4 Tekyes[276] or monasteryes, of them here one,

two Kasoumpasha, 3 Bisicktash, 4 Yenicapon; on Stambal side there are

eighteen sorts of them. These founded first by Molàh Hunkyòr, Harset

meulanàh, for he goeth by both these names. Heretofore they preach’t,

danc’t, and piped every Tuesday and Friday. 3 lye here buryed: 1. Arzéh

Mahmet effendi, a great benefactor to them; 2. Ismèl Effendi, who was

once their sheik (or head, though it signifies prince) and benefactor;

3. Ismaèl Effendi, another benefactor, who built them 10 chambers, and

left them 1,000 dollars. They let their neighbours be there buried for

their money. Formerly, the _Baltagee_[277] of Galata seraglio were

buryed there; now they have a corner apart. There Govisè Achmet is

their Sheich now, who receives all the money, and hath himself 1½_d._

per day. Their musick is a Tambor, and a long week small lute with wire

strings, to which they sound their Nai or pipe, whereof they have two

sorts, a base and a treble; for the middle ones partake of that to which

they are nearest. The little pipes have 7 holes on the upper side all

in a row, and an eighth at the bottom, a little of one side, and just

in the middle (measuring from that lowest eighth hole upwards) on the

back is a 9th hole. Some of these are a foot and ½ long; some lesse,

some more. The long pipe hath six holes, on one side three, and three

at equal distances, and on the back side, just half way, there is a 7th

hole. There is neither a fipple[278] above, nor noze[279] in the mouth,

but the head is a horn sloped up and brought to a very fine edge, which

leaning sidewayes to the mouth, gives the sound, as boyes (with us) used

to whistle in acorn cups, this πλαγιαῦλος[280]; whence our flagiolet.

Shepherds use smal pipes of wood with such mouths, and some I have seen

of the wings and thigh bones of Crowes, Bustards, Pelicanes, etc.,[281]

from whence of old were cal’d _tibia_. These dervish pipes are very

dear, not one of twenty proving good and true. The smallest and deepest

he ask 3 dollrs. for, and some of the largest he vallued at 20 dollrs.

One (which had belong’d to the Convent these 300 yeares) he valued at 50

dollrs.; yet more for its sweetnesse, then antiquity. They play mournfull

tones, but seldom any poynt of musick. They are all made of Indian canes,

just such as we make our fishing-rods in England of; the workmanship and

luck in proving good give them their price. At every joynt they are whipt

with gut strings, more for ornament then strength. The present G. Sr. is

much delighted with them.

We went to see the vaults under Sta. Sophia; they were full of water,

then 17 ft. deep, and overhead from the water up to the top of the arch,

about 2 yards and 6 inches. Every pillar is square 4½ feet, and distant

one from another just 12 feet. The bricks very broad, thin, wel baked;

not playstered within; the mortar very hard. They say it goes under

Atmaidan[282]; we could not enter it. The wast water of the aquaeduct

enters into it and out of it, passing through the Seraglio goes into sea

by the dunghill. Severe punishment to have houses with offices into it,

or throw any filth into it; the well of Sta. Sophia runs into it, and

many wells in the Seraglio, etc.

AN ACCOUNT OF OUR JOURNEY TO ADRIANOPLE, 1675.

You must note that in Turkey navigators reckon their way by houres, not

by miles; however, I have made an estimate of every dayes journey both

wayes, reckoning 3 miles to the hour, and, truely, I believe that our

pace in generall did come pretty just to that proportion.

_May 2d, 1675._ To _Ponte piccolo_, hours 7½, miles 23. Upon a Sunday,

after morning prayer and a sermon, we set out, being about 100 horsemen.

My Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines[283] road in a kind of double horse litter,

used by the great men in Turkey, caryed by 4 mules, cover’d with fine

wrought cloath. The name for this thing is a _Takt-i-rovan_, which is as

much as a running seat (_Takt_, “seat”; _reván_, “current”) in Persian,

from whence they have taken this state. There were four muliteers to

attend upon it, and two _Mestagées_,[284] or fire caryers, to go before

it; they carry upon a great staff, or short pole, an Iron made just

like our beacons, into which, when evening is come, they put _Pinus

sylvestris_, which they call _Sheráh_, or χερὰ, and being very fat and

unctious, it flames and burnes well, and lasts long; but to supply their

fire they have each man his bag full of shivers and splinters of the

wood, with which they tend this fire. Wherever my Ld. (as the like is

observed to the vizier, and all other great persons travayling) took

up his lodging, so soon as it began to grow darke, they came and fixed

these beacons, by irons sharpened on purpose at the lower end, just

before his door (or tent, when he lay in one), and then began a short

prayer for the Gr. Signor, the Embassador (or their patrone), and all

the company, particularly naming every one, the Treasurer, Secretary,

Papas (or chaplain), Turgemen, etc. This is the use of the Countrey,

and if the grandees travayl in the night, or goe but a street’s length

in their cityes, these _Mestages_ goe before them instead of lanthorn

men, or torches. I thought good to mention them thus fully here, because

here it first occurres, and you will meet with them often in the insuing

story. My Ld. had a coach also, which went by empty with six horses,

postillions, trappings, etc., all _alla Turchesca_ (as the fashion here);

the coachman rides on one of the hinder horses, and not in the boxe,

though sometime I have observed it. So likewise the chief _Turgeman_ (or

as we commonly call him, the _Dragoman_) had his coach and 4, large; all

the principle attendants there had also their carts (or rather waggon

coaches) with 4 wheels, and some two horses; some three horses all

abreast. I fancy your _Trigae_[285] were such; for I have observed here

many antient customs and fashions yet remaining. I, amongst the rest, was

appointed to have one to carry my cloathes and other baggage, as likewise

I had my servant, and a _seis_, or groom, to look after my horse. There

were above 60 of these waggon coaches in all, with all this trayn, and

about 20 or 30 strangers that went onely to set us out the Town. We left

Pera, May 2d, and though our way from Stambul is direct and short, yet,

we being on the other side of the water (the Sinus Ceratinus), we were

forc’t to go about by the meadowes, where, by the help of two bridges,

we past the two streames (or cornua) that meet to make up the creek that

separates Pera from Stambal. Within 1½ h. we came to the first rivulet,

cal’d of old _Barbyses_. About a mile further we passed the 2d rivulet,

of old _Cydarus_; both are very accurately described, with all the little

hills and valleys about them, by _P. Gyllius_, in his Bosp. Thrace, l.

2, c. 3, onely _Barbyses_ hath a stronger current, especially in winter.

I have been often times _alla caccia_ from one end to the other of it.

A mile further we came to the suburbs of Stambal, commonly called Job’s

tomb, but it is the dormitorys or Mausoleums of severall Turkish princes,

Viziers, warriors, and men of fame amongst them, one whereof was called

Jüpe (as they now call Jacob, and the Armenians call him Agúp), which

gave name to the place, and I veryly believe _Gyllius_, l. 2, c. 2, was

either mistaken or misinformed when he calls him _Aibabarius_, for the

Turkes call the place _Aiübazár_, which is the mercate place of Jüp

(_Bazár_ being in Turkish the Mercate place, as Balukbazár, etc., the

fish mercate, etc.). I have been often there amongst the tombs. From Jüp

bazár we came under Stambal walls, which are distant from thence about

½ mile, and, passing about a mile further, we came to Adrianople gate,

from which we insisted on the direct great road, as followeth about

three mile of; we crosse a little rill, not much worth your notice,

but onely I resolved to set down every water run, that (if possible)

I might give some light to your antient Geographers, our common maps

(Ortelius, Ptolomy, Sansoin, etc.) being very false. We left two little

Turkish townes on our right hand, _Dav’d Basha_ (David Basha), a mile

from Adrianople gate, and as much farther _Hasnadarcui_ (Treasurer’s

town); _cui_ is a common termination, as _ton_, _don_, etc., with us, and

signifyes a village or town. A little beyond the foresaid rill is a very

large _chinàr_, or plane-tree, with a square green bank cast up about

it, and a very noble fountain by. Here in sommer many come to take their

_spasso_ and recreation in the shade (which that tree casts), sitting

upon carpet with tobacco, coffee, and pure water, etc. Three miles

farther we cross two other little rills, which meeting together (and, as

I suppose, with the former), make a large stream, which enters the sea

between Stambol and Cape Stephano (the mouth being within 2 mile of this

latter). About a mile farther is a brook (then it was dry) with a stone

bridge of 6 arches, and a little farther a rivulet with a stone arch over

it. I verily believe all these unite and enter the sea as above say’d,

for all the way from the first to the last is low, flat ground, and these

may very well meet there towards the sea; but I am convinct of it by

reason I have been at _Ponte piccolo_ by water many a time, and never

observed any other outlet into the sea but in the place aforesaid. We

come from Adrianople gate to _Ponte piccolo_ in 4 hrs.; it must be about

12 miles.

_Ponte piccolo_ is called by the Turkes K’ootchóok chekmejé (it is little

chest or cabinet), by the Greeks μικρὸ χωριὸ, or little town. It is

inhabited partly by Greekes, partly by Turkes, and is about the bignesse

of Newmarket. It has one large street, through which lyes the road,

in which are many shops of victuallers, Knackers, and makers of horse

furniture, smiths, etc., all fitted for travaylers. There are severall

(_Chans, or caravanserais_) stables, and lodgings for passengers: that

is, roome and provisions for horses and mules, and by them room for men

to lye down; but if you carry not your couches or quilts with you, you

must take up your lodging upon the cold ground here, and everywhere else

in Turkey upon the road; as likewise your victualls in some places may

be had drest for you in such shops as I have mention’d, or else you must

carry it with you, and cook it yourself, or live upon barly and chopt

straw with your horse. Here our caterer (or purveyor) found very good

fish of all sorts by reason of the sea and a lake being very nigh, but

in other townes travaylers find nothing but leekes, garlick, onyons,

bread, salt, pickled olives, cabbidge, cowcombers, melons, and the like,

little bits of broyl’d flesse, which they call _Kibób_, but whole joynts

nowhere, rice, pancakes, and severall kinds of pastery meates. We, being

so many in number, had a man who alwayes went before to every _Conáck_,

or stage, and brought in muttons, beafes, veales, and the like, what he

could get, having two _Chiaúses_ to assist him, else the people would

in most places not afford us anything, the best Turkes, if they travayl

alone, being content with the fare of the road above-named. At our

entrance on the East side the town standes the Turke’s _Mosché_, and a

college, or hospital, both built by one _Abdisalláh_ (_i.e._, the Slave

of God), _Tefterdóre_ (Treasurer) to _Sultan Solyman_; (others say to

Sultan Osman). There is there allowed maintenance for three learned men

in the law, or Chiefes, at one dollar per diem, as likewise rice, butter,

bread, etc., for them and twenty more students there under them, who have

the salary of 18 Aspers per diem. There my Ld. and all us that belong’d

to his court were lodged, and they, according to their statutes, at night

came and brought us two or three great platters of their pottage (made of

rice and onyons, etc.), and for everyone a loaf of their bread. Any great

personage passing that way may lodge there, and cannot be denyed neither

room nor this entertainment. They get well by it, for at parting every

great man leaves some charity to them, as we also did. There is a pretty

large court, as bigge as the second in Emanuell Coll., one story high,

with cloysters and little chambers (with chimneys) round about, and a

fountain in the middest. All passengers carry their own beds, or mats, or

quilts to sleep on and set on, for, as is before said, you find room, but

nothing but the bare wall besides. I and two or three companyons slept on

carpets in the Cloysters, it being very hot weather; my Ld. and Sr. Tho.

Baines had travayling beds to set up and take down upon all occasions.

Our cookes and such like went allwayes before us, and in every Conack we

had our provisions ready all the way against our coming in. At the end

of the great street we past over a water and a moory ground by a long

bridge and causeway, having a great lake on the right hand and the Sea

on the left, separated by a small peninsula of land. The bridge hath 12

arches: the first, _Ponte piccolo_, very large, next the Town over the

chief stream; then two lesse at a good distance; then nine more as much

farther. These last serve only to let the water passe that fall from the

hills in winter, and would be prest up by the bridge and caseway, and

so otherwise would endanger both. The bridge is stone, rayed (striped)

with slight timbers on each side. It is about 312 of my paces long,

broad enough for 3 carts to passe one by the other; to it is joyned the

caseway of stone 462 of my paces, and at the bridge foot it is about 2½

foot high. I find this lake in Ortelius map of old Thrace to be cal’d

_Myrmex Lacus_, but he hath not taken notice of a fresh water river that

runs through it, which I have rowed up and down at least 5 or 6 miles. It

runs with a small but very strong stream, so that at the mouth, where it

empties itself into the sea, our boates from _Stambol_ enter with great

difficulty, as likewise it is very deep and very strong under the great

Arch of the bridge, where, though the water continually sets out, yet

the water in the lake tastes brackish. Up this fresh river, about 5 or 6

mile, is on the right hand a very high and steep mountain, with a most

famous cave, which runs 10 or 12 mile underground, and is hewn in many

places that two or three men may walk abreast at their full height.

_May 3d._ To _Ponte grande_ 4¼ h., miles 13. Going from _Ponte piccolo_,

so soon as you are of the caseway and past the moor you rise up an easy

hill, at the foot of which, just by the corner of the lake, is a little

village on your left hand call’d _Coomcui_, or Sand-town, from the sand

hard by there in the lake; onely Greekes live in it, and have forgot

the Greek name, or else it never had any. About a mile or two farther

on the right hand, at the edge of the lake, is another, called by the

Greekes _Cabárana_. Half way to _Ponte grande_ you leave a little

Greek town on the right hand hardly cal’d _Ahúrcui_; thence you descend

a little but very steep valley, and in the bottome is a little river

with a stone bridge of three arches. This valley is not much above one

mile over, but is a very dangerous place for robberys and murders, and

therefore is cal’d by the Turkes _Aram-derry_, or accursed valley. On

the brow of the hill on the other side this valley stands a very fine

but little queach[286] of popalar, cipresse, and some elme and willow

trees very thick to-gether; it is paled in very high, like one of our

parkes. In the midst of it is a seraglio of the G. Signor’s, where

formerly they came in summer for pleasure. Under the pales, upon the

road, is a couple of clear and very large fountaines with severall

cisternes, where some few comrades of us made a halt and took a dram of

the bottle. _Ponte grande_ is cal’d by the Turkes _Buyoók-checmedje_ (or

great-chest, abusing the word _checkmése_ for a wooden bridge, as both

these and the other bridges at _Ponte piccolo_ at first were of wood),

in Greek μεγάλο χωριὸ, or great town. The inhabitants are most Turkes,

some Jewes and Armenians, but more Greekes mixt with them. The road and

the sea makes this Town, as well as _Ponte piccolo_, flourish. This is

bigger then it; there is likewise good store of excellent fresh-water

fish, as likewise of sea fish. On the west side the town lyes a great

Lake which hath communication with the sea, and seemes to have been an

arme of it antiently, but now cut of from it except in 4 places which

we passe by bridges, now of late yeares made of stone, but there remain

ruines of wood, which show them to have been of old of timber upon stone

cheekes,[287] to draw up and down and move into the Lake, we passing them

to the right hand. The water, when we past, was not very deep. These

four bridges are joyned together by stone casewayes, which in winter,

if more rain falls then is vented by the arches or covered with it, yet

there being room for the water to play, all is with out danger or damage,

the stones towards the lake being clenched with lead one to another. The

first case-way from the street end is 60 paces, that bridge is 183 paces

with 7 arches; 2d caseway, 39 paces; the bridge 166, with 7 arches; 3d

caseway, 19 paces; the bridge 127 with 5 arches; 4th caseway, 14 paces;

the bridge 233 with 9 arches; the last caseway about 30 paces—all soe

wide as three carts may goe abreast. I am the more particular in these

little things, that you may see the Turkes are neither niggards nor

fooles in these public workes, for I assure you I never saw stronger

work than among them; and some things are as fine and neat as we can

possibly shew. There is a large river which enters this lake at the

north, but runs not very swift. The Greekes call it now Μαυροπόταμι, the

Black river; the Turkes very near the same, _Kará-sou_, Black water.

Now judge you whether _Athyrus_ runs here or no.[288] The sea comes up

to the bridge; though it is very shallow, yet it is a pretty harbour

for small vessells out a little farther between the two capes, and this

little port addes to the greatnesse of this town above the other _ponte_,

where there is none. My Ld. was Lodged on the side of the Lake, at the

end of the Town; the weeds and dead carcases, and other filth which they

dayly cast in, in the hot weather, made so foul a stink as we were all

almost stifled with it. Here are in the town many, many _chanes_,[289]

besides where we lay, and several pretty large streets. For building,

once for all I must tell you there is none all over Turkey but what is

very mean and beggarly, and for the most part dark and sluttish: I

except your Moschés, Seraglios, and publick buildings onely. Some great

men of late (as this present Vizier now at Stamboul) have ventured upon

great buildings for themselves, but it doth often prove their ruin; they

becoming thereby suspected for becoming too great, and so the G. Signor

cuts them of and seizes their possessions.

_May 3d._ To _Selibria_ h. 5¾, miles 17. Going from _Ponte grande_, so

soon as we had past the bridges and began to rise up the hill, there we

past two little townes, both inhabited by Greekes; one on the right hand

called Πλάγια, the other on the left, by the sea, called Καλικράρια.

We called at these by reason of the fame of good wine there, which we

found true. About 6 or 7 miles from thence, on the left hand, stands a

little town on a promontory looking into the sea; the name I could not

learn. About a mile farther we passe a little rill, and a mile beyond

that (which is about half way to Selibria), we go by a little ruinated

town, just in the very sea, the road lying upon the sand; the town stands

to the right hand, in Turkish _Koombúrgás_, or sand-burough[290]; in

Greek Κουμιὸ, a word corrupted from the Turkish _Koóm_, which is sand.

We had very good wine there, especially a small sort of claret. There

hath been formerly a little castle or fort there, but all the great

stones are picked out and carryed to _Stambol_. The _Valedéh-Jámisi_ and

_Valedéh-Chane_,[291] _i.e._, the Q. Mother’s Mosch, and the Publick

_Chane_ or _Hostelry_, was built with part of them. As once for all, I

must tell you that round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken

almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in

the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments

of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of

the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining

in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the

Maidan,[292] the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d

down and disposed of. This hath been a pretty town, but now it is nothing

by its situation. About 2 miles from hence we passe another, a pretty

mercate towne, and rich by reason of the road, and a little port for

small boates. It is cal’d in Turkish _Bogáthos_[293]; the inhabitants

are most Greekes, but in the great street are many Turkes. There is yet

standing a little tower with very thick walls, which is now turned into

a granary. About three miles from thence we enter into a Moorish ground,

which we passe by. A caseway and bridges of stone, of one arch apiece,

over as many little streames, deep, but very narrow, which uniting hard

by, enter the sea (which is all the way in sight to our left hand), in

one pretty large channell; it being the onely stream that deserves the

name of a river from _Ponte-grande_ to _Heraclea_ (Erekli).

* * * * *

_May 5th._ To Ciorlúh (Chiorlóo we pronounce it), 8½ h., 25 mi.[294]

Going from Selibria,[295] we leave the Sea (having hitherto had it

all the way on our left hand), and mount, arising well into a plain

champion[296] country, as indeed all the way to Adrianople is champion.

Scarce a tree, unless some few about _Chiorlóo_ to be seen; by which you

may imagine what brave hunting and hawking the G. Signors have there.

Just under Selibria runs a small rill, which enlarges into a kind of pond

at the very town, over which we past by a stone bridge of 4 arches; and

about a quarter of a mile further we enter a moorish ground, in which is

a very fair stone bridge of 32 arches, and with the ascents at each end

it is about 450 paces. The water under it was little and did not run,

which made me conclude the bridge built onely in case of land floods in

winter time, which must needs be occasioned by rain from the neighbouring

hills, they being steep and enclosing this flat ground on every side. I

could perceive this overflowing water enter’d the Sea in one mouth with

the little rill before mentioned; and besides this there is no other

river near to _Selibria_. About 8 mile of from it by the sea side I

crosst another little one as I came home. Out of this moor we rise (as is

said) to the top of a hill, into a plain, which is a black spongy soil,

and seemes to be very binding, for there we saw them at plow with 6, some

7, some 8 yoke of oxen in a plow; especially where they were new breaking

up. The first town we came at was called _Kinnekléh_,[297] a little

Turkish town in a very fertile playn. About half way we crost a little

river, which enters the sea about 3 or 4 miles to the W. of Heraclea, or

rather is that just now mentioned 8 mile from Selibria.

* * * * *

_Chiorlóo or Chiorlúh_ hath been a very large town, as it is yet most

inhabited by Turkes, yet there are Armenians, Jewes, and Greekes too. It

is not onely a great road town, but also a very great trade, and mercate

is driven there for all sorts of commodityes. On the east side the town

runs a great dry grasse, as big as the Divels ditch at Newmarket, in

which are severall fountaines, yet standing, of excellent water. At the

lower end (from the Town) it is crost with an aquaeduct of 96 paces long

(the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little

high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet

the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in

them. It was a very antient way of conveighing water, and far beyond

either wood or lead. I saw several old ones at _Carthage_, _Ephesus_,

_Smyrna_, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground

thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description:

they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more)

long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove

(to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they

have an excellent mortar, which they call _Lukiúm_ or _Lookioóm_; it is

made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted,

cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with

linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made,

otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the

trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity. Beneath

this dry grasse to the North are many vinyards, fig trees, etc. There

have been within this 20 yeares here in town above 400 Greek familyes,

now they are shrank to near upon 100; yet they are forc’t to pay the same

_Harátch_ (pol money) and other dutyes (for _the G. Signor’s lead cannot

sink_; he will lose nothing of what once is settled to him), which comes

to 1,000 dollrs. per annum, just as they did before; which makes the poor

creatures yearly break and run away. They have but one Church, a little

poor thing, but kept spruce and neat, there belonging to it a Bp., 4

priests, and 2 deacons. I was there at Vespers with them, and found them

extremely civil, and they shewed me all the town. Over their church door

they have fixt a pittyfull marble stone, which they saved out of the

ruines of an old castle that was here; it was all flead[298] to build the

Turkish moschs, which are at least 12 in all.

* * * * *

_May 6th._ To _Karesterán_[299] 6 h., miles 17. Going from _Chiorloo_,

about a little mile, we passe a little river; over it was an old stone

bridge, almost broken down, which have had 4 arches. Just half way to

_Karesterán_ we passe a good large river, though in sommer it is almost

damn’d up with sand; there is a good large bridge over it of wood, but

slight timbers in it. All the way it was still Champion ground, most like

a black moorish soyl, yet I judged it lighter than that on the other

side _Ciorlóo_, because we saw severall ploughs with but 4 oxen in them,

and those yoaked all abreast. The town has its name from _Karismack_,

_i.e._, to mingle or knead; for the least rayn (as we experienced when

we were there) makes the spongy, soapy (fuller’s) earth just like past.

Upon the S.E. side of the Town, about one quarter of a mile, runs a small

river, but very strong stream; there is a bridge there with 8 arches and

about 100 paces in length. The river may easily in many places be leapt

over; yet in winter the water overflows farre. From a delicate cleer

fountain on the same side the town beyond this river, upon the side

of the hill (to our right hand, as we descend to come hither), is an

Aquæduct brought, and in the valley are three steps or pyramids built to

divide the water into severall trunks, as also to let the overplus run

in winter, without prejudice to the course of the rest. Just about the

spring growes infinite of excellent _scordium_,[300] which I have found

an excellent preservative against the plague. Here is a very good Mosch

here, and a large _cháne_. The town is enriched onely by travailers; at

present it is but small, and built but in latter times out of the mines

of Miso.

_May 7th._ To _Bourgas_[301] 4 h., miles 12. About 2 or 3 miles from

_Carestéran_ are several decay’d fountaines by the road side. At 4 mile

is a very good fountain that runs plentifully, with cisternes for horses

to drink. A little farther are several little rills, with one arch’t

bridges over them, and hard by a pretty big river, but no bridge. Just

half way on the left hand, on the very road, is raysed a good great hill,

with a _fossa_[302] about it, and an entrance on the side next the road

up to it. I take it to be a monument of the dead, slain in some battle

fought upon these plaines. We have observed many such, as shall be say’d:

it was an antient custome and right paid to kings (as about Gallopoly)

and inferior persons. It is as high as Bartlow hills, but the fossa is

in a manner fill’d up. From the top we counted 12 villages spread round

about; it is seen almost to _Burgas_. Within two mile of _Burgas_ the

earth alters to a lighter kind of sandy soyl, yet Plowmen were there

breaking up with 6 yoak of oxen in a plough.

Burgás is a pretty large market town. We passe over a pretty street or

two; then came a most stately _Cháne_, having a fair square court and

large fountain in the middest of it, and cloysters round about; then fine

apartments able to hold well nigh 1,000 travaylers with their beasts.

This is joyned to a very brave _Mosch_ by a large _Cupola_ crosse the

main road, supported by 4 arches (28½ feet wide); the street passe under

two, and the passage from the _Cháne_ to the Mosch goes under the other.

Entering into the Kháne (for you must pronounce it in the throat) sit

many shopkeepers; amongst the rest, the finest Tobacco-pipe heads are

sold there that are to be found in Turkey. The Town is all Turkish,

and very populous for the bignesse. Mahomet, Vizierarém[303] to Sultan

Solyman, had a son, Bassa of Morea; complaints were made of him at court.

The G. Signor bid him advise his son to do better. He, without any

more adoe, sent and took of his head and presented it to the G. S., who

for his severe government in that point gave him all his son’s estate

(which otherwise falls to the G. S.), with which he built several noble

buildings, whereof this _Kháne_ and Mosch are none of the least. On

the W. side the Town (which we past the next day) runs a small river,

on which stands a Turkish mill, driving 3 pair of quernes (each mill

grinding 10 _Kilos_ or bushels of wheat in 12 houres), and yet the water

there is not so wide but I could easily step over it. They are Greekes

that forme the mill, which belong to Ἁγιαβὰλὰκ, a little town (concerning

which more presently) hard by. There is also just by this town a tile

kill, formed by other Greekes of the same place; though the soyl all the

way hither is black and spongy moorish ground, yet here is so good a

naturall mixture of sand as to make most excellent tile. Over the river,

going out of town, is a bridge of 4 arches, long in all 146 paces; the

stream is nothing in sommer, but the Town standing in a kind of pan in

winter, it must needs be great. The stone with which this bridge is built

is such a porous kind of hard _pumex_ as I never beheld; it seem’d to me

to have been made of clay and pills of sand, which afterwards mouldring

away might cause those eyes. Down the river hard by is a Turkish town

cal’d _Múctary_.

_May 8th._ To _Bobbás-cui_ 4½ h., miles 13. About a mile from Burgas,

standing upon a little hill on the left hand, we saw ἁγιαβαλὰκ, a little

Greek town (as is said), but very populous, there being now above 400

familyes in it, many of the men going out to work all the week (as before

is intimated), and returning on Saturday, live very well, they being

farre more industrious then any of the Greekes I ordinarily ever met

with. About six mile of from _Bobbas-cui_ we crossed a little brook;

a mile and ½ farther another; as far again a third, with bridge, all

almost dry. An old Turk took it from the Christians, and from him it

is now so named, for _bobbá_[304] is the common name for _Father_, and

is given to every old man in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St.

Nicholas’ church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memoriall or

building here. It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great

saint amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his tomb

we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles, and presented

them to an old woman that looks after it, and shews it to strangers. He

said he had made a vow in distresse to do it. The old woman told us:

Yes, my sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good holy man,

and he will infallibly help you. Oh, fye! sister, quoth the old Turk,

do not so vainly commit sin, for he was a mortall man and a sinner as

well as we. I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and

he doth nothing; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us; and so

ended that point of Turkish divinity. This Church is standing pretty

intire. It is but little (as I above said, I guesse most others were),

but very handsome, in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a

great _Cupola_ over the body of it; but the outward wall is scaloped. On

the east side the town as we goe in runs a little pretty river just under

this church, and hath a very well built stone bridge as ever I saw for

the bignesse, of a very hard freestone. It is broad enough for 3 carts

to goe abreast. It is 232 of my paces, beside the ascents at each end.

It hath 6 little arches in the midst, and severall little flood-gates on

each flank. All stones are rob’d here, likewise to build their Moschs,

which here are 3 or 4, one very fine one. The town is a pretty large

town, and will dayly increase. _Ibrahim bassa_ (now General of the Turks’

army), in bringing an Aquæduct thither, the shafts were open’d not far

of from the W. side the town.

_May 9th._ To _Háfsa_,[305] 6 houres, miles 18. Going a little out of

Bobbas-cui, on the left hand, is another great hill, cast up, I suppose,

on the same account with that between _Coresteran_ and _Burgas_, but not

so big, nor so high. Upon the Top of it lyes now a very long Turkish

tomb. That I may here tell you the difference, you must know that they

never lay anything over their dead but the earth. All the sides of their

tombs are good stone, but above nothing but earth, except in your Royall

Mausoleum or those of great men. There they place a cænotaph over the

grave, and a great candle at head and feet, and at the head the fashions

of the cap he wore, by which is known whether he was a man of the law, or

some civil magistrate, or souldjer or woman, etc.

About seven mile on the road we passe a little, little hamlet cal’d

_Coophátcui_, or _coophas-cui_. About a mile and ½ from thence (I guesse

it half way) we crost a little brook which ran plentifully, but as we

return’d it was dry. When we came within 3 or 4 mile of _Háfsa_ we saw

the top of mount Rhodope, which lyeth beyond Adrianople to the west,

as afterwards shall be sayd. This name is wrote severall wayes, but

pronounced all alike. Here is a most noble _Cháne_, farre better then

that at _Burgas_, and likewise a _Cupola_ crosse the street, and a fair

mosch annext in the same manner there described; but these two latter are

as farre inferior as the other is superior. All were built by the same

Mahomet Vizierarem, who built those at Burgas; thence they were made in

the same fashion. He lyes buried at _Jupe_ (before mention’d) in a fair

mausoleum which I have seen; and it is reported of him that he repair’d

all the publick bridges in the Turkes’ territoryes from Adrianople into

the bounds of Persia; and built as many Moschs and Chánes as there

are dayes in the year; and by this means continued Vizier 40 years,

an unusual thing in this court, for it is a wonder in this present

_Kiuprili_[306] not so much that he succeeded his father, as that he hath

staid in so long.

_May 10th._ To _Adrianople_, houres 5½, miles 17. Khavsa lyes S.E. from

Adrianople. Getting out of town (which stand low) we again saw upon the

first hill Rhodope before us; at 8 miles end we passe a little brook; at

3 miles farther another. With in 2 miles, or little more, of Adrianople

is a very good fountain, and fine _Kiosk_ or summer-house by it. Hither

comes severall great men in summer to take their pleasure. The city

begins to appear about 4 or 5 mile of, and indeed it shews gloriously,

as all their citys doe at a distance, but within they are very mean and

beastly. The Moschs and _Minarys_ (or steeples), which are very stately,

especially Sultan Selim’s mosch,[307] which is the best here, of which

more afterwards. The country (as is said) all the way perfect champion

ground with pleasant easy hills and fruitful valleys; the soyle generally

pretty good, but it is much neglected; and though I have all along

mention’d several little villages, yet I assure you this part of Thrace

(taken in the whole) is very little inhabited and lesse cultivated.

About the townes and villages we saw good husbandry; but elsewhere, I am

confident, above 2 thirds of the land lyes unoccupyed, and where they

neither plough nor plant vineyards, they feed neither meat nor sheep,

nor goat, nor anything else. In many, many miles riding we saw neither

corn-field, nor pasture, nor flocks, nor herds, but onely wild neglected

champion ground. I have a catalogue of many fine plants observed by the

road, but I omitt that, and come now to tell you how we were receiv’d

and brought into the city. About 6 mile of the city we were met with

all the French and Dutch who, belonging to Pera with us, were then at

Adrianople to see sights. At _Soláck chesmi_ (_or the Page’s fountain_),

which I just now mention’d, were provided 12 of the G. Signor’s horses

for my Lord and his attendance to mount and ride into city with all; they

were all admirable good ones, and set out as rich as was possible. I

left my own and took one of them, whose bridle, saddle, great stirrups,

breast plate, buttock cloth, etc., were either all of beaten gold and

silver, or else most richly embroyder’d. My Lord’s horses furniture were

set out with jewels and pearles most gloriously. There were groomes

appointed to attend upon every horse. By that time we were mounted and

got into the road and our ranks; we were met with the _Capigé-pasha_

(the word signifys chief porter), whose office is much like our Master

of the Ceremoneys, and the _Chiau’s pasha_ (or head _of the ciauses_,

who are like our purcevants or messengers of the green-cloth); these two

were in their court vests (Capsitans) of clothe and gold and silver,

with rich furres, and horses and furniture suitable. After them followed

70 chiauses in their habits, and severall _cherbigées_ (colonels

of the Janizaryes). We all made ... d till the ceremony of use and

complement past; then we went into the city in this cavalcade; first

the cherbigeés turned back, then the Chiauses, then the _Capigé basha_

and _Chiaus basha_, then my Ld. (having the strangers that met us just

before him), then all the English gentlemen, then the servants, then the

_torch-bearer_ with Sr. Tho. B., then the coach and 6 horse, then the

other (Turgemans) coach; then all the Carts followed. My Ld. had three

good horses (of the Companye), richly furnisht out, led by all the way

from Pera. The first street was lined with Janissaryes. We were conducted

with all this train to the house appointed for my Ld.’s lodgings, and

that street had Janisaryes likewise on both sides. There the Turkes and

strangers left us. The house we first were allotted was the damn’dest,

confounded place that ever mortall man was put into; it was a Jewes

house, not half big enough to hold half my Ld.’s family, a mere nest of

fleas and cimici,[308] and rats and mice, and stench, surrounded with

whole kennells of nasty, beastly Jewes. We made shift that night, and my

Ld., sending to the Vizier, had another immediately, which proved very

convenient; for here upon these occasions the G. Signor turnes out whome

he please (of Jewes or Christians) out of their house, so that it is

troublesome and dangerous to them for to have a good house, and in that

end of the town there is none, being all Jewes, crowded two or three

familyes into a house that hath not more roomes. If the old Jewes were

such poisonous beasts, I must needs then allow their frequent washings,

and think they needed not touch a dead body to be unclean, for they could

not touch a living one without being so; but more of them anon.

* * * * *

AN ACCOUNT OF OCCURRENCES AT ADRIANOPLE, 1675.

_May 17th._ The Ragusæan Ambassador visited my Ld. His name was Márin

Cabóga. The Turkes call this Embassador (alwayes one being at Court

here) Dóbra Benedíct, which is as much as good Venetian. He was a

lusty, gallant fellow, and I got a very familiar acquaintance with

him, and found him merry, cunning in his businesse, but most strangely

superstitious as to storyes of witches and such like. One day, being to

visit him with a friend of mine, he fell into such discourse, and at

last assur’d us that he had met with a Jew woman who, for certain, was

a witch. We desir’d to see her. She was cal’d; and when she came, she

would not owne any such thing as that she could raise the devil, but she

would tell us many charms and tricks: one was, this Signor Cabóga some

few dayes before had lost some money, and suspected one of his servants

for it. She comes with an Old Testament in Heb[rew], and, tying a key in

it at the 51st psalme, hang’d it upon her finger on one side, and upon

the finger of another old hag (her camerade) on the other side. Then he

began to think of one whom he suspected, and immediately he reads that

psalm in any other language which he understand (as he did it in Latine);

if the person be guilty, the Bible turnes and drops downe whilst he

reads; if he be innocent, it hangs immoveable to the end of the psalme;

then he thinks of another, and so begin again. This so possest him as

would needs have them shew it us, affirming that when he thought of one

person (whome he therefore concluded guilty) it never fail’d. To work go

the old hags; he reads; down drops the book. We laught and desir’d we two

might hold it upon our fingers (for I perceived the juggle most clearly:

it falls with pressing the finger a little stronger then ordinary); he

consented, and though he thought of the same person, the book hang’d

cleverly to the end in despite of Mother Mumpus.[309] I bad him think of

any other person in his mind, as myself, or friend, or the old woman,

etc., and before he had gone half way I turned it with as much dexterity

as if Mephistophilus himself had been in my Elbo. My gentleman was

amazed, but these cunning Jades put a neat conceit in his head. He told

us this trick would not do unlesse we were both of us clean; for, said

he, it would not do with me at first, for, to tell you the truth, I had

been with a prettie girl, but, so soon as I had confest myself, it never

fail’d, so that all we could say (if we had 10,000 compurgators, it had

been all one) would not persuade him but one of us, or both, had been

dabling. I told him of our trick with the Sive, and shewed him the very

cheat, both in that and in this, and, with much adoe, we convinct him

a little. At last I understood indeed what kind of Conjurers these two

women were: they were famous, truely, for raysing (or bringing up) little

Devils, but they were all in the shape of pretty wenches. One I had the

fortune to see, one as like _Cis Archer_[310] as if some kind spirit

had really conveigh’d her own very self hither; and in troth it might

be she, for these fairyes, I veryly believe, had flesh and bones. He

often recounted to me the dreadful earthquake that happened at Ragusa in

Easter week, _1666_[311]; he, being himself in it, gave the greater light

and credit to his businesse. He had kil’d a great man in a _rencontre_,

and was imprisoned for it, and sentence past upon him to suffer death;

he being at his prayers, expecting every moment to be cal’d forth to

execution, was, at a suddain, tost from one side of the prison to the

other, just under an arch, and that place from whence he was joulted was

blown up into the Ayre, as if it had been done with gunpowder. After

his fright was a little over, he got out, and in this sad juncture of

affaires behaved himself so gallantly, as he was not onely pardon’d, but

promoted, having been several times Ambassadore here before. The greatest

part of the houses in the Town were shaken down, which was done at one

blow, without any antecedaneous trembling or admonition; but after it

follow’d a trembling, which ceased not perfectly in 4 yeares after. There

were about 400 and odde noblemen before this accident, but not above 140

escaped; yet not one family of them was quite extinct. He onely was left

of his. There are not above 18 familyes antient amongst them. From the

harths that were in the houses over thrown broke out all over the town

a most dreadfull fire, which continued 22 dayes; yet, notwithstanding

it, and the other terrible shock of the Earthquake, nothing of their

walls or fortifications, or any publick buildings, were harmed in the

least, neither was one corn of powder fired, though all their magazines

were then full. There was a poor woman servant after 15 dayes digg’d out

alive; she had lived in a kitchen all that while, with a little dishwash

and oatmeal left there by chance. He saw likewise a little child digd

out hanging at the mother’s brest (who was dead) three whole dayes

after this sad hap; the child is yet alive. He is a very short man, and

behaved himself bravely against the Venetians, who afterwards assailed

the town. They pay to the G. Signor a yearly tribute of 12,500 Hungars

at 2½ dollars apiece, with _a dazio_ (as the merchants call it); it is

often more, as now one is valued at 2⅓ doll. Besides this tribute they

are forced to make presents at severall times of great solemnityes, as

now the G. Signor sent to them to come and honour the Circumcision of his

son and marriage of his daughter. They were much confounded, not having

any precedent left of what ever had been pay’d before; but the _Chiá_ (or

steward or deputy) to the Vizier favour’d them with a record of what

they paid about 80 yeares since in Sultan Morat’s[312] time, which saved

them much of what they intended to have given. I was very much obliged

to him, for severall times he took me along with him to see sights, and

to be treated by the Turks (as you shall hear anon), even to the envy of

severall of our company.

_May 19th._ My Ld. had audience with the Vizier for the ceremony of it.

It is the same with what is performed here at any audience with the

_Caimacham_ or _Bostanje basha_. We were conducted to his Pallace or

Seraglio through the City. Two Chiauses (which by order waited upon my

Ld. from Stambol continually till he return’d thither again) and all our

janizaryes leading of us, and we all following on horseback, we were

brought into a pretty large room with a _soffá_[313] (a square raysed

about 1½ foot from the ground) covered with carpets very rich, and laid

upon the 3 sides next the wall with narrow quilts, or little beds, and

great bolsters round, all cover’d with cloth of gold. At audiences at

Stambol we putt of our shoes, but here it would be an affront, as if

we were afraid to spoil the Vizier’s goods; the like is before the G.

Signor. My Lord was placed upon a low stool upon the sofá, and we all

stood there close at his back. Round about us stood many Chiauses and

other attendants. After about ½ of an houre’s stay in come the Vizier,

and drops himselfe down upon the couch crosse-leg’d. My Ld.’s stool was

put nearer to him. Just as he came in all the waiters cry’d: Whish,

whish, etc., in token of silence (though I never saw such silence even to

admiration (as hereafter shall be said) without this sign), and at his

setting down they all give a great acclamation, as much as _God blesse

the G. Signor and him, etc._ Being thus sat down, my Ld. deliver’d him

the King’s letter, and told him that his maister commanded him to do

soe, and, with all, to speak something more to him by word of mouth.

Amongst other things, my Ld. urged very much the perpetuall friendship

of the English, and that in the warres of Candia there appear’d not one

English man against them amongst those many other strangers that sided

with the Venetians; to which the Vizier answered it was true, he himselfe

was witnesse to it. My Ld. thanked him for so speedy an audience. He

smiled, and said it was a time of mirth, and the great matters were laid

aside awhile, so as he had that leisure. My Lord wish’t it might ever

be a time of mirth and joy to him. Many such complements past, though

the Vizier was alwayes very brief and sparing in his words, whether

out of a formall gravity, or the reall Turkish humour of taciturnity,

I know not. He look’t very pleasantly, and, as we were inform’d, with

an unusuall sweetnesse; though, at best, I assure you, I thought he

had Majesty and state enough in his face all the time, being all the

time of a very, very composed countenance, excepting once (as is above

said) we fancy’d some shadow of a smile. He is but a little man, and

goes (as I often afterwards saw him) a little lamely, and something

stooping thereupon, which they say is from many issues which he hath

about him for the Sciatica.[314] He hath a small round face, a little

short thin black beard, little eyes, little mouth, without any wrinkles

in his lips; a smooth round forehead and an erected brow, with thick,

but very short, hair on it. He is pockbroaken much. In summe, he hath

an acute but morale and serious look; and, if I can judge anything, I

should think him a subtle cunning man, though I had never heard so much

from the world. He is, they say, 44 years old, though, for my own part,

I guesse him not above 40, if so much. He was then in a Chiauses Cap,

but he hath severall, as I have seen him many times in them. At all

audiences, from the G. Sr. himself to the Kaimacham of Stambol, we give

presents, viz., vests of cloth, silk, cloth of gold, silver, velvet,

etc., and in most places we receive vests from them, which are a peculiar

sort of garment, onely to be then put on by us, and the maisters of

state wear them upon peculiar occasions up and down the Court. They are

made like our sophisters’[315] gown, without a cape. The stuff is of

white silk, flower’d with great branches, sometimes half moones (and the

like), yellow or tawny, all with very great weales[316]; and, according

to the dignity of the persons, they are of cloth, of silver, or gold, or

with more or less gold and silver wrought in the silk. There were give

16 amongst us. I sold mine for 6½ dollrs. My Ld.’s was worth 25 or 30;

all the rest like mine, except the Treasurer’s, Secretary’s, and chief

Dragoman’s, which were worth about 8 dollars a piece. I am confident this

was a very antient custome, and is mean’d in scripture by changes of

rayment, etc. We were with the vizier about ½ houre in all; my Ld. was

with him in person not above ¼. After these little passes were over he

rose up (the waiters making the same acclamations), and bowing a little

to my Ld., past on, and we come out with my Ld. You must understand

at all audiences (except with the G. Sr. himself, as you shall hear

afterward) my Ld. is lead in and out by the Treasurer and Secretary: one

on the right, the other on the left. The Cancellier to the Company, and

one or two of the merchants, viz., Mr. Cook and Mr. Salter, were not

vested, which you may imagine was taken amisse. My Ld. would have talked

of keeping peace with Tripoli, Algiers, Tunis, etc., as likewise would

have desired to treat by proxy or in private, but it was not then thought

convenient.

_May 23rd._ The Resident (from the Emperor) of Germany visited my

Lord.[317] There had been a little _pico_ taken. When Count Leshley[318]

came into town Embassador from the Emperor some time since, our

Embassador was then in town, and sent his secretary and court to meet

him. My Ld. expected that this resident should have done as much to him.

But he excused it, assuring my Ld. that he was that day with all his

court call’d about businesse before the Vizier, and so all disgust was

past over. His name is Giovanni Christophoro, and sometimes he wrote it

Chinsberg; a most ingenious, courteous person; and as wise and cunning a

statesman. I was most infinitely obliged for his civility, being often

with him, and alwayes treated like a prince. He is an excellent schollar;

mathematicks and history, and all manner of Antiquitys are his chief

delight. I shall have occasion to say more of him anon; yet I will not

omit one strange thing now. We had been informed here by a very worthy

gentleman that at _Tocay_ in Hungary the vine (which make the best wine

in the world, if you believe the Concil of Trent) very often bears

grapes with the _Acini_, or stones, of massy gold. I, standing by my

Ld., and by chance hearing him mention the wine of this place, desir’d

my Ld. to mention this story to him, and I assure you he confirmed it

to be very true, but in a more modest way then we had heard it recounted

before: to wit, that the wine was very heavy, and sometimes here and

there will certainly be found in the grapes a stone of pure gold, as he

himself was presented with two or three such grapes; for it seemes they

can know which are such grapes before they break them. Discoursing the

point, he defended the possibility of it, asking how pearles sometimes

are found in oysters, or little chalk stones in gouty men’s hands, etc.

My Ld. return’d his visit two dayes after, and there remain’d a good

correspondency betwixt them ever after.

_May 25th._ We went to see the cavalcade made in honour of the young

prince _Mustapha_[319] before his circumcision. You must understand that

when any great man’s son is to be circumcised, a day or two before he

shall be cut he is caryed upon a horse up and down the town in triumph,

richly clad, but accompanied with severall other poor youths or children,

but finely drest, who count it an honour to be circumcised at such a

time. There goe a great multitude with them, singing, dancing, shouting,

and Turkish Musick playes all the way before him. This ceremony pay’d

this day to the young prince was of this nature, but performed in a

Royall manner; for all the Court of the G. Sigr. appeared, and we saw

much of the Glory of the Empire. All the great officers of State, as

likewise the Mustafaraca’s[320] (which are the _Lancie sperrate_, the

G. Signor’s life gard, for I was well acquainted with one who was a

Renegade) and other chief officers, had all _chiaus_ caps, as the Vizier

himself, etc. They were most excellently horsed, though now Amblers and

middle-sized horse are all in fashion. Most were in rich furre vests,

the outside cloth (it is a dishonor for great men to go without a furre

vest, though it be in the heat of summer); some the outside silk, satin,

velvet, cloth of gold and silver. The horse-trappings extream rich;

the buttock cloth embroyder’d with gold, silver, pearles, etc., at the

meanest wrought with silk; the saddles in like manner; the stirrups, many

of silver, some guilded; the bridles plated with gold, or silver and

bras; and many set with good stones and pearl, especially the peak on the

forehead, and at each ear, etc., this in general.

First come by severall companyes of Janizaryes, with their Cherbigées or

Colonells on foot. Then past the Vizier’s pages in a company distinct

and distant by themselves; all very proper, stout men, in crimson velvet

floured _Delaman’s_[321] (they are exactly like our cassocks), with

very large silver gilt embost girdles. Then follow’d severall companyes

of more Janizaryes, with the Chiaus of the Janizaryes on horseback in

the reer, who had a girdle all embroyder’d at least 1½ foot wide. After

them, as many more Janizaryes, with their Cherbigées on horse back.

Then as many more Janizaryes, with the Janizary Aga (a devilish severe

fellow, both in shew and in nature and practice) in the reer of them

on horseback. Then followed another company of the Janizaryes, with

the _Chiá_, (or you may call him) Lieutenant to the Agà, who is their

head. One thing is remarkable, that whereas our swordmen never goe in

companys thus but armed, as if they were ready to meet an enemy, here

the devil of sword, gun, or weapon, should you see. Some companyes of

the Janizaryes had each man a little switch or stick in his hand, the

rest nothing in the world about them; and in the whole cavalcade not

any armes in the world were ever seen, except a cimeter and pole axe,

which every horseman, let him be who he will (as I myself have had many

times), wear, the first fixt to his saddle under his left thigh, the

latter to the pummel over his right knee; and yet for all this security

there is no mutinying, no _embroglys_ or tumults, but the best government

in the world. Next come severall companyes of Armorers (Jebejées) in

green caps, edged with gold or silver, as their purses would beare;

(chesmejées) victuallers with red caps like Janizaryes, onely the flap

stands higher above the head piece. Then came severall Cadyes[322] and

Cadeleschiérs (men of the Law), with their _Naïps_ or Secretaryes, or

rather Scriveners. They were all in a sort of sophisters (or lawyer’s)

gown, without a cape, short sleeves, and of severall colours and stuffs,

richer or baser according to their ability, silk, satin, etc., all fur’d;

these are Cadyes, captains, or _divan_ habits.

Next followed the Vizier’s Guards in green vests and caps, which differ’d

much from what Consul Ricaut made them; their vest was closed together

with monstrous great buttons and tassels; they were at least 300 lusty

stout fellowes, all _Albaneses_. After them came more of his pages clad

like the first. Then follow’d he himself, the _Mufti_ and _Mosaïf_, or

great favorite; the Mufti in the midst, in a white cloth vest and ermine

furre; on his right hand the Vizier in a white satin sable furr’d vest;

on his left hand the _Mosaïf_ (or _Coologlan_), the favourite, in a green

sattin sable vest. Then were caryed by 40 _Naculs_, 20 on a side, which

are divices made upon a large pole in forme of a pyramid or cone (rather)

of wire, painted paper, beggars batten (such as we trim hobbyhorses[323]

withall), and flowrs and fruit of wax work, and painted paper, etc. At

every wedding and circumcision such toys as these are carryed before

the partyes concerned; but these were more large and costly. Then were

carryed by two more _naculs_ of incredible bignesse; it was the most

gaudy magnificent peice of (Hobbyhorsism) folly that ever I saw. It was

continued in quite another kind of frolick upon a large mast of a ship;

it was 27 yards long, and the lower part was 5 or 6 yards diameter; the

ornaments of it were much like this here described, onely between every

sphere were square cubes furnisht out with the same fancyes, especially

wax work. Now you will say: How could this colossus be moved? At the

bottom were eight or ten large bars of wood fastend parallell (as the

strings or bars of a sedane) and betweene these were harnest above 100

slaves; and before it (upon these bars) stood (or road) a master of a

galley, who menaged the Slaves, they resting and reering it up and down

at the noyse of his whistle. Now, for fear it should overset and topple

down, there were four long pikes of wood fasten’d about half way up,

and as many ropes came from the top, by which other slaves (taking hold

of the lower end) guided the top and kept it alwayes right up. To let

these walking timber-trees pass by the streets of the city many houses

were untiled, and some in part pul’d down. I went to view them whilst

they were making. They broke down a great stone wall of the publick

_Cháne_ in which they were made to let them out. The story of the walls

of Troy and their Hobby-horse is to it as Tom thumb[324] to Bevis of

Southampton.[325] I must here tell you a story. The Vizier sent an

expresse to the Bailo of Venice, commanding him to send for all the

actors of their operas to come with their scœnes, musick, etc., to grace

the G. Signor’s solemnityes. The Bailo excused himself, urging it was

impossible (besides of the inconveniences, etc.) to bring all that lumber

and trumpery by land and Sea in due time. The Chiaus (the messenger)

storm’d and swore: what was impossible for the G. Signor to do? _Walláh_

(by G.), my maister, if he will, can fetch your whole city hither just

as it stands there; streets, houses, churches, and all. The Bailo, with

much adoe, got of; but, ifaith, when I saw this moving wooden steeple so

easily menaged, I began to think the _Chiaus_ had some reason in him. The

little _naculs_ were afterwards set before the G. Signor’s tents: the two

great ones before the Queen-mother’s Kiosk (or sommer-house or Balcony),

all in the place of sports, of which more by and by. After these _Naculs_

were past, came young prince Mustapha, surrounded on every side before

and behind, with a brave troop of _Cherbigee_ (Collonels), all on foot,

in their caps and feathers. The prince himself was mounted upon a lovely

beast, which was, in a manner, nothing but jewels, pearls, gold, and

silver from head to tayle, and led by two mighty, lusty Cherbigées richly

clad, on each side one; two more in like manner went fanning him all the

way and shadowing him (for it was about ten o’clock, and a most excessive

hot day). They have large fans made here on purpose for great personages

of bustards’ feathers, contrived from 1½ to 2 or 3 foot wide. Whether it

was by chance or on purpose, I know not, but he made a stand just before

us, where I view’d him wel (as I have done oftentimes since), being

within 3 yards of him at most, now I was about 5 yards distance. He is

in generall an ugly, il-favour’d (and I guesse very ill-natured) chit;

he hath a perfect Russe face (as I have seen enough to be some competent

judge) as may be; he hath a beetle brow, a short, flat, saddled nose,

with a little cop[326] at the end; a roundish flat face, low forehead;

eyes and eyebrowes fair, the latter inclining to a sandy colour; his

eares very large, as much as can be seen; his hands (as all Turkes are

brutish and carelesse of them) tan’d and swarthy. His mother is a Russe,

and his father of a Russe extraction. He had a plain Turbant on, like a

common Turk, and a black single feather on the left side, at the bottom

of which was a diamond of about 40 (or, as they say, 43) _carats_, sent

home from the K. of Persia of old to a young prince of this Empire. He

had likewise two others, very large, on each side his vest, to clasp it

before, and instead of buttons were large pearls set al down the edge.

His Delamon under his vest was cover’d all before (instead of buttons

and loops) with broaches of rubyes and Emeralds; his vest was a white

cloth of silver sables; his delamon purple cloth of gold. He road to his

father’s tent; there he was received with a kisse, and sat down by him.

After the young p. and his attendance follow’d his Musick, Ten Pipers,

6 Drumes, 4 trumpets, 2 kettle-drumes, and 4 tamburs (or tympanums),

like sives cover’d with parchment at bottome; all these were mounted on

camels. The streets were lined with women on one side and men on the

other. The women of quality came coached, and the chief had stands, or

shops, or chambers, on purpose provided. All were vailed, yet I took

notice of many delicate persons that would now and then be peeping, and

some slipt down their vail very farre, which is accounted (if observ’d by

the rest) a great peice of impudence. The streets were continually kept

swept by broom men that waited on purpose; and they were every foot and

anon between company and company refresht with water, which _Sackals_

(budget men[327]) brought and sprinkled on purpose. Amongst so many

people it was most wonderfull to see order and strange silence, not the

least rudenesse in boyes or men; yet, to keep the crowd of people of and

in good order, there are men on purpose in all these public meetings

appointed, cal’d _Tooloonjés_, from skins of sheep (cal’d Tooloons)

blown up full of wind, and all dawb with oil and tar, and in leather

jackets besmeared in like manner. The Turkes (who are very spruce and

chary of their fine vests) run from these people as from the Divel, who

upon occasion will strike them with their _tooloones_, which will break

no bones, but onely daub them; they have leather caps with bells all

down the side. There were about 200 of these Raga-muffins, and their two

Bashas, or capes (heads), on horse back commanding them. In the furniture

and ornaments of men and horse that day Diamonds, rubyes, emeralds, gold,

silver, embroyder’d work, etc., were common things. The slaves employ’d

in the _Naculs_ before said had all their liberty. This day was the 11th

of their moon _Rebiul Evíl_[328] (or the first Evil), the next being

_Rebiul acker_. One thing I will here conclude this paragraph withall.

You can imagine what strange prodigious civility all Franks (as they call

us) found everywhere at these festivals. I have been twenty times myself

caryed in to see the sights, when all Turkes have been huncht[329] away.

They took the greatest pride that we should see and (at least seem to)

admire everything. I have been many times very, very near the G. Signor

himself (sometimes ½ an hour together, as long as I pleased), with my

hat and in my hair, both which they hate as the Divel; and have return’d

quite through the City (once or twice al alone) in the midst of the great

multitude of Turkes, and yet I assure you I never met the least affront

in the world, but rather extraordinary kindnesse, as shall be hinted

particularly afterwards; and amongst these vast multitudes all are as

husht and orderly as we are at a sermon. I could not possibly believe it

till I found it alwayes so, and from me you may believe this wonder.

_May 27th_, and the 13th of their Moon, is Mahomet’s birth day, which

they solemnly kept, for they have severall holy dayes as well as we,

besides _Biráms_, etc. This day the G. Signor went to Sultan Selim’s

Mosch (which is the chief Mosch here); we went to see him go by. There

was no great state or train; most of the great men came scattering. The

Vizier came riding by himself, with about 20 or 30 of his pages before

him in crimson velvet (as before is described), on foot before him, and

about 8 persons on horseback about him; to wit, his _Kihiá_ (or deputy

or steward properly), his _Agá_, or chief Governor of his household,

etc. The Vizier[330] was very plain, his vest green cloth, with ermin’s

furre, and, a distance being kept between his pages before and his

attendants behind, he rode alone in the middle. About an hour after (it

was near 11 o’clock) came riding in front about 10 _Bostanjés_ to se the

street clear’d and water’d, as before is said; they speedily rode back

again and joyn’d with their company, who made up about 50 in all. After

them follow’d the G. Signor’s pages on each side the way, in cloth of

gold, dark sky-colour’d _delamons_, with broad embroyder’d girdles, and

every one a _jint_ (or small javelin) in his hand of black ebony inlaid

with mother of pearl; all were on foot in two files, about 60 in all.

Immediately followed the G. Signor himself, very plain, in an ordinary

_sarick_, or _shash_ (_his Tiara_), and purple _cáook_ (his scul-cap,

about which his shash is wound). His vest was very plain likewise, onely

two good large stones were set in brocades to clasp it above before;

the two tips at the bottom before were born up by two footmen, and his

garments underneath were very ordinary as might be. I have seen him many,

many times (as is said before); but take this little description of him

once for all. He is a very swarthy man, his face shining, and pretty full

eye, black and sparkling; his nose something long, and beetled[331] at

the end, a full, roundish high forehead, a severe brow, his beard black,

very thin, and not very long. The Vizier’s beard is much thicker, but

they say he does not wear it longer than the G. Signor’s; his hand big,

but very rude, _alla Turchesa_; the upper part of his face something

resemble Mahomet the 1st in _Knowles_.[332] He hath a great deal of

Majesty in his countenance, and terror, too, when he please to put it on.

He hath been very lean and sickly (3 or 4 yeares since), but now he is

exceedingly plump and hearty. I have been certainly informed by _Grerách

basha_ (a Renegado, and his cheif Chirurgion, who circumcised the

young prince, as by and by you shall hear more), with whome I was well

acquainted, that the onely Physick (in a manner) which he used was Issues

(whereof he hath had 8, nay 10, at a time upon him) (they are much used

by all people here, especially in the Plague) and exercise, especially

hunting,[333] which he followes still most extravagantly, many times

going out two or three houres before day, and it may be not returning

till as late at night; sometimes (as this last winter) summoning in all

the _Villánes_ in 20 mile compasse to drive a whole wood or forest before

them. They tell a good story of him (but I have also heard it of one of

his ancestors), that many of the poor _Villánes_ dying once for hunger

and cold, the _Bostanjé Basha_, or some other officer, caused 8 or 10

of their bodyes to be laid in the way where the G. Signor was to passe.

The G. S. seeing them, askt what they were; the officer told him Poor

Villánes starved and perisht in his service, adding what pitty it was,

etc. The G. S. immediately swore they were all rotten, and he would hang

him for providing noe sound men, so his pitty had like to have cost him

his head. Pardon this digression: now we return to the story.

Just after the G. Signor followed the young P. Mustapha, very plain

likewise, with two servants on horseback attending, on each side one;

after followed several Bashaes and other great men, all in plain clothes.

There was a Sermon there, and prayers (as is usual); and after 2½ houres

all returned. The young prince with his father went to the Seraglio,

and about Kindí (the 9th houre in the Turkish account of the day), he

was circumcised by the Chirurgion above said (whose new Turkish name

is _Onufé_), who had for his paines 10,000 zechines (about 6,200 lb.

sterling), as he boasted to me; but I am confident it was much lesse.

It was presented him from the Q. mother in a large silver bason. He

was an Italian, ignorant enough, but bold and ingenious. As at other

circumcisions (as is before hinted), many accompany the great man’s son,

and take it as an honour, so here were severall 1,000es circumcised at

this feast; an account see afterwards amongst the generall notions. I now

will begin with the festivalls in honour of the circumcision, which began

May 15th, they counting it the first day of the moon (from the _Phases_),

whereas to us the day before was our new moon, which they reckoned the

29th, but in reality was the 28th, on which night the rising in a little

thin cloud appear’d bigger then ordinary, and gave them the greatest

pleasure and occasion of rejoicing that could be.

After these solemnityes were past, in the beginning of the next moone

(June the 14th) began the solemnityes of the Mariage of the Mosaifs (the

bridegroomes) house, of which in good order. First, then, you must know

that going into the Seraglio here there are two buildings which meet

at the great gate almost at right angles, before which lyes a delicate

plain, wherein they had pitch’t these Tents so in a rank as to make up

a third side, and inclose between the two former walls and the tents a

large quadrangle, which they left open on the 4th side for people to

come and be spectators. Here every night come the G. Signor and the

Prince, the Sultana and ladyes, and all the court to their proper places

to see the sights. The company never come together till about 2 o’clock

after dinner; for, setting up and spending all the night in revellings,

the forenoon went to recruit them in sleep. About Kindí (which is the

9th hour) were brought presents to the G. Sr. dayly; for all great men

throughout his whole empire were compel’d to present him and the sultana:

and many about the Court not giving so liberally as was expected, were

forced to second presents; some were _manzoold_ (turn’d out) for their

niggardlinesse. It is commonly reported that the cost of all these

sports, etc., come to 12,000 purses of money, whereas his presents come

to at least 32,000 purses, each purse being 500 doll.; so he gain’d

20,000 purses, or 10,000,000 dollars, which, at 4_s._ 6_d._ the dollar,

makes 2,250,000 lb. sterling. These presents were carried by publickly

to the G. Sr. tent, and there the chief of those that brought them were

vested by the G. Sr., as is said in our audience with the Vizier. When

these presents did not come by there was continuall dancing or variety of

sports, either before the G. Sr., Vizier, Sultana, etc., some or other,

all the afternoon, of which by and by more particularly. About a full

hour before sunset (sometimes sooner) were brought into the ring every

day many, many young lads to be circumcised in honour of the G. Prince,

or, rather, the honour was their own in being his companions; and every

one has a pension as long as he lives of a certain number of aspers (I

heard 3 named, but that is too little) per diem, and are call’d the

Prince’s pensioners. This circumcision last 13 dayes, till the P. was

cut. That night the G. Sr. and Sultana stay’d within to comfort him, yet

we had the old sports before the G. Viz. and Testerdare,[334] etc. At the

time abovesaid all the persons to be cut that day were brought round the

ring, singing a Turkish song, being onely some words of the Al Koran,

and rejoycing with musick and clapping of their hands; then they were

brought to the tent, where they were cut publickly. I saw many 100es of

them (there being about 2,000 in all the 13 nights) cut, and the Turkes

would be so farre from hindring your seing, as they would make way for

you. There were many of riper yeares, especially renegades that turn’d

Turks. I saw an old man which they reported to be 53 yeares old, cut.

The common way there of turning was (as I saw severall) to go before the

G. Sr. and Vizier, and throw down their cap, or hold up their right hand

or forefinger; then they were immediately led away by an officer (who

stands by on purpose), and cut with the rest. I saw a Russe of about 20

yeares old, who, after he had been before the Vizier, came to the tent

skipping and rejoicing excessively; yet, in cutting he frowned (as many

of riper ages doe). One night we met a young lad, who askt us the way to

the Vizier. Being a country boy, we askt him what he would with him. He

told us his brother turn’d Turk, and he would goe find him, and be cut,

too; and two dayes after he was as good as his word. It is very dangerous

meddling in these cases here. There were at least 200 proselytes made

in these 13 days. It is our shame, for I believe all Europe have not

gained so many Turkes to us these 200 yeares; for, though the Ch. of Rome

boast their Emissaryes here (as, indeed, there are many, many), Jesuits,

Dominicans, Franciscans, yet, believe me, they have other designes than

converting of Turkes.

* * * * *

There was constantly a Mezin[335] (or cryer, or steeple man), which

call’d to prayers from behind the G. Sr.’s tent, as I thought, out of the

Seraglio. Besides those who call to prayers upon every steeple, every

great man (as the Kaimachan Bostangebasha, etc., at Stamboul) has his

Mezin, and by consequence the G. Sr. must have his. Then, indeed, it was

wonderfull to see with what reverence, uniformity, and most admirable

devotion all (especially the men of note) betook themselves to their

prayers in publick; the chief men in their stands and tents, the others

(everywhere round the ring), 20 or 30, or more or lesse, in companys

abroad upon carpets or the bare ground. We were permitted to stand

by without the least disturbance. I had seen their manner before, and

have all their prayers (which are in Arab) by me. Sometimes they stand,

sometimes kneel, oftentimes bowing their head to the very ground and

kissing it. I was once within 5 yards of the G. Sr. all the time.

There is in all _Mosches_, and in most great men’s houses, and was here

likewise in the G. Sr.’s and others tents, a _Imaun_ (Imam), or learned

man (for they have no such thing as orders or distinction between clergy

and laity), who did _praise_, or rather speak out the prayers, the

rest keeping a profound silence and imitating him in their bowings and

postures. I should heartily have commended their piety, had I not seen

in the very same place all the roguery and beastliness, and the like,

acted there publickly with the applause and approbation of the chief men

amongst them as well as the rabble: as shall be by and bye recounted.

Devotion being ended, which never lasted above ¼ of an hour, imediately

strike up the _Capagasi’s_ musick (the head of the white Eunuches), and

the Capigé basha’s musick.

The G. Sr., Vizier, Kaimachans, etc., musick is all alike. 1st, there are

trumpets, which come in onely now and then to squeel out a loud note or

two, but never play a whole tune. 2d, pipers—their pipe is much the same

with our trebble shaurne[336] or Hoóboy; these play continually without

any pause. 3d, great drums, but not bract[337] as oures, nor corded at

the bottom; they beat them at both ends, the top with the right hand with

a great stick at every long or leading note, the bottom with a little in

their left hand at every small or passing note; these have their pauses

often. 4thly, little kettle or dish drums (for they have both) dissonant

one to the other, for they are in paires; these rest sometime likewise.

5thly, they have 2 brasse platters about foot wide, which they hang loose

in their hands, and clatter them one against the other.

I am very inclinable to believe all this Musick old, and mention’d in

Scripture. These last either were the cymbals mention’d in Chron. 15,

19. At the sounding of the Musick above 200 Mestejés (or firemen) came

from the G. Sr.’s stables (which were hard by) into the Ring, bearing

their Beacons upon their shouldjers, and singing all the way a prayer for

the G. Sr. in such a dismal tone, which, with the noyse of the musick

before named, and all the lights and fires, and the black _Tooloonjés_

muving up and down, gave me the perfectest representation of Hell that

ever I yet saw upon earth; yet the Turkes count it a heavenly thing. I

do verily believe our custome of pulling of our hat, and bidding good

evening at lighting up, or bringing in of the first lights or candles

(as like wise all Greekes, Jewes, Armenians, and the Italians here give

the _buona sera_ at the first light), was a very antient custome all

over the East, and this prayer of the Mestejés is nothing else. They

set their lights round the ring and tend them with fuell. Those before

the Sultana, G. Sr., Vizier, etc., wer 6 or 8 branches upon the same

stalk; the others were single. This shewes you something to conceive the

double ones by. There were about 200 _Tooloonjés_ to keep of the rabble,

continually waiting; and though they suffer’d no Turke to go in, yet we

could passe and repasse without the least difficulty imaginable. All the

lights placed and orderd, besides the light of the moon assisting, the

sports and dances begin afresh, which continued commonly till midnight;

sometimes much longer, seldome lesse.

On May the 21st was nothing to doe, for just about sun set was such a

terrible _Burasca_ of wind, thunder, lightning, rain, and hail (very

great) mixt together, as almost blew down their tents, beat out all their

lamps, and spoil’d all their machines, and the sand, which is round

the city in many beds before the rain, was roused in such a prodigious

manner, as being that night on horseback I could not see his head; it was

a perfect Ægyptian mist of dust. The G. Sr., Vizier, and all the company

were forced to retire for that night.

After these dances and sports were over, about midnight (as is said),

began very excellent fireworks of all sorts, which continued till towards

morning, and then all retired to their repose. Now for the dances and

sports. You must understand that from all parts of the Empire were

summon’d all (his subjects), Jewes, Greekes, Arabs, Armenians, Turkes,

etc., that were any wayes excellent for any sports or entertainments of

delight, and truly I do not believe these Eastern Countryes can afford

any thing more in that kind then what I have seen here. First, your

dancers were for the most part young youths, very handsome generally;

most Greekes, yet some more Turkes, Armenians, and a few Jewes.

The best were clothed very rich, either cloth of gold, silver, or rich

silk. They had on a _just a corp_, as we say, coming to mid thigh, close

button’d at the hands, and girt about them with rich girdles as their

purse and fancy led them; under it (over the rest of their cloth’s)

they had a petticoat, which was very large, and hang’d very full, down

to their ankles; this was very rich, and of some pretty light merry

colour. These clothes were given them by the G. Sr., or Sultana. Their

heads are not shaven quite close, but very lovely locks are left round,

which at other times they wear up close, and are unseen; but now they

let them down, and set them out to best advantage, sometimes disshevel’d

all about their shoulders, sometimes braided and hanging at their back.

They commonly wore over their hair a plain cap of silk (small, or scull

fashion’d) or (which is more gentele) a fur’d sort of cap, cal’d here

a _culpáck_. There was a delicate lovely boy, of about 10 yeares old,

had as comely head of hair, long as most women. With him danc’t a lusty

handsome man (about 25), both Turkes. They acceded all the roguish

lascivious postures conceivable with that strange ingenuity of silent

ribaldry, as I protest I believe Sardanapalus and all the effeminate

courts of the East never came near them. They pleased so extremely that

there was scarce a night but they acted in some place or other. I saw

them severall times before the Sultana doe as much as anywhere else. The

rest danc’t 4, 6, sometimes 8 in a company. It consists most in wriggling

the body (a confounded wanton posture, and speakes as much of the Eastern

treachery as dumb signs can), slipping their steps round gently; setting

and turning. Never is their arming, or any figure, or handing; yet one

night before the Sultana they danc’t in hats and perukes, and Frank

habit, but could not imitate us in anything. I never saw them a second

time, which makes me believe they did not please. They allwayes come

before the person (where they dance) running (as all other that have

occasion to passe and re-passe, unlesse in the bringing of presents or

the like solemnity); then they fall either into a semicircle or whole

round, and so continue falling out of one tune and humour into another,

till at last, with a merry wherry of their musick, they turn round (as

the Dervises) a long time, and so stopping they bow, and away they run

to their musick, which are alwayes hard by. These differ from the other

Musicianers, and may be cal’d the private musick, being commonly Pans

pipe of 20, 25, 30, (at most) 32 reeds, placed in order, lesse and

shorter each than another as the notes rise. I have heard it plai’d on

three or four times since I came into Turkey, and fancy it certainly

to be the most enravishing tone in nature; yet the notes are fixt, and

cannot be alter’d flat and sharp _ad libitum_, and therefore cannot be

brought into the canon of musick to play anything that is appropriated

to some peculiar lessons. 2d, a little pittifull instrument with three

wire strings, which every fellow thrums ordinarily about the street. I

take it to be the _Pandura_ of the antients.[338] 3rdly, Turkish and Arab

lutes of 5, 8, sometimes but 4, double strings, with a little neck a yard

(the least), sometimes more, long. They have severall sorts of them—all

not worth a lowse. 4, a sort of Dulcimer with gut strings, touch’t with

both hands, as the Harp, onely this lyes flat and Horizontall. The Jewes

have a kind of fiddle of 4 guts, tuned like a violin, but (that you may

know the excellency of it) the back and sides are commonly made of the

bottome of a gourd, the belly of a dryed film, or skin _hornifyed_[339];

the neck is of a piece of broom stick. Lastly, to crown the Consort, you

have every where a _Tambúr_, of which something is said above, is well

known in Italy. These minstrells set all down crosse leg at a convenient

distance on the one side of the persons before whome they plaid. The

dancers have in each hand two peices of Ebony, 3 or 4 inches long, which

they knock and charre together in time to the musick. I fancy they

are every whit as good as our castenettas. They call them in Turkish

_chalparéh_, in Greek παιξάρι. Next there were many actors of little

playes or interludes; all in the most beastly brutish language possible,

as I was sufficiently informed by my companions, and there actions fully

confirmed it. The actors of men were Armenians and Turkes that came

from the borders of Persia, and several times acted certain conceits in

Persian habit, which was very becoming, being far more rich and gaudy

then the Turkes wear. They often mix, as is said, severall sorts of

beasts in their gambals, and in every play alwayes enter’d in a large

Dear (like our hobby horses), whome they call’d _Hóo_, which is a name of

God; but there it stood for a Robin good fellow, or hobgoblin, pulling

them, and biting them, and playing a 1,000 freakes. In sume, the best of

them did not exceed our ordinary Christmasse gambals.

There was one acted there very often not much unlike _the old man with 7

Sons, so good, so good_. They acted two drunken men, two young whores,

and an old baud, and a gallant, and a souldjer; a cuckold and his three

wives; wherein all the tricks and wayes of making love here in Turkey,

and the extreame jealously and severity of these people were excellently

well expresst. They acted a horse courser, a barbier, a butcher, and

several such conceits. In Persian habit, with every one his plume of

feathers in his _Turbant_, they acted an humour which pleased mightily.

They begin in a ring, and what the cheif does all the rest are to

imitate, or run the gantlet. If he turnes to the right, left, forward,

or round, sculk down, start up, etc., they immediately do the like. Such

pour pastorals we had in great variety, and they passe here for greater

ingenuity than your playes can doe in England. Their tiring place is

alwayes behind the Musick a convenient distance, from which and to which

they alwayes passe and re-passe running, as before is said of the dancers.

Next I must recount the Maisters of activity. First there was a

_bastanjé_, a middle-sized squad fellow, who shew a vast strength in

tossing about weights. Upon sticks or steales,[340] about 4 foot long,

were fasten’d at the end round stones, each weighing from 26 pound to

50 pound a piece. Beginning with the least first, he would take in each

hand one, and swing them about his head, under his armes, behind his

back, over his shoulders, many strange wayes with the greatest dexterity

and agility imaginable; then setting down them, he would take the two

next, and so change on till he come to the last, which (as is said)

weighed at least 50 pound apeice; yet he would tosse them about with

ease, even to admiration. Some of these he would hold steady and strong

at his armes end. Having laid them by, he began with single ones of like

fabrick, but weighing from 60 lb. to 120 lb. a peice, being equall to

our hundred weight. Fastning the steel or handle to his wrist with a

leather thong, he managed all the smaller first in like manner with one

hand, still rising till he came to the greatest, which to my amazement he

tost about likewise. He had others with a vast piece of iron at the end

loose, so as lifting up the steal it would slip to the handle; thence he

would throw it out to the end again with a great slap or crack. These he

first managed likewise double, then single; but they were not so heavy;

the biggest of these weigh’d not above 50 or 90 lb. at most. Lastly, he

had a round stone weighing a Kintal[341] and half, just our hundred and

half, fixt or hang’d to two steales with two short chaines; this would

he tosse about at a strange rate, swinging it behind his back, his head

being between the sticks and his armes. His right arme was alwayes braced

with a fillet very hard and close above the elbow. There are many of

these stone balls (or shot) with Iron steales or handles in many places

here hang’d up, at which I have many times wonder’d, the Turkes telling

ridiculous fables concerning them. There are two by the great _Bagno_ in

_Scutary_, and severall hang’d up over severall gates in Stambol with

Turkish writing ingraved upon them, yet none of them exceeded (if they

any wayes can equall) these which this fellow plaid withall.

I made an exact enquiry since I came home, and understand that these here

at Stambol have been in like manner menaged,[342] and the writings speak

by whome and before whome it was done, as particularly one of them over

Adrianople gate (in Stambol) was menaged just before Mahomet 3d, who took

the City, and being infinitely pleased with the strength and activity

of the man (whome report made a Bulgarian), he rewarded the man well,

and caused the stone ball with the Iron in it to be chain’d up there in

memory of him. Some of these in Stambol have a crosse peice of Iron at

top, which make me inclinable to believe that the Greek Emperors had this

sport before, and the Turkes learn’d it from them. There were vaulters

there good store; but, indeed, I think we out doe them all.

This Bustanjé would do prettily well. I see him stand upon the edge

of two Cimeters (each foot upon one) barefoot, and swing about one of

his greater single stones without the least harme. There was an Arab

likewise would lay his bare back upon one, and at the same time a great,

lusty man stood on his belly, as likewise he would heave on 2 or 3 vast

great stones by the help of a pulley, and yet his back never was hurt.

I confesse to read this story in Busbequius made me amazed (as this may

you); but when I saw the height of it, I counted it a poor thing; for by

his buttocks, and his head, neck, and shoulders, he bore up his belly so

as the cimiter lay under the hollow of his back, and a strong man may

easily bear a vast weight in that posture. The same man took the Cimiter

with his hands at each end, and, laying the edge to his bare belly, moved

it very hard from right to left without any harme, onely making a little

red line where the edge past. He would fasten a pulley to a gibbet, and

through ran a rope, fastend at one end to a ring, to which all his hair

was tyed at the crown of his head; the other end was in his hand, by

which he would pull himself up a great height. Sometimes he did it with

another man at his back; once with an Asse fastend to his shoulder; once

with a young camel. I have made some conjectures upon it, but I will

not anticipate your mechanicks about this φαινόμενον, onely tell you it

seems a pretty one. He took a great pole, about 3 yards long and ½ foot

thick, but broader at each end, and setting one end upon the teeth of

his lower jaw, he danct with it in this posture upright without touching

it, but clapping his hands to his musick, by then he put another frame

upon it with 8 or 10 branches (or he could adde more) upon it by a hole

that was in the top. Upon every stanza he would set a cup of water; then

raysing it, he would dance with all these in like manner without spilling

one drop. Then by a stick, which he would put into the same hole, he set

a little boy crosse-leg’d upon it, and danct with him in like manner.

Lastly, he would set a great pitcher of water up on the upper end, and

dance with it; then all of a sudden, with great force, he would strike

away the end at his mouth from him, and catch the pitcher in his armes.

We saw most of these tricks upon the road acted by him, and all again

repeated in the Ring.

Some yeares since there was an Arab at Smyrna did all these tricks much

more dexterously; instead of a pitcher of water, he would lay a little

child flat on its back upon the upper end, and bidding it shut its eyes,

would dance with it a little while, and at last, striking away the pole,

would catch it in his armes safely. He likewise would place a _handjar_,

or Turkish dagger, ¾ foot long, upon the ground, with the poynt upwards;

he layes himself on his back with his head close to it, then raysing up

his heeles, and his body poysed, his body upon his head and neck, and

then with a jerk would turne himself quite to the other side the dagger

without the least harme. This fellow did the like, but more bunglingly.

The Smyrna man would likewise place three swords with their points

upwards, and upon them a little piece of dirt or such a thing; then

fetching a run, he would passe them on the ayre, striking of the pieces

of dirt, and with the fourth step come to the ground. This logger-head

did not doe it, though he said he could.

Jugglers were many likewise, but the generality were loggerheads to what

we have in England. There was one, an Arab, so ill-looking a fellow as

you would have sworne that he was elder brother to the Divel himself. His

face exceeding black and shriveled much (for he was old), blear-eyed,

his head bald and shined like soot, being well baked in the sun; he had

short, crisp’d hair, black and massy (like a black moor) round about

like the Corona of the fryars; and he was accordingly clad just like a

Dominican in a white serge vest or gown closed before, with open sleeves

covered with another black one like it in all things, excepting that it

was not closed before.

The common people here are the most superstitious, credulous, fabulous

creatures alive. I speak of all Turkes, Greekes, etc., and this man by

his lookes, and garb, and tricks had so imposed upon them as severall

had represented him to me as if he had been one of the old Magicians in

Ægypt risen from Gehenna. I was big with desire and expectation of seeing

him, for he seldome (as the best of his jibes being common) shew’d his

tricks publickly. At last I laid out for him, and he was brought to my

Ld. He shew’d little then, but I saw all he could do afterwards, which

truely was not much, and being so old, he slubber’d[343] his businesses

over so as I could discover all he did. He had 5 or six snakes tam’d,

which were kept under the white frock, and with these he would make good

sport. He would pull one from your buttons, nose, bosome, etc., and

taking any thing of the standers by, as knives, handkerchiefs, bals,

etc.; going to returne them, he would drop you a snake. Now, no people

in the world being more fearfull of such things then these, he past

for such a miracle-monger amongst them as I fear they of Ægypt were

little better, especially considering how highly his conceits might be

improved; for here are dayly snakes carryed up and down, tamed, of all

sizes almost, and I did not question amongst the vulgar even in England

to make thousands of them believe I could turn almost anything into them

by sleight of hand, with a little thought and practice. By help of his

under frock (closed before, and with wide sleeves), with his left hand

he could give and take anything from his right hand unseen; by which he

made many pretty conveighances, though none very fine. Had you heard the

relations of the people (some understanding men), you would not wonder

at my relation to you. One came and swore to me that he pul’d a snake

a yard long out of his nose; another that he put a little small ball

under a cup, and it was turn’d into a serpent; another gave him a cup of

wine, and he drank and return’d the cup, and going to fill one more for

himself, swore there leapt out a great snake, etc. I got so much liberty

as to see all his contrivances under his frock, which are too tedious to

be repeated.

I saw another which thrust a Iron (which I had in my hand all the time,

and it was really done) about 10 inches (at the least) long in to his

nose, up to the hilt, and may easily be done with a little practice by

anybody. Many more such tricks I have to communicate to you when we meet.

There was wrastling every day, according to the old way, which is yet

peremptorily retain’d. They are naked, all but a short pair of drawers

put over their middle. There is nothing of play, but onely meer strength

required. Nothing is accounted of unless the vanquished person be laid

flat on his back, and therefore they fall worrying and tumbling on the

ground perhaps 1½ hour till one be rowled on his back. Many come in

oyl’d all over, that no man’s hand could hold fast any part of them, and

therefore the wrist, or ham, or ancle, if they can be grasped, are the

onely places of laying good hold. It is well pictur’d in a late author

(Potinus), treating of medals, but it is nasty sport at best.

About mid-night, as is said, all the dances and other sports being over,

began the fireworks, which, indeed, very much delighted me. The chief

contrivers were two (a Venetian and Dutch) Renegadoes, there being

appointed all materials in a large Cháne, and at least 200 stones to

beat and prepare their compositions. First there were several figures of

monstrous giants, many-headed and deformed. They were hollow’d and framed

with little hoopes, and paper’d over. These were hang’d all over with

crackers, serpents, sausissons,[344] etc., and after these were fired

(which alwayes was done with excellent time), out of their heads, and

Eyes, nose, eares, flew severall rockets, and, last, out of their mouths

gushed streams of fire. Some had charges in their hands, which fired in

the last place, and the armes being continued loose, swung them about

very dexterously. Severall of these machines were contrived to turn upon

the pole or spindle on which they hung, and were caryed round by a blind

rocket attacht to the hem of their garments, for you saw no legs—nothing

but a long coat cover’d their lower part. What was burnt of the frame was

infallibly repair’d by next night.

Next there were Pyramids (slightly framed, all to be caryed and recarryed

dayly, which was done by Slaves) of at least 10 or 12 yards high, hang’d

in like manner with fireworks all over, and after they fired, remain’d

upon the sides little cotton stoups[345] innumerable, which, being

prepared with a composition of camphore, etc., burnt a full quarter of

an hour after the others were past, like so many pure white flames or

tapers, in due rank and file from bottom to top. At last, from the top,

flew a volley of rockets, crackers, and other wild fire altogether, with

very wonderfull delight.

There were contrived severall trees (as I may call them), or stands

branched and hollowed, and filled with a nimble composition which

gave fire from bottom to top to severall canes attach’t to the sides

(at holes on purpose) and charg’d variously with all manner of fire

workes. Coming into the branches were discharg’d severall hundred of

them together. There were severall large paste boarded castles, charged

within and without with the like workes, which discharg’d in like manner.

There was a high, large fountain, which, when it had discharg’d all his

fire-workes, left four double rowes (at convenient distance) of pipes,

which cast out streames and drops of fire in exact resemblance of the

naturall fountaines of water; and, at the top, four large pipes, and, in

the middle of them, a fift, very big, all which cast streames of fire

(which was whiten’d with Camphora) upward. It dured a long time, and

ended with a volley of rockets, discharged all at once into the ayre.

There was a round fountain, contrived to move upon the pin or staff

(on which the whole machine hang’d), in 4 or 5 peices, which, by blind

rockets attacht to them, moved contrary wayes, though at a distance they

all seemed to move the same way, the angles in the eye being the same. In

all things else it was like the former fountain.

There was (May 28th) a very large castle brought forth, intended

to represent the castle at Candia. After an infinite of fireworkes

discharg’d from it, and God knowes how many guns fired from within (by

men on purpose, who withdrew afterwards at a port hole), it took fire

at last (designedly) in so admirable a manner as no naturall fire could

seem more reall. The combustible matter was made with so exquisite a

composition, and the ribs so well contrived, as though the flame burst

out in many places about the bottom of the roof; yet the top took fire in

due time and burnt with the body, and dropt down first peice by peice.

Then the sides began to let the fire break out through them, and by

little and little the top parts of them fell down first, and then the

wals wasted in order, till all was dropt down in one heap of fire. All

this was done with that leisure, as it lasted at least an hour, and made

the goodlyest bonefire that ever I saw.

There was severall men with hobby horses about them, and other figures,

cover’d all over in like manner with fireworkes, which taking fire, ran

up and down and encounter’d one another bravely. There were great timbers

placed up like gallowes, and to one another were fasten’d ropes in such

a manner as upon them were hang’d little ships, galleyes, etc., able to

hold two or three men (but many, many made of paper, and the like stuff,

represented a whole ship’s crew), who managed the guns and fireworkes

within, contrived most dexterously; and with other ropes pulling these

vessels backwards and forwards, they represented a sea-fight very

naturally. One was betwixt Capt. Georgio’s ship (a famous _corsair_,

about 10 yeares since taken by them) and two galleyes. It was late every

night before this trade of fire was over, but then for an hour, some

times, it was a great deal more. The _Mestegées_ from all quarters of

the Ring, at their fires, fir’d severall thousands of rockets (especiall

28th of May, the last night but one, and the best), which certainly are

the best fireworkes to behold in Nature. Some of them discharg’d about 30

starres, and as many little camphire bals of pure white fire. There was a

sort (which I confesse I doe not understand well) which flew up all wayes

without any fuse, but onely one visible dull coal (as it were), till they

broke aloft and discharg’d their starres, and with a great report, as

many of the others likewise did. All these, when they were discharg’d,

were levell’d to fly over the people’s side; for at the festivalls at

the birth of this prince, a Jew (that made the fireworkes) shot one

large rocket towards the Kiosk, designing to have mounted it over, but

it chanced to fly right into the Kuzler agà’s[346] lap, and burnt up all

(if any little was left). The poor Jew was first drub’d 150 drubs on his

feet, but the black devil, the gelding, would not rest satisfied with

that, but got him cut of.

All these were shown the (28th May), but every other night we had enough,

though not such variety. There were several Iron charges much like the

chambers of _Pettarders_,[347] but farre bigger and longer. These were

fasten’d into the ground fill’d with a slow composition, which being

fir’d, cast up one continuall stream of fire (with dreadfull noyse)

at least 20 yards high into the Ayre. The first night I went to see

them on horseback, being caryed by an Italian Count (his name formerly

Bocareschi), now a _lancia sperrata_ to the G. Sr., with whome I had

the luck to be very well acquainted some yeares agoe. He was infinitely

civill to me (though a damned rogue all along, and I was alwayes aware of

him), yet I shall tell you of him more by and by. He caryed me (being on

horseback himself) between the G. Sr.’s and Vizier’s tents within 8 yards

of either of them (at severall times), without the least molestation

or difficulty. I was round with him in twenty companyes of Turkes, and

houses and places; but that is not now to be insisted on.

When the lights began, I and he went on the People’s side, where were

many more horsemen besides. My horse snorted and trembled, so I suspected

no good, yet I was resolved to stay and see all. Just as the fireworkes

began, he and many other horses by, ran mad, and rising up fell on his

hams, then, trembling, on his side, fairly layd along and run away as

if the Divel had drove him. I was getting up, but seeing many, many mad

Jades coming, I fell flat on my face, and committed the event to God.

His name be ever praised! for though I dare sware at least 100 horse and

people came over me, I got not the least harm imaginable in the world.