You must understand this Bocareschi was a very parasite as lived, an

excellent wit, and some little learning, the Latin toung perfectly;

but for his damned traiterous perfidious tricks, was kick’t out of all

publick ministers’ companyes. And for my own part I knew him well, but

caressed him onely to make my ends of him at this time; which I did, for

he had come and made a little interest here with my Ld. and Sir Tho.

Baines. We went for Adrianople, and there he come almost every day, and

eat and drank wine with us. Now he kept alwayes fair with me, for fear

I might doe him some discourtesy. I alwayes gave him good words, though

in good earnest every one else hated him. That you may see once for all

what a beast he was, he came and eat and drink at my Ld.’s Table with the

Plague upon him twice, and at last dyed of it, within 8 houres after he

went from us.

I was with the Ragusean Embassr. (as is said) several times to see the

sights. We alwayes had a cherbigee or two that look’t after us, and

would not suffer the greatest Turk whatever to molest us; but we sat on

a cushion with bolsters and cushions, very near the Vizier’s tent. Once

_Bocareschi_ had promis’d to shew Sr. Th. B. the sights (for my Lord

never saw anything). One night he came with some servants, and one or

two of the nation with him. _Bocareschi_ seing the Embassdr. of Ragusia

there placed (with whome I was at that time present), out of a pico (for

the Embassr. hated him to death, and had affronted him highly) brought in

Sr. Tho. B. and his company, and placed him just before us. The Embr. was

divilishly displeased at it, as likewise the Turkes that waited on him.

But _Bocareschi_, being a Metafaraca,[348] would not make any stirre,

but came and desir’d the Embr. and us to rise, and so removed us to a

better place, just under the G. Vizier’s tent, where we rested in spight

of him, till all was done. The Vizier wears severall caps (as is before

mention’d). Once I saw him at the sights in one which they tell me is

used in time of warre, but he soon chang’d it for a common one. As for

all sorts of rope dancers, here were the best in the world.

_June 10th._ The present of Cool-oglan (the _Mosaïf_ or favourite),

the bridegroome, was carryed by; we went to see it. First went by

severall companyes of janissaries with their cherbigées, then many more

with their chief officers. The jannisary _Aga_ in cloth of gold, the

_Chia beghi_[349] in green velvet, the _Janizary Effendi_ (or Lawyer),

secretary or clerk; the _Bashé chiaus_,[350] his cap little and short

feathers. Then severall companyes of spahées.[351] The sub-basha (or

chief constable) of the Suburbs of Adrianople. These were all in court

coates, like Chaucer’s taberd,[352] armelesse, yet little hanging sleeves

as the picture of the Virgin in C. Ricaut’s book, p. 43, fur’d within

and without, either cloth of silver, gold, satin, velvet, etc., all in

chiaus caps but the Effendi, whose cap was lawyer-like. At last came

30 mules handsomely trimm’d and furnisht, each loaden with two little

painted chests or boxes in which was gold and silver, as is reported

good store; next came in two rowes (on either side the street) one 112

persons on foot, in chiaus caps and well clad, bearing presents upon

their armes (some one, some 2, 3, or 4), distinctly wrapt up in linnen,

but every one was seen. They were peices for vests of cloth of gold,

silver, satin, velvet embroyder’d works, pearl’d work, etc.; then a

company of Janizaryes and Cherbigees on foot; after them were led by

foot stately horses, and a strawish-colour’d bay was in the last place,

as delicately limm’d, as I declare it, I never saw the like, with a

curious starre on her forehead, about 15 hand high, as we guest. These

were designed for the G. S. to dispose of as he pleased. After this

came two little _Náculs_, and then three or four artificial gardens,

about 3 yards square, with pretty knols and walkes, full of floures and

trees, with their fruits all of tolerable waxe work, with _Kioskes_ (or

summer-houses) in the middle, and severall birds and beasts placed here

and there amongst the plants and trees; two had artificiall fountaines in

them, which were supplied with the same water by an engine of clockwork

contained within them. All these were carryed by slings in the slaves’

hands, who were (as aforesaid) menaged by galley-whistles; then followed,

in two files on each side of the way, one 120 sugar-workes, borne on

frames by two slaves a peice, sedan wise, made from 2½ foot to a yard and

half high, some more or less as the fancy required. They were Ostridges,

Peacocks, swans, Pelicans, etc., Lyons, Beares, greyhoundes, dear,

horses, Elephants, Rams, Buffaloes, etc. (it is unlawfull to make the

figures of men); they were done brutishly and bunglingly. Then came a

new set of Janizaryes and Cherbigees, and after them a present of all

things necessary for a Turkish lady in her dressing-room; caryed open by

men well clad, in two files as before, viz., a paire of bootes (for here

all women do ordinarily wear such), a pair of _papoutches_[353] (sorts of

shoes), slippers, chioppines[354] (or pattens of wood): all these wrought

and cover’d with pearl of the bignesse of ordinary cherry-stones the

least, and intersperst with Diamonds and rubyes, etc. It was a brave time

for Jewellers; any trash, if it made but a fair show at a distance, was

vendible at good rates.

Next came a sable embroyder’d vest with 9 large button and loopes,

Persian fashion, al set with pearl, rubeyes, and a great diamond on

every button; the 2d button and loop, which serves for a clasp, had on

either side a very large table Diamond. Next followed severall round

looking-glasses with gold frames and cover (or door), and stydded with

pretious stones; then several mighty rich girdles of stones set in gold

and enamel; likewise several bracelets for the hands, answerable to them.

Here you must understand that even women must have girdles, bracelets,

and topases, or else they are no gentle women, as in England they are not

without a black bag; the bracelets are wrought of gold wire, sometimes

gold plate, from 1 to 4 or 5 inches wide, etc. There were two or three

gold chaines with large brooches of Diamonds (and the like); at the

end severall pair of earings, one amongst the rest of 2 Emeralds, pear

fashioned, very large, valued by the Greeke that sold them (and shew’d me

them before) at 5,000 zechines, or near upon 3,800 lb. sterling at 4_s._

6_d._ to the dollar. In a pretty christall glasse, with a little golden

open frame, was caryed hanging a plain gold ring, with a rose diamond of

11½ carats. Severall cabinets and dressing-boxes adorned with pearl and

jewels, severall Essence boxes, and the like, set out in the same manner.

At last came a little crown all of beaten gold, studded with jewels upon

the fringe. Then came the Testerdor (or Lord Treasurer) on horseback, who

was _Vikéil_,[355] or deputy, for the _sposo_. He strew’d whole handfulls

of aspers among the people as he went, which was but very slowly; all

the presents being caryed in state, and as easily as foot could fall;

they were lay’d all upon fine handkerchiefs in silver dishes. After the

Testerdor rode his musick, 12 pipes, as many drums, 6 trumpets, 6 kettle

drums; four cymbalists, all on horseback. After them come many, many

servants leading and riding their masters’ horses, who went before in the

shew on foot.

Take here, if you please, as exact account as I could get of the

manner of the Mariage and espousals. First, you must understand all

was treated by proxeyes (which they call _Vickeel_), to the making of

which two witnesses also were appointed, all by the G. Sr., to wit, two

_Cadeleschiers_, one of Europe, the other of Asia. The proxeys were the

_Kuzleraga_ for the _sposa_, the _Testerdore_ for the sposo, and thus

they were made. The _Kuzleraga_,[356] with the two _Cadeleschiers_ as

witnesses, went to the _Sultana’s_ door, and knocking, said: Sultana,

are you content to make me your _Vikéel_ for marrying of you with

Mustapha (the _Mosaïf_ or favourite)? She answers: Yes. He ask her this

thre times (on the other side the door, which must not be opened by no

meanes), likewise thre times the same. This is immediately recorded by

the two _Cadeleschiers_, and (as to the Sultana) is irrevocable. Then

the same witnesses goe with the Testerdór to Mustapha or _Cool-oglan_,

the _sposo_, and face to face the Testerdor ask him the like words

(_mutatis mutandi_) thre times, and to each he answers: Yes. Then away

these go to the _Mufti_ together; there they set down in his court (of

which afterwards), the _Mufti_ in the midst, with the _Kuzléraga_ on

the left hand (being the chief in Turkey) and Testadore on the right,

and the 2 Cadeleschiers before them _alla Turchesa_, or at there feet

_alla Franca_. The Mufti asks wherefore they call’d him; they answer:

To perform a worke of Paradise, to wit, the marriage of the _Sultana_

and the _Mosaïf_. The Mufti asks who are _Vikeels_; the Kúzleraga

said: I am for the _Sultana_; the _Testerdor_: I am for Mustapha;

the _Cadeleschiér_: We be witnesses to it. Then the _Mufti_ made the

_Kuzléraga_ and _Testerdore_ to set one over against the other, and asks

the _Kuzléraga_: Are you content to take _Mustapha_ for your husband?

This is done thre times, to each of which _Kuzleraga_ answer: Yes. Then

he askes the like (mutatis mutandis) of the Testerdor, to which he

likewise three several times answer: Yes. The Mufti then demands the

Testerdore what dowry he will promise to make her; he answer: a yeare’s

revenue of grand Cairo; which is 600,000 zechines, at 4_s._ 6_d._ the

dollr.; it makes of our sterling money 33,750 lb. (I must tell you, by

the by, that the greatest compliment to a fair woman in Turkey is to tell

her her eyes are worth a year’s revenue of Grand Cairo.) Then the Mufti

asks the Testerdor: Will you give it? thre times; he as often answers:

Yes. Then he asks _Kuzleraga_: Will you accept it? thrice; he answers as

often: Yes. Then the Mufti sayth: _Bismillah_ (in Dei nomine). Then all

standing up, he blesses the mariage; and so entertayning them with Coffee

and sherbert, etc., dismisses them. The G. Sr. immediately vested these

with cloth of gold and sables to the value of 1,000 dollrs.; the other

two (witnesses) with vests of 500 dollrs. I had not car’d if I had been

_Mufti_; I am confident I could have made as good a marriage. During

the festivalls of the circumcision, one day, all publick tradesmen were

forc’d to go in procession with every man his wagon locked, in which he

publickly labour’d at his trade—shoemakers, taylors, weavers, etc.; so

much as Bakers had an oven, smiths their little forges, butchers flead

their sheep, etc. Which you may imagine such a piece of glorious madnesse

as Europe elsewhere cannot pattern. Every wagon was set out with tokens

of their art, and boughs and _bandiéras_[357] of silk or painted paper at

least.

_June 19th._ The _Dote_ (or the dowry) was carryed by from the Seraglio,

which was given by the G. Sr. to the sposo, as in all your ordinary

weddings, before the bride is carryed her portion, which chiefly consists

in vests and clothing. There went many by towards the Seraglio to come

with the rest back again, as Janizaryes, Cherbigees, the Vizier’s guards,

Armorers, Cadeleschiers, and other officers, Topgées (or gunners) in red

caps. Their Head men or bashas wore a furre cap, distinguished by the

cock’s feathers in the top; these being white and red intermixt, the

other all of one colour. The _Mosaïf_ himself came by, with the _Mufti_

on his left hand.

We staid there about 1½ houre; then they all came back in this order:

First, the Topejées, Armourers, the Vizier’s guards; then the G. Sr.’s,

waiters in Caphtans (or court vests): these serve him at table; then 4 or

5 Companyes of Janizaryes and their Cherbigées, all in Caphtans, sattin

or velvet furred; then the _Aga_ of the Janizaryes, with his crew; next

came many, many Pioners with shovels, broams, etc.; then as many more

Janizaryes with the Janizary Aga, whome they repute a very severe man,

who never gratifyed any man that askt him anything, but doeth all things

of curtesy of his own head, or not at all; any body is capable of that

office, though he never was Janizary before.

The Janizary Aga had now his _Santon_[358] (or Tom of bedlame[359])

with him, with a strange kind of axe (or as they call it, Balta) on his

shoulder. Then severall companyes of Janizaryes and Cherbigees; then

about 100 chiaus’s with their feathers of distinction, just before on the

left side; then 8 or 10 Executioners on foot. Then followed two gardens

in wax work, caryed by slaves as abovesaid; then 40 little _Naculs_

carryed by two files of Janizaryes. Then followed 86 mules, some laden

with two long square sapets apiece, cover’d with _Caphtan_ stuff; some

laden with 2 beds a piece with bedding, left all a little open to be

view’d by the standers by, and were all cover’d with cloth of gold or

sattin or velvet, richly embroyder’d, some with silver, some with gold,

some wrought with pearl. A third part of the mules had two lesser square

sapets (or leather hampers) a peice, cover’d with black leather. Then

ten men bearing severall pieces of household stuff, as furniture for

beds, green satin foot cloths, plated with beaten gold, several leather

and velvet carpets, plated some as the foot cloths. _Mum-sofras_ (round

leathers to set candles, pots, etc., upon), plated likewise; 4 very large

silver lanthornes, the ribs gilt with gold. Then came by in like order,

as is before said, bootes, papoutches, slippers, chioppines, set all

with pearl and Diamonds; hand bracelets, girdles, many pair of each, all

gold and pretious stones; Looking glasses, 4 close cabinets and 6 large

open ones, such as stand in Goldsmiths’ shops, all set out with jewels,

pearles, gold wire, etc. A little stool of pearl and jewels; a coronet

of beaten gold. Some say all these were onely the _Mosaïf’s_ present

(before mentioned) brought back again, which is most likely, they now

being part of the Sposa’s accoutrements; though others would needs have

them all new.

After those came the Rice Effendi, with a Cadeleschier on his right hand.

Then the Testerdar, with another Cadeleschier on his right hand. Then the

Vizier, with the Mufti on his left hand, of whome more hereafter. There

was also in the train, a little before the Rice Effendi,[360] the Vani

effendi,[361] the greater preacher who prated down all the coffee houses

and Taverns, and, upon my life, it was well done. More of him anon. Then,

in the reer of them, were the musick—pipes, trumpets, etc., on Camels;

after which followed many Janizaryes, and after them came many women

slaves, in 12 close coaches, with 2 black Eunuchs before each coach,

some of them inclining to tawny, whereof three were very well featured

youths, all admirably well mounted, and exceedingly richly clad. After

the coach rode 12 blacks more, in one body, like the rest—on horses,

and habit, etc. All these were peculiar to the Sposa, and were reckon’d

as part of her goods; for in many points the Civil Law of the Romans is

here observed, as above you may see, no marriage without a _Dote_. Then

followed about 40 servants on foot, leading as many horses, laden with

these slaves’ goods. Then followed the Rabble.

_Jun. 23._ The Sposa was carryed home, for, as I told you, every wedding

hath something of this formality. The bridegroome sends presents with

Naculs, etc., then the Bride’s trumpery is brought in state, and she

followes it, allwayes hid under a square pavillion born over her, or

a Canopy at least. After the procession were carried two gardens of

fruits and floures in wax-work, with _Kiosks_ in the middle, caryed as

before. Then 2 great Naculs caryed by 160 slaves apiece, besides the

guiders of the ropes and stages as above. Then two little Naculs of

silver, with each of them a great candle at Top, which then were not

lighted (the fashion before the Armenians and Greekes is to carry them

lighted), but were to be lighted and renewed and kept burning during the

whole festival, something in imitation of the old Hymenai; these were

caryed by slaves, likewise being very ponderous. Then came crab-faced

Kuzleraga and after him followed immediately (Dulcinia del Tobosa) the

fair Angelike _Agazé Sultana_, or, as others pronounce it, _Hatajé

Sultana_ (the present Emperor’s eldest daughter), in a coach plated all

over with silver, and garnisht out with gold, the wheeles and all other

underwork (of wood and Iron) richly guilt or varnisht; a covering on the

Top (as the fashion is) set with pearles and diamonds, six fair white

horses, all the harnesse plated with silver and gold, and adorned with

jewels. In their Tops each had a plume of feathers hanged with jewels.

A postilion rode the fore-horse on the near side, and the coachman the

hindermost of the same side. The covering of the coach was, in part,

tuckt up to show the beauty of the work, which was so close a lattice as

you could perceive nothing but some opaque body by help of the little

light that crept in from the lattices on the sides. There were several

Eunuchs attended it, whereof the first two strewed Aspers on both

sides the street amongst the people (whereof I have some to make you a

present of, if it please God we ever meet). One was very well favour’d,

a tawny, and the bones of his face in very good symmetry, inclining to

a tawny. I heard a pleasant story of him, and once met him at a garden

at Adrianople, but I must let that pass now. Two more very rich coaches,

with 6 horses, plumed and bespatter’d with jewels, followed, in the

latter of which (which was cover’d with red broad cloth, and set out

nobly) a very fine woman opened a little hole at the fore end, and peep’d

out at us. Her face and head tire were very plainly seen. I dare not say

no lesse then that she was lovely. Her fingers and part of her hand were

peeping a good while before her face, and her nails were stein’d (as the

custome is here) with _aleanna_[362] of a golden red (there were 4 blacks

attended each of these). Then followed two more ordinary coaches with 6

horse, and two blacks apiece to attend them. Then 21 ordinary coaches

more, many with 2 horses, most with 4, with one Eunuch to every of them.

Then followed servants with horses, and cloathes upon them, led by. About

half-an-hour after came the Sultana’s mother, in a very rich coach of

silver, and embellisht with gold. There were 4 Eunuchs to attend her,

and a great company of _Baltajées_ axe men; as likewise 4 Eunuchs went a

little before it. Then followed 6 good coaches with 4 horse, and each had

a Baltaje riding in the Rose[363]; and one other by on foot. Then came

three more rich coaches with 6 horse, and two _baltajées_, as the others.

Lastly came one coach with 2 horses, and one _Baltajé_. There were many

Blacks to accompany these on horseback, beside the soe named, onely they

went straggling, and kept no order. In the rear followed the rabble.

Now, you must understand, all these coaches are made in the fashion

exactly of waggons, onely they use cover’d over head, and hang’d by

slings so close as the body have no room to swing, but jolts as hard as

if it were fixt upon the axletrees.

After the _Rebuil[364] evíl_ moon was ended, there were every day at

_Kindi_ (the 9th houre) sports at the Mosaïf’s house (which was in the

city), and they lasted till midnight sometimes. They began the 14th of

June, when they first saw the new moon, though it was a day old, it being

by our account two dayes old then; they ended the 28th day. There was a

very large square yard; at one end was a fair apartment of two chambers,

where the Mosaïf and his friends continually were spectators; at the

other end was a large, high, single room, to which oftentimes resorted

the G. Sr., young prince, and many other favourites. After his sposa (as

is said, the 23d day) was brought home, there was another square room in

another corner with lattice-windows (_gelosie_), through which she and

the Q. mother and others of the Ladyes saw all, being unseen themselves.

The door was kept very strickt, that no Janizaryes or Turkes of fashion

might enter, yet all strangers might go in without any difficulty in the

world. I was there many times, of which some account by and by.

First, of the sports. We had every day the very same dancing as before;

the same shewes at interludes. There were monkeyes, and dull Arab

dancing, to entertain the people; for on one side were pitched tents

in which the people stood, and the duller sports were before them. We

(Franks) had liberty to go up and down as near the G. Sr. or Mosaïf as we

pleased, and to stand and stare upon them as long as we pleased. They, in

like manner, went to their devotions at _Kindi_ (9th hour) and _Ackshám_

(the 12 hour), and yet immediately in their sports they should applaud

the same beastlinesse. 20 or 30 couple of wrestlers every day with their

skins oyled all over; they alwayes touch the ground first with their

hands, then put them to their head, then shake hands, or rather take

their hands flat wayes one between the other, then kisse their own hands,

and so begin; they say it is to call Heaven and Earth to witnesse that

they meet good friends, and if any mischief happens it is beyond their

intention.

There were tame bears played their tricks; once I saw a little boy stark

naked wrestle with one (taught on purpose), which pleased mightily, and

was shewn severall times to the G. Sr. there. By the by, my Ld. caryed to

Adrianople a large English mastife, which had fought in private with the

biggest bear, and worsted her in single combat; he made a present of him,

which the G. Sr. took mightily kindly. They call our mastifes _Samsons_,

and the G. Sr. nourishes severall, and hath here hard by our house a

sommering-house for them; but this dog was half as high again as any of

those which he had (which I have seen severall times), and that made him

more acceptable. There were the same tumbling, stilts, and the _Bostanjé_

with his stone Bottels, and the rest; but the best entertainment was

rope-dancing, whereof there was but little in the other place; but here

every day as good, and in some things better than all that ever I beheld

in my life.

I shall now conclude with something that I am sure is not ordinary (if

ever it was done) in England. From the top of Sultan Selim’s Mineret

or steeple (which, as I measured it, is about 84 yards high, but the

place I now shall speake of was 70 yards and 1 foot high) was stretcht a

rope right over the houses down into this yard; there were two men came

sliding down with pulleyes, one tyed to the hair of one of them, the

other fasten’d the pulley to his ancle, and holding by it with his hands,

sometimes slid soe part of the way, sometimes hanging at his length with

his head down. The first time they tryed, the rope yeilded so much as

if some men had not stood on purpose to catch them they had been beaten

to peices upon the tops of the houses and trees that stood about that

end of the Mosaïf’s yard, which was under the Rope; they then lengthened

the rope and stretcht it very tight farther into the yard. This Rope was

460 yards long at first; they lengthen’d it to 480. Every day somebody

or other slided down thus, or upon their breasts. One day a lusty

fellow would needs slide down with a boy at his back, with a drum and a

stick and switch to beat it; just as they came half way the rope broke,

and down they fell upon a poor Armenian who was standing in the garden

amongst others to view the sight. All thre were prety hurt and bruised,

but it pleased God all thre recover’d. The G. Sr. paid for their cure,

and offered the Armenian a pension of 20 aspers per diem as long as he

lived; but he, thanking him, sent him word that he desired nothing else

but that he might have 12 purses of money paid him which a great Basha

had owed him a long time; but if he dyed he bequeathed it freely to the

G. Sr. The G. Sr. gave orders that it should be done forthwith. He had

only his shoulder put out of joynt and his body bruised; but I have seen

him since well recovered. The other two were rewarded too; the man with a

pension of 40 aspers per diem, the boy was taken into the Seraglio. Upon

the 27 day (which was the last day that they could use this rope) two men

walkt up this rope to the minaret; one came foot by foot back again down

into the yard, and the other stay’d at the top of the _mineret_.

Now if any one in England had a mind to break his neck dexterously and

_secundum artem_, I have told you how (if he have not very good luck) he

may do it effectually. Every night there were fireworkes here of the same

nature with the forementioned. There were here two Elephants and Castles

encounter’d, with all sorts of wild fire, very curiously; but there

were no great rockets or fire that would mount, for fear of firing the

City. Here were several sorts likewise of your lamp work. Still we found

the greatest civility imaginable, and were severall times treated with

sherbert of lemmons (once with coffee and sweet meats in a low room; the

Aga who carryed us in telling us that it would be a shame for us to come

to the wedding of the G. Sr.’s daughter, and neither eat nor drink). We

were commonly carryed into the Ring, and seated by ourselves, and many

times had a Cherbigée or a Janizary to keep the crowd from coming near

us. I suppose it was more out of ostentation than any great love to us;

and dayly came _Sackáls_ or budget men with a budget of sherbert, and

cups into which he fil’d it out, and gave to us constantly, amongst the

rest of the people of any fashion.

I (as is said) was severall times as near the G. Sr. as I pleased, and

saw the manner of his state. He commonly sat upon a rich wrought or

embroyder’d silk quilt, and sometimes the Prince was here with him (but

we could not tell what here they sat on, they being so high above us);

and about him were 8 or 10 handsome young men continually fanning him by

couples. He never here appear’d in any rich or gaudy apparell, seldome

smil’d; few courtiers near him in publick, and those but a very little,

little time. Once the Vizier sat and talk’t with him in view about a

quarter of an houre. The Mosaïf had continually company with him—the

Testerdare, Kaimacham, sometimes the Vizier. He is a black man, sharp,

descreet (or streight) nose, yet sadled a little between his eyes, some

what beetle browed, broad flat faced, Russe-fashioned, but onely his

hair is black, whereas their’s is red, white, or fair colour’d; his eyes

pinking and smaller then proportion, and they are something hollow.

About _Kindi_ come up severall of the G. Sr.’s Fakoners, with their

Spaniells and severall most excellent hawkes; as certainly the whole

world have not better. They seldome keep a Hawke above one season, but

turne her out loose, and every year have new birds taken in plenty. They

fist their hawk on the right fist; they serve their hawke with the lower

joynt of the legge (instead of the head, after our manner), and therefore

not a Phesant is to be bought in the mercate (unlesse it was caught some

other way) with two legges. For you must understand in Asia side are

many men keep hawks to get a livelyhood; and they furnish our Mercates.

There are such every where, but onely they are not suffer’d near his

court least they should spoyl his game.

One of our Merchants and I were walking out one night by the river side,

and the Vizier’s Aga came by with 3 casts of Hawks and spaniels, and at

least 16 or 20 men. I had chanc’t to kill a snipe crosse the river, and I

had an old dog of my Ld. Harvey’s, which I sent for it. He was the most

pleased with the sight that could be; we walkt on, but as we return’d we

found him setting in the shade under a tree. We would have avoyded him,

but he sent one of his men to call us; we obey’d. He had now sent home

his dogs and hawkes, and most of his company; and he had gotten from a

little town hard by a great bottle of wine of at least 5 or 6 quarts. He

made us set downe, and there we drank out every drop of his wine; onely

we three setting down. His servants, which there were not above 5, stood

round us. He made two of them pipe to us all the time, which I swear was

so sweet, as I never heard the like in Turkey. Their pipes were the true

Tibiae; being made of the shank bone of a Bustard (as we guest at his

description of it). He courted me extreamely for my dog; but I told him

he was old and now worth nothing, and besides, it was the remembrance of

an excellent friend; with which he was hardly satisfied. After he had

gotten his _Keéf, or Keph_ (his heart and head merry), we parted with

all the civility in the world. There I learn’d a great deal of Falconry;

which made me here bring the story in.

THE PLAGUE AT ADRIANOPLE.

About the beginning of July happen’d a very grievous plague at

Adrianople. It was very rife round about us, and so drove us out of town

to a little village about a mile and ½ of to the W., called _Caragatch_

(or black tree). It is in vain to tell you the many, many perills I was

in, and it would be too troublesome for you to heare them, and for me to

tell them. I shall onely say that, by constantcye, the Plague and all

discourses about it grew so familiar to me as I was no more moved at

them then at the newes of agues, or the new disease in autumne. My Ld.

had a house here for himself, but all we were lodged, one here, another

there, as we could procure single rooms. In the Towne are most Greekes,

and the parson was infinitely civil to me, and got me a little room to

myself, hard by my Ld.’s house; but within one month the plague set into

this town likewise, and first seized my Land lady’s onely daughter, who

every day I used to prattle withall. Our Tents were set up, and I removed

thither, rather then come near any body to fright them; but in 5 or 6

dayes it come every where so fiercely, that it drove my Ld. and all the

rest downe into the tents to me, and I, lying in my Ld.’s tent before,

was now disappointed and forct (with two more companions) to go to town

again, where I and they lived (till we were coming home) in the parson’s

stable—and, faith, we past our time like princes, for we were within

two bowes shot of the tents, and there we went to dinner and supper,

and retired when we pleased. With carpets and mats we had made as good

a sleeping hole as could be of it. There dyed at one time about 900 per

diem in Adrianople, and above half this town dyed or fled. At last my

two companions returned for _Stambol_, and then my Ld. would not let me

stay there alone, so I had a little tent provided for myself and my man.

Within one week the plague got into our tents amongst the servants. My

Ld. and Sir Thomas fled to the Town again, the Plague being somewhat

ceased at that end about their house. We endur’d at the tents, and I

assure you there is no preservative like a merrie heart and a drame of

the bottle. We lost our Baker, and 3 or 4 more of our servants, but the

rest escaped—blessed be God. I was forc’t to remove my Tent twice, for

it was gotten in the next tent to me, within 20 yards, amongst one of

our chiause’s servants. There was not a man of us but was amongst plaguy

people dayly. Count Bocareschi (as is said) came and dined with my Ld.,

and drank with us, with a plague sore upon him, of which he dyed the next

morning.

This village has a little church dedicated to two saints,[365] ὃ ἅγιος

Θεόδωρος ὃ τηρῶν and ὃ ἅγιος Θεόδωρος στρατηλάτης. They are famous for

curing sore eyes, and, therefore, there are infinite little silver

plates sloped and hollowed like eyes, and hang’d up as the antient

ἀναθήματα.[366]

The River Arda and Meritch (Maritza[367]) joyne a little mile of, and

then come running under this town; and here it is very sandy, and seldome

clear in summer, for all the ground about it is very sandy, which, being

dry in summer, upon every wind is carryed into the river, which makes

it very shallow and broad. It is here fordable all the summer, but in

winter, by floods from the hills, it overflowes into many outlets, which

are dry in summer, as you may perceive the pricked[368] river next to

_Dimirdesh_.[369] The fish are few and unwholesome. I saw a carp taken

just 33 inches and ⁷/₁₀ long. I saw one at Stambol once somewhat above

36 inches, and my Ld. Harvey assured me he had one at his audience in

Salonica about 40 inches long.

There were 50 Greek familyes in town, and about 10 Turkish

_cheflicks_,[370] or summer houses. The best sort of people fled to

other places, as the Turkes likewise themselves did from Adrianople to

their houses here, for that same is a story that they are not afraid of

the plague, because their fortunes are wrote in their forehead; for all

fled, but such as were poor, or had offices about Court, and could not

get away. There dyed that year about 100 persons out of the Vizier’s

own house; and really, those that are forc’t to stay by it value it no

more then we do an ague. But this is the same amongst Jewes, Greeks,

Armenians, and every body else.

Mr. North[371] staid in Adrianople all the time, and come to us every

day; I went to him severall times, and as I live I valued no more to meet

a dead corps then a dead calf. Yet I have met above 20 in a morning,

going from our tents to Mr. North’s house; and there is more danger in

passing by the clothes of the living then in touching the body of the

dead. All slaves and poor people, so soon as they are dead, are wrapt in

some pittiful covering (perhaps nothing but an old mat), and so laid upon

a _Hamál’s_ or porter’s back, and caryed away to his grave, without any

more adoe. Infinites of Turkes came out of the Town and lived in Tents,

as well as we; yet many Turkes came or sent out their women to their

countrey houses there. I chanc’t to see a couple of very lovely women

severall times, which came and lived in a fine house just by me, and

being under the government of onely one poor silly old man, they would

get out into a great garden there hard by, and romp and play the rogue

like little sprites; but more of that between ourselves.

This whole town live by selling of wine, and every day come hundreds of

people from Adrianople to be drunk; so that it was impossible but that

the Plague should be brought thither. The Janizary Aga gets at least

10,000 dollars a year out of them for selling their wine; and yet he

came there many times in show of severity, but notice was alwayes given

at least an hour before he came, so that he alwayes found the coast

clear. By the by, I must tell you that the Turkes love wine, and drink as

much as other people; I am assur’d not one person in 5 (throughout all

this part that I have travayled) refuseth it; at Court (excepting the

G. Sr. himself, the Mosaïf, and Kaimacham) not a man but will take his

_Keiph_ profoundly. I have seen the Vizier himself, _Mamúr_ that is, crop

sick[372] severall times. All the Greekes and Armenians (not daring to

be merry in Adrianople in companyes) come here to feast, and I have been

severall times by when 200 or 300 persons have all been setting together

feasting and drinking like fishes; and the Turkes observe the same

freedome, or rather take much more.

My Landlord (the Parson) was the greatest vintner in the town, and to

secure his wine he put the greatest part of it into a place in the

Church; and in the yard by us the chief Turkes of the City would come

and be merry publickly; the common Turkes never drink but to stark

drunkennesse. The Parson had a kinswoman that lived but on the other side

of our hedge; she was the onely child of her father, who would come and

be merry with us, and we went thither to him often. This man was very

rich and had promised his daughter and all that he had to a young silly

fellow in town. She was extraordinary handsome and ingenious, and cared

not for her lover. I know not how it came to passe, though they lived

alone and had no neighbours, but yet she got the Plague, and dyed. I

could tell you a most passionate story of her, but let this suffice.

There were about 500 Greekes came to her buryall, notwithstanding the

Plague, and the Metropolite of Adrianople came to burye her; and the

chief of the Town, which were fled, came back to the funerall. The young

fellow was in a manner distracted, and came constantly every morning for

many dayes, and mourned over her grave.

The manner of the Christians buriall here is much the same; all have

the _Praeficae_,[373] who sing (or rather howl and snarlle out), which

they begin at home and continue to the grave. The weather was excessive

hot, and the air stagnated in a manner, we being placed in a pan or

flat; so that it was plague enough merely to stay there. Whilst we were

in Adrianople the rats and mice, and fleas, and rumbling of carts al

night long, and brawling of curs (great numbers being nourisht in every

street), and the stink of the Jewes, did give us no small purgatory; but

coming here, where we thought to have had braver accommodations, we found

it worse. The terrible heat of the sun reflected from a dry barren sandy

soil, and the fulsome foggy aire, broyled us and choked us.

We stayed there about 3 months, and returning to Stambol we found the

plague as hot there; and we lost one of the servants that waited in my

Ld.’s chamber (within a fourtnight after we came home) of it, and since

we have found that another had it, but conceal’d it. For my part I am not

so Calvinized as to say our Fate or Fortune is wrote in oure forheads;

but this I will say, I think verily it was God alone that hath preserved

me from so many deaths. Some that knowe me, I believe, may wonder what

the Devil bewitch me to stay in this Hell of a place; and in good

earnest I have wondered at myself, but that Fate (I think indeed) was

written in my heart, and now begins to be obliterated; but so moch for

that. Now I will give you a little account of the country round about, as

farre as I have been.

The River Vardar and Meritch (Maritza), as is said, before they came to

this town, meet; and a little above, upon the side of a hill betwixt

them, is a pretty little countrey town most Greekes called _Marás_. A

little further under the hill, next towards _Meritch_,[374] is a little

pit of a blewish sort of clay; here a company of old gossips at the 15th

of Aug., which is the Assumption of the B. V., bring water from the river

and mix it and the clay together into a perfect pudding or stodge; and

on that daye infinites of people, Turkes, Jewes, and Christians, resort

thither and goe in, and tumble in the mire, which they believe will

cure any sort of infirmity; and without doubt it often happens so.[375]

These old Hags tell how in the night before the water springs out of the

ground, and how it lasts till the Octave (that is, the 22nd day), and

then dryes up; both which I proved to be a notorious lye. Yet the people

are so zealously bent to believe the story, as I had liked to have _been

imbroglid_ for disputing of it. The earth is a kind of fuller’s earth, or

very obstersive, and may doe good in many cutaneous diseases, without the

help of the Παναγία,[376] as they call her.

On the other side that river, under a great ridge of hills or mountaines,

is another pretty Greek village cal’d in Turkish Cadun-cui (Khanoum-cui),

or Ladyes town; there is excellent wine there. Over the mountain is

a great Turkish Town, famous for a Seraglio of the G. Sr., whither

he retired in the Plague, leaving the Vizier to act all. It is call’d

_Ack-bonar_[377] (white fountain), and seemes at a distance a brave place.

Acrosse the river from our town (Caragátch[378]), upon the top of a high

hill, stands a little (but very curious) Seraglio, or rather Kiosk or

sommer house, whither the G. Sr. retires for a fine girle sometimes;

and it is contrived very convenient for the purpose. I have been in it;

it is the best prospect about all Adrianople; they call it _Khiderleh_,

which is the same with St. George, it having been formerly a Greek church

of that name. You must know St. George is a great saint even amongst

the Turkes, and their galleyes commonly set out that day to the White

Seas. I have been many times reflecting on the name which they give him,

_Khiderleh_ (and very commonly _Khidreleh_), the _Khi_ being pronounced

strong in the throat like an aspirate, and I have fancy’d it to be taken

(as is perhaps the whole story) from ὓδρα; and both that tale of Hercules

and the Hydra, and Apollon and the Python, from Eve and the serpent. I

may venture to give my conjecture now Dr. Haylin[379] is dead, and I

shall be obstinate in it too.

At the bottome of that hill, next Adrianople, is a large suburb cal’d

_Ildrém_,[380] or thunder. Round about _Khiderléh_, and all the waye upon

the mountaines betwixt _Ack-bónor_ and Khanoum-cui, are planted vineyards

most plentifully; the Turkes by their law may eat what grapes they please

(it being the greatest part of their food from August to Christmasse),

and now (as is said) they freely taste the blood likewise.

On the North-east of Adrianople stands the Seraglio, which is very large,

and on one side of it runs the river Tunza,[381] on the other side is a

plain where we saw all the sights. There is a very stately bridge, or

rather pile of stone, built over the Tunza from Adrianople to _Ildrem_;

it is at least 970 of my paces long, and was built by Michael Waivod

of Moldavia, as is cal’d Michael’s[382] Kupru, or Michael’s bridge.

Tunza under it meets with a branch of Arda-Meritch; over Tunza by the

Seraglio on the Town side is a very strong stone bridge; on the other

side, about a mile and a half from it, is another bridge of wood. Upon

that river on the west side, a little farther, _Backstrevacui_, where

they make very good tiles and brick; next stands _Carajauis_, on the

other side about 2 miles distant; and the mountaines on the east side

of it have many quarreys of soft spongy stone, yet they use it in many

buildings. It stands over against _Ack-bonar_. About 2 or 3 mile farther

is _Corojecui_, a little village, and about a mile farther is a very

fine lake call’d by the Turkes Gióle-babba, or father Lake (Giole being

a lake); it stands with Tunza on the West, high hills on the E., and

_Corojécui_ to the S. It is well stock’t with fish (and fowl in the

winter time); we saw there in August multitudes of Pelicans, swans, and

some Ducks. At the East end of it, at the foot of the hills, stands a

summer-house of the G. Sr.’s, furnisht allwayes ready. There are many

excellent fountaines of very good water; there are some few houses about

it inhabited by Turkes; we found them civil, and had liberty to go in

and see what we desired. It is seated very pleasantly, being overshadowed

by many Chinár (or Plane) trees. The Lake is round about environed with a

great quantitye of sedge, which yearly yeild a plentifull crop.

The river Tunza comes from a place cal’d now _Yianobole_,[383] but I

never was higher upon it then this place; all the way hither it runs

very crooked and winding, and the hills on both sides lye in like manner

winding in and out, and make a crook’d but large meadow or plain, in

which the G. Sr. or Vizier, drawing out their forces for the warres,

first pitch their tents. We saw all along the _vestiges_ of them, and

many, many ovens and kitchings framed in the earth, to make ready their

bread (the true staff of a Janizaryes life), and _pelów_,[384] or Boiled

rice.

From Caragatch to Adrianople we passe thre long bridges, the first of

wood, serviceable onely in winter, the water being little or nothing in

sommer; yet this bridge is the longest, and the river under it is nothing

but sand. The second bridge is likewise wood, over a branch of the river

that runs all sommer; for after Arda and Mellitch (Maritza) meet they go

in one stream to the city, where meeting with Tonza (Tondja), they again

divide into two streames, making severall very pleasant little Islands.

About 2 or 3 mile of the City, to the South, is seated a large town

call’d _Bosnacui_,[385] where the French Ambassadore was seated when he

was at audience; and he tells me that upon that Island are about 9 or 10

such villages more. The rivers running on either side about 10 or 12 mile

unite into one again, and the broad sandy brook to the W. enters into

the same channell likewise; of these three the first is call’d (likewise

on this south side the City) _Tonza_, the middle one _Merrich_, the sandy

one _Ardar_; as if the 3 streames after that had met at Adrianople,

sever’d themselves intirely again. By this you may see the error of

our common maps placing Adrianople upon the _Hebrus_, which cannot be

properly said to be till all these three meet again beneath _Bosnacui_;

at least the currents are falsely there by them laid down. _Mellitch_

comes from Pilippopoli,[386] Arda comes from Sta. Sophia[387]; upon

which, next to _Caragátch_, stands _Choróocui_, or rotten town. About it

are many long (but narrow) lakes, which may give the name in Turkish;

and there growes infinity of _Tribulus aquaticus_,[388] which the vulgar

Greek calls ἀγριοκάστανο, or wild chestnut, and from thence they call the

name of the town in Greek Καστανοχωριὸ. Southerly from the river Arda is

another village, cal’d in Turkish _Ishék-cui_,[389] or Asses town, in

Greek Γαιδαροχωριὸ, which signifyes the very same; it was cal’d formerly

ἀηδονοχωριὸ, that is Nightingale town, but (as the Greeks now tell the

story) a great lord of this countrey whom they call Ἰουλιανούφερα, whom

they make a Turke, sent for the Bishop of this town, who chanc’d to anger

him highly about a _Cheflick_, or summer house, which he desired of the

Bishop there; and therefore he swore that whosover cal’d it hereafter

otherwise then γαίδάρο-χωριὸ should be hang’d.

As much farther, just at the foot of mount Rhodope, and very near

Arda, is _Orta-cui_,[390] in Greek βουλγαροχωριὸ, whether the Germane

resident went to avoyd the Plague. I was two or three dayes entertain’d

there like a prince; and observed this and what followes: and, believe

me, I will take it upon my credit to maintain this to be a pretty exact

map of what is here set down. _Orta-cui_ is a very populous town, built

thre quarters round a very steep hill, like an Amphitheater reinverst

or imbost. There are about 1,500 familyes in it, all Greekes. There

crept in some few Turkes, but all the town setting against them, and

playing them scurvy tricks, made them soon weary, and they have not of

late had any, though it is a very paradise to live in. All the hills are

cover’d with vineyards, which make a pleasant red wine, which we might

buy anywhere for 5 aspers per _Ook_,[391] that is, about 3 pints. The

valleyes grow either very good corne or pasture. On the south side the

village, about ½ an hour, is amongst the hills a most pleasant clear

fountain of purging waters, but they work without the least offence. On

the North side, towards the east, is a great plain, very fruitfull in

all manner of corne and flaxe. The town stands within ½ houre from the

Arda, which runs amongst the mountaines most clear, and very deep. Just

against this town it hath a mill set on it, on the side of which, towards

the hills, it is very deep, and full of great rocky stones, those hills

being nothing else. On the other side it is very shallow, with a small

stream, and little pebbles at bottom, but no sand till below _Ishek-cui_,

where the land round about is sandy; which confirmes me in my opinion

that the river by Caragatch and Adrianople is so foul and sandy from the

sand driven from shore by the wind; though beneath Adrianople, towards

_Bosnacui_, it is foul by reason all the dunghills (the Turkes using

little manure or compasse[392]), and carryon, and filth, and dead men

(many whereof we saw dayly thrown in, being either executed, or perhaps

dead of the Plague) which are continually thrown in. Here likewise are

taken as good and sweet fish as may be—Carps, Roach, Dace, Pikes, and

(above all) a pale-flesh’t trout, which are good, from the stony bottom;

whereas, about Adrianople, from the sand or otherwise, all fish taste

fleshy and beastly.

A little above this mill, next the town, amongst the hills, hath been

a large old castle; part of the walls are yet standing. The high

mountaines, quite above, are now cal’d Θεοβουνὸ, or God’s hill. I guesse

not but these ridges of mountaines are the true _Rhodope_,[393] for

the great road from Adrianople to _Salonica_ lyes over there, and all

travaylers assure me that on the other side are no other hills at all

till they come to Hemus, which they still call ἁμομὸντε.[394] There is

but little earth and few trees upon these mountaines that I ever saw.

The stone, where it is naked, lyes many times Horizontal, but oftener

declining. Arda comes running from the S.W. amongst these hills, having

his head about 4 dayes journey (as they informe me) from _Ortacui_, at

a place called _Darovasi_,[395] not farre from Sta. Sophia. Here are

many, many houses built of wood entirely, the walls being made of whole

trees hewn down and clench’t[396] at the ends. There are a few such at

_Caragatch_. I am informed that in Poland almost all mean people’s houses

are such.

All the people of this town seem to live well. We chanc’t to be there

after harvest, when they were treading out their corn. That fashion, and

the threshing floores (as we translate it), or publick places to which

they bring their whole crop to tread the corne out, are still here every

where in use, no other way being known to Turke or Greek but that, and no

barnes being to be found, but so soon as ever they have cut down their

corn, they tread it out immediately, which is likewise done with oxen

yoked to a great thick plank (which these people and the Islanders call

ροκάνη[397]) about a yard and a half long and a yard broad. The bottome

is all filled with sharp flints stuck into it.[398] Upon the top stands

a person, who also guides the oxen round, and pricks them forward with a

goad. In a great floor you shall have 2 or three of these, and as many

yoke of oxen at a time. After they have trodden, or rather bruised,

one flooring out, they lay another; thus all the strawe is broken to

pieces like chaf, and thence it is call’d chopt straw. What from the

slovenlinesse of their dressing their corne, and the badnesse of their

mill stones (they being onely some pieces of very hard stone joyned

together with a strong mortar, and collar’d in a hoop of Iron), there is

no bread or meal in this part of Turkey but what is very gritty. Some of

the Turkes do muzzle their oxen, but not all. In sharing their corn they

have a kind of wooden glove on the 4 fingers of the left hand, which in

Greek they call παλαμαριὰ,[399] to guard their hand from thistles and the

like.

You cannot imagine the strange superstition that is generally amongst

the people of this countrey; Turkes, Jewes, Greekes, Armenians, all have

their amulets and Telismes (talismans) and φυλακτὴρια about themselves,

but especially about their children, their horses, their houses.

Nightingales are very commonly kept in cages and let out to sing by so

much per diem, but you shall not see one but shall have a deal of this

trumpery about the cage. The Turkes have commonly their Telismes engraved

on silver or gold; I have seen 10,000 lye in goldsmiths’ boxes to be

sold upon all occasions; there are peculiar arts of making of these,

but I count them all meer old wives’ conceits. There was a Scotchman

here who much delighted and practised in such mysteries, and gave me the

best account he could, but I will assure you they are more absurd and

nonsensicall then figure flinging[400]; and since he was gone I chanc’t

to dine one day with the French Ambassador,[401] when he had on purpose

sent for the most noted Turk in all these parts for such things. It will

be tedious for to recount you all that past, but we manifestly proved him

an impudent imposter. He got his _Keiph_ there sufficiently, and that was

(I believe) his chief design. Your Greekes count nothing more sacred then

the ἀντίδωρον,[402] the bread (not the sacrament), which is blest and

distributed amongst the people upon Holy Thursday; this they call ίψωμα,

perhaps from our Saviour’s ascention. At _Ortacui_ you would scarce see a

little child but it had some of this either in a little silver box about

their necks, or stitched up in a bit of silk, or tyed in a little rag; I

have observed the like in many other places; many carry wolves’ teeth, or

the bones of their toes, etc., set in silver or gold; bones or parts of

frogs, mice, lizards, Hippocampus,[403] etc.

As we went home from Ortacui we were driven into a town by a storme, and

laid there the most part of the night. Our Janizary chanc’t at our going

into the house to catch a bat; he rejoyced exceedingly, and borrowing

a zechine of me (the ceremony must be done with gold or not worth a

farthing), he cut the throat of it therewith, pronouncing the name of God

and some other conceits; he saved every drop of the blood in cotton, and

kept it as a most divine thing. By this, he said, he could make friends

with any one; love in a woman; in fine, preserve himself and us from all

evil.

We set out from that little town, and were overtaken in a most dreadful

tempest of Thunder and lightning; just getting up a steep bank a flash of

lightning discharged a sheet of fire, which fell on the ground and rested

there a good while, within lesse then two yards of me and Dr. Pickering

(we two being foremost), and huft[404] my hat and vest like a mighty

gust of wind; our horses trembled and stood as half dead, but presently

we got forward. All the world will not persuade that fellow but that the

blood of his Bat preserved us. I have now been too, too impertinent,

but yet could adde much more to this purpose about your Greekes or

βροκόλακα[405] (the walking of dead men), and their solemne prayers and

exorcismes of their church in that point. Also concerning the Armenians’

_caracóngilas_[406] (or hobgobling, or kind of Robbin good fellow), which

is universally believed by them, and on the 13th and 14th of Feb. have a

solemnity on purpose about it. Likewise about witches (which certainly,

if there be any in the world, they are here) I can tell you storyes which

will much amaze you; yet I must confesse I am very slow of belief in that

point. I have likewise a strange Greek MS. presented me concerning such

whimsyes; but enough of this matter. Before the Plague I walk’t about all

the town; the old city (as is said) is not above a 3rd part of the whole,

and the walls are pittyfull thin brick work.

* * * * *

_July 27th._ My Lord had audience with the G. Sr., notwithstanding the

height of the Plague. He came from Ackbonar to the Seraglio on purpose,

for my Ld. was very pressing for it, and in earnest. We had stay’d a

longer time then ordinary for it. It was performed as followeth: The time

being appointed two days before, that morning, an hour before day, came

two Chiauses to Caragatch to call us. We went suddainly to the foot of

the 2d wooden bridge before mentioned, and there stay’d in tents till

the rest of the chiauses came to conduct us, about 50 in all (they are

paid by us a zechine apiece, and therefore we may have as many as we

please, if we count their number a glory). Thus we passe to the Town

side, where my Ld. mounted his best horse, and rode quite through the

City upon him; and we came to the seraglio gate about ½ an houre past

5 in the morning. After a little stay there, the _chiaus basha_, and

_capige basha_, and _Peskeshjé[407] basha_ came to my Ld. to conduct him

in. We past from the gate directly to the divan upon a stone caseway,

through a square court, which I guesse every way is about 160 of my

paces. The _Peskeshjé basha_ is the same, in a manner, as our maister of

the ceremonyes. _Peskesh_ signifyes a present, as if _peskeshjé_ were

one of the Maisters of the presents, and _Peskeshjé basha_ is the head

or chief of them all. This man walkt with a great silver staff in his

hand (as bigge as the Cambridge beadle) before my Ld. to shew him where

to make his reverences: for you must understand all the sides of the

court were lined with Janizaryes and other souldjers; therefore, as my

Ld. past, he bowed to the Janizary Aga, _Bash_. _Chiaus_, _Chia Beghi_,

and other great officers of the souldjery there. We came at last to the

large Divan, which is just in the same fashion as that at Stambol (which

I have seen), onely the side at Stambol hath no seates as this hath. The

seates (or bench from which the inferior viziers are named of the bench)

round the three sides are cover’d with embroyder’d silk, as likewise the

whole floor of the same. Under it, upon the benches, is one continued

quilt, or kind of cushion, quite round. In the middle of the side was a

rich foot cloth, which reached from the back of the bench (or wall) down

into the floor. Here sat the _Nesharjé basha_,[408] who (is a principal

secretary, and) writes the Grand Sr.’s Firme[409] (or Fiat) to all his

commands. There enters a little door on one side, where is such another

foot cloth, onely every way larger. There sat the _Vizier Azém_. Over

his head was a _Gelosia_, or lattice (as at Stambol), where the G. Sr.

is often (as he was then) present, but incognito; and, as we guest, the

Sultana was there once, yet some say it was impossible. On the same

side sat 2 Cadeleschiers on another foot cloth. The other side is open

from the bench up to the top of the roof. Here sat the Testerdare upon

such another foot cloth. In the room behind him sat severall men of the

law, who, upon occasion, could speak or receive any writing, or other

matter, into the Divan, that side, as is said, being open, onely two

wooden pillars supporting the roof. The Divan might be about 8 or 9 (at

most) yards square. There is a stone gallery open into the court, out of

which we enter’d, then into the Divan, which is open into the Gallery

and court. My Ld., making his reverence to the Vizier and the rest, was

placed in the corner upon the bench, without a foot cloth, beneath the

Nesharjé, which was the lowest place, to wit, the right hand. _Mauro

Cordato_[410] (the Vizier’s Dragoman) and my Ld.’s two Dragomen in chief

stood next him. Then all we stood with our backs to the court; we might

turne side wise to look out, but one or two turning their backs to the

Vizier were reprehended as guilty of too much rudeness. All of us being

thus disposed of, immediately were brought in 320 purses of money, and

lay’d in 32 heapes upon the floor, before the Vizier, a purse being

500 dollars. There were two little bags that were layd by themselves.

You must know that the Janizaryes and souldjers about the court are

pay’d once a month in this manner, publickly, before the Vizier and

the Divan. But now the pay day was put of till my Lord’s audience, it

being a thing usually done at all Embassadores audiences, merely for

to show the grandeur and glory of their Empire, though sometimes it

happens otherwise. The Testadore therefore, after the money was lay’d

down, gave up his accounts to the Vizier. He, kissing them, sent them

to the G. Sr. by the _Peskeshjé basha_, and by him they were presently

return’d again to the Vizier, who received them with a kisse. Then the

severall chambers of Janizaryes (which stood round the court) were call’d

in order, the word being given by the _Peskeshjé basha_ very loud. The

whole chamber comes running together upon the case-way to the door, where

they received their proportionate bagges to be divided by themselves or

officers. And, after the first chamber was paid of, they past away, and

the next was call’d; and so till all was paid out. Then the Cherbigees

(the colonells) and other head officers came into the Divan, and,

kneeling down on the Vizier’s left hand, kist the left corner of his

vest, and put it to their head, returning (as all the rest, that make

reverence by saluting his vest, doe) three or four steps backwards and

sideways, get out of his presence, he all the time sitting like a statue,

neither bowing nor taking the least notice imaginable. The Testerdare

(who many times had occasion to whisper with him) went alwayes to him

without any ceremony at all. All this being over, basons, and ewers, and

towells were brought in, and the Vizier, Testerdare, Neshanjé basha, and

my Ld. washt severally, severall servants waiting upon each of them.

Then were brought in 3 little round tables, all of them were alike, and

they were cover’d with leather carpets onely (without any table cloth);

then little flat loafes of bread (like pancakes) lay’d round in heapes,

3 or 4 one upon another, and severall broken in peices and scatter’d

upon the table. By each heap, between, lay a coarse little wooden spoon,

four little saucers of capers, olives, sampier,[411] parsley—the two

first pickled, the other two in sugar lickquore—one little salt seller,

one little pepper box. These 3 tables, thus furnisht, stood respectively

before the Vizier, testerdare, Neshargé, all being exactly alike

furnished. At the Vizier’s Table was set a velvet stool for a seat for

my Ld., over against the Vizier, who sat on the bench. Three other such

seates were set at the Nesharjé’s table, where dined Mr. North[412] (the

Treasurer), Mr. Hyet (the antientist merchant here), and Dr. Pickering

(a Physician of Smyrna). Three more were set at the Testerdare’s table,

where dined my Ld.’s Secretary, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Cook (the Companyes

Councillier), and my self. The rest of the Merchants and gentlemen dined

some in the next room with the _Rice-Effendi_ and the Vizier’s Secretary.

Some else were with the Chiaus-basha. All our tables were served exactly

alike with just 20 dishes of meat, which were set on but one at a time;

and so soon as that was scarcely tasted, it was shifted away, and another

placed in the room, so that we made a very short businesse of it, and,

all along, the waiters at each table kept all so good time, as we began

and ended just together. You must understand the Turkes make the supper

(as the antients did) the best meale, and seldome eat at noon, but in the

morning—and this was about 8½ by the clock. We had a long course Towel

layd round the Table in common (as the fashion is every where) upon our

laps, instead of napkins. It was wrought and checker’d like a barber’s

apron. This was to wipe our hands, for, by every one, after we were set,

on our right hand, into our lap or on our knee was laid a muckender[413]

(of the same cloth, but finer) to wipe your mouth and beard.

I cannot give you an exact bill of fare, but as well as I can remember

it was thus at every table: first we had 6 rost chickens brought pil’d

one upon another, without sauce; we had no such finicallnesse[414] as

knives or forkes onely the weapons that nature gave us, our hands and

teeth. The Testerdare began by pinching the flesh with his fore finger

and thumb, and invited us to fall to; I having seen the way of it many

times before, fell on and brought on my companions. We had a dish of

roast pigeons, which we eat in the same manner, nipping and tearing them

apieces with hands and teeth, in any fashion. We had _Kibôbs_, bits of

flesh, the first roasted, the last boyled; this was ready mammockt,[415]

and cut to our hands. We had several sorts of _Dolmáh_,[416] which is

minc’t meat stuffed into peices of gourds, or gobbeted[417] in vine

leaves or the like, and so boyl’d. We had several _Cherbaws_, pottages

made of rice, wheat, etc., some sweet, some savoury; we had _Pelo_,

rice boyled with peices of a hen; _Rice gellyed_, a perfect _fool_ in a

platter; another slip slop[418] of Dates and pine kernells; at all these

we ployed[419] our wooden artillery of the spoon. We had a great _baked

pye_ in a platter, with puff paste above and minced beaten meat, wel

season’d underneath; a puf past pudding in a platter, plain; _another_,

sweeten’d with honey. About half way of this horse feast we water’d with

a hearty draught of excellent Lemmon sherbert, which was brought in a

_fingeon_,[420] or Polish glasse, gilt on the verge at the top. The

Testerdare began, and we caryed it round, then it was whipt away, and

we saw it no more. We had my Ld.’s 2d Dragoman by us all the time, and

the 1st Dragoman and _Mauro Cordato_, dragoman to the Vizier, attended my

Ld. I sat so near him as I could have touched him, and I heard every word

that past betwixt the Vizier and him, which was not much, but what it was

was nothing of private businesse, but newes or such discourse; all past

pleasantly.

The onely thing of notice was this: talking of the stirres that have

been made at _Fustenberg_,[421] between the Emperor and K. of France,

the Vizier, laughing, askt why they did not cut of his head at first?

then, says he, there had been an end of all the embroglios that happen’d

after. We were all served alike in costly (lordly) dishes, which are

used every where at court, and I saw them at the Vizier’s and Mosaïf’s

houses. They come from India, and are all in use in Persia, for the G.

Sr. nor any great Turkes can use silver dishes by their law. They call

the mettal of them _Martabáni_[422]; they are very dear and much heavier

(in proportion) then China, which they call _Phorphoré_ (I suppose from

πόρφωρα); their platters, which they call _Taback_,[423] of _Martábani_,

are worth some of them 200 dollars. China is not half so dear here; your

little sherbert cups and coffee dishes are made often times of the same

earth; they ring like a bell; the earth is darkish, but the outside

glazed colour is greenish. The last dish being taken from table, we

all rose up together; the Grandees washt, and then my Ld. and me with

him were caryed into the gallery, and there he sat on a long bench.

Presently we were vested with Caphtans, which we wore all the time we

were afterwards in the Seraglio; there were given but 19 in all; my Ld.

Harvey had 22 when he was at Salonica, and the G. Sr. spoke to him a

great deal; but now (as you shall hear immediately) he said not one word.

The meat which went from our tables was caryed out amongst inferior

officers, where was such scrambling as I never saw. I saw much, much

better order once at a feast at the Kaimacham’s of Stambol. The like

was where our servants dined; yet all passed in silence, as the whole

businesse above said was likewise acted even to a miracle, all being done

with a nod or private sign (at which they are the best in the world)

to the attendants and waiters, who stand like images with their hands

acrosse before them. The same silence, gravity, and decorum is alwayes

practised in all other places of justice or businesse throughout the

whole Empire; _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, or _kish_, _kish_,

etc., is sometimes used if there should happen any the least _cavgá_,

or disturbance. The Merchants that din’d without said some of them were

hunch’t[424] about and _Heyda’d_[425] (a word which signifies _get you

gon’_) with some rudenesse, as I am apt enough to beleive the rabble

Turkes are like enough to do it.

After my Ld. and we had weighted about ½ an hour in the gallery, where

Mauro Cordato had the impudence to sit by my Ld., the Vizier and the rest

rose and past by us, and went into the G. Sr., who was in a low room.

There was another doore going into some other room, and forwards run a

high wall to the corner of the court. A quarter of an hour after they

past by, my Ld. was cal’d; all we accompanyed him almost to the outward

door, then he went forward with onely six persons who were appointed to

accompany him, viz., the two chief Dragomen, Mr. North the Treasurer,

Mr. Hyet the eldest merchant, my Ld.’s Secretary, who carry’d the king’s

letter upon his head, and the Companyes Cancelleer.

My Ld. and Sr. Thos. B. promised me before we set out from _Stambol_, and

all along assured me, that I should infallibly be one that should goe

in, and no lesse then three dayes before did again secure me the same

favour; but it happen’d otherwise on some other occasion, which I shall

afterwards make you laugh withall. For my own part I repine not at it,

for I have seen the G. Sr. again and again, and those that did goe in can

onely say they did do so; for as to any thing that they saw there, the

divel of any the least account could they give; onely something look’t

like a thing they call the G. Sr.; yet the whole account I coul’d get

from them, or observe myself, is this fully and exactly. My Ld. and all

the rest were led in by two _Peskeshjes_ or _Chiauses_, one holding them

under one arme, the other under the other, through the part of the court

were we left them. So soon as ever they entered the room, their leaders,

laying their hands upon their necks, bowed them down (my Ld. himselfe

very low, the rest to the very ground); immediately Mr. North, Mr. Hyet,

and the Cancelleir and the 2d Dragoman were hurryed out again so soon,

as Mr. North, who was first, swore he observed nothing, onely in general

that it was a very rich room, but in particular he remembred nothing in

the world. The poor Cancellier, being a little man, was crushed quite

down at the entrance, and Mr. Hyet had like to tumble over him as he lay

sprawling on the ground: so they saw lesse then Mr. North. The Cancellier

remember’d nothing, and Mr. Hyet said he had a pittyfull glance at the G.

Sr., and indeed it was impossible they could look about them, these thre

gentlemen being in (at that outward door, where we lost sight of them)

but 48 of my pulses, which is not much above ½ a minute, as I have tryed

by a half minute glasse at sea severall times. My Ld. stay’d after them

about 200 of my pulses, so that in all he could not be there much above 4

minutes at most. He being led in and bowed (as is said) _pro more_, the

chief Dragoman read his speech (and yet was out about the middle of it,

as my Ld. himselfe told him before me afterwards), which I saw and was

just 12 lines and a half in a small quarter of a sheet. That ended, the

Secretary gave the king’s letter to the Dragoman, and he to the Vizier,

and he lay’d it by the G. Sr.’s right hand upon his bolster, who cast a

kind of scornful eye towards it. The Vizier immediately told them: It’s

well, and he as Vikiel or deputy should take care of their businesse; and

so, without one word or complement passing, they were all led out again.

This my Ld. himself told me, and his Secretary and Dragoman confirm’d it.

Now for grandeur and state of what was there, my Ld. himself gave us this

account. The G. Sr. was set leaning upon a bed, and had put on a most

severe, terrible, stately look. The bed had four posts, like ours, but

whether with silk curtaines, valence, etc., is not sayd. The counterpane

was of crimson velvet embroyder’d and flour’d with pearl, and round the

edges went eight rowes of the same, all as bigge and as fair as ever he

saw in a necklace. The floor was crimson sattin, embroyder’d likewise and

wrought with gold wire, which in some places was very big. The G. Sr. had

a small, plain Turbant on, with a little feather in it; at the bottome

it had a brooch of Jewels, amongst the rest one very large diamond. At

the feet of his bed stood a large cabinet all cover’d over with jewels,

which he first valued at 100,000_li._ (but in a second relation at

200,000_li._) sterling; he judged it to be full of jewels. His vest

and delamon,[426] from his neck down before, were all set with fair

large diamonds and pearles. What the roof of the room had, the walls,

windowes, and the like had, or whether there were chimney, chimney-piece,

balconyes, stooles, chayres, etc., he could give no account; onely he

said he thought the windore was but small, for the room was dark, so as

he wonder’d the old Dragoman could read at all. You were out a little

(quoth he to him), but you soon recover’d yourself; in fine, my Ld. said

in generall that it was the richest room for certain in the whole world;

but I question much whether he could make out the particulars.

Now I declare to you the chief thing I desired to see was the furniture

and embellishments of the room; for (as is said) I have seen the G. Sr.

again and again. Here are adornments in building very costly and comely,

utterly unknown in our parts of the world, of which I am able to give

some pretty account; perhaps the sight of this might have added something

to my observations. So soon as my Ld. come out, we all accompanyed him

through the great court to the outer gate. There we mounted, and stay’d

about half-an-houre, till the Vizier and Testerdare came out; after them

came out all the _Chiauses_, who again conducted us out of the Town.

_Aug. 10th._ My Ld. went to visit the Mufti. He had audience, in the

very same manner as before is said, with the G. Vizier[427]; and,

after a little formall complimenting, we return’d. He was a swarthy

man, yet a good-natured countenance; his beard somewhat grey (being

above 54 yeares old, as is commonly said), the left corner something

longer than the other; a full eye, lean, discreet nose, well-fashioned

mouth and teeth; his forehead of a middle height; serene brow, cheekes

enclining to leanesse; but no wayes a mortifyed look. He gave us no

vests, but received ours (which we alwayes caryed wherever we went to

audience) gladly; and without doubt that added to his cheer, which was

very pleasant, as well as his countenance. He was set _Alla Turchesca_,

with his feet cover’d and lapt with a course kind of linesay-woolsay

blanket; the rest of his habit was no wayes distinguist from that of a

common Turk. We were carryed into him, and he did not rise to my Ld.,

but onely bow’d; and my Ld. was placed on a stool just before him. He

had three or 4 bookes lay’d by him, and round about the room on shelf

lay severall more. His turbant in the middle being plain, and not in

folds. We did not stay much above a quarter of an hour with him; soe we

return’d to our old shop at Caragatch. Remember that these visits were

in the height of the Plague; and several, I assure you, came amongst us

with plague-sores running upon them at the Vizier’s at our last audience,

of which by and by. There was a fellow gave me a dish of coffee who had

then about him 2 filthy sores; and after he had served us with coffee, by

chance talking with some of our Merchants (that spoke Turkish) about the

plague, told them that he had lost three children the week before, and

that he had been sick unto death, but now his swellings were broke he was

much better. The Turkes used no other antidote against the plague then

multitudes of Issues, which really I count a most divine thing to that

effect, though otherwise a plague in themselves.

I have above mentioned to you _Vani Effendi_, the great preacher amongst

the Turkes.[428] I shall here insert some little notices of him. He

is an old huncht-back man, very gray, a crabb’d countenance, yet his

shrivel’d flesh is clear, not black or swarthy, but pale; and Nature

hath marked him in the face, for his right eye is lesse than his left,

as if it were shrunk. He hath children at Brussa,[429] and is of such

authority amongst the Turkes, as about 6 yeares since preach’d down all

publick Tavernes and ale-houses, and the Dervises’ publick meetings; yet

I believe there is as much wine drunk (or more) and as many tavernes by

connivance and bribery as ever there was. The fame of this old cox comb

is more then a Pope amongst them; he invited Sr. Thos. Baines to visite

him; therefore, sending one of our dragomen and _Renegado Boccareschi_

to beg licence of him to come, he told them he should be wellcome. He is

cal’d _Vani_, from a town of that name on the confines of Persia.[430]

Sr. Tho. being come to him and set down, ask’t liberty of discourse; he

told him he might say what he pleased, nothing would be taken amiss.

Sr. Tho. 1st Quest. was: Whether all soules were equall of men, women,

children? After many shuffling answers, he said the prophet Mahomet was

asked the same question, and answered it was _not yet revealed to him_.

2dly: Whether women shall be in Paradice? Answr.: They shall have many

there of those which were here and lived well and virtuously according

to their law, and besides God will create them many others; but of the

two sortes, those that go from hence will be the better, because their

obedience hath already been tryed and proved. He said that wicked men

commonly drew their wives down to hell with them; yet if the wife be

virtuous she may goe to heaven, though the Man goes to Hell.

Now I understande one notion of my own. Being once with our chief

Dragoman in company with a great Doctor of their law, I had the curiosity

to ask (amongst other things) what use they should have of women in

Paradice, whether for procreation or no? He told me that they shall

conceive there for certain, but not by members of generation, but onely

by intellectual seed and spiritually, to make a spirituall ofspring.

_Vaní_ told Sr. Thos. that there is a middle life or place cal’d (as Sr.

Tho. hath set it down) _Asaph_ (it should be Aráf,[431] as in the chapter

of Prisons, cap. 7), whither all that have lived a middle life shall goe;

that is, sins and virtuous deeds being compared and weighed together.

3d: What people might be suffer’d to live amongst Turkes? Answr.:

None but Jewes and Christians; all other are to be put to death. This

toleration is given, because the Jewes had and yet have a true law, but

most imperfect Christians have a true and perfecter law; but the onely

perfect law is Mahomet’s, which all now are bound to believe and follow;

if they doe not, though they live never so well, they cannot be saved.

There were two little boyes (by Christian slaves), and Sr. Tho. put this

case: If you had lost (it had been better put if he had said hidden) a

jewell, and should bid these two seek it, and tell them where abouts it

was to be found; one being more successful then the other, finds it;

the other notwithstanding being very industrious, and leaving no stone

or stick unturned, perhaps finds onely a crisstall: shall this son be

blamed for his ill successe, notwithstanding his indeavours were as much,

perhaps more then the other? Here, saith Sr. Tho. B., the teares stood in

his eyes, and he answered: Every body had heard of their law and their

Prophet, and were bound to believe. Sr. Tho. B. said he had heard many

things which he now found not truly reported of them, and he had read

their Alcoran, which he now sees wrongly translated; both which rather

prejudic’d him then furthered him in his belief, and many there are who

never heard of it at all; suppose such a one (who never heard) to be a

Christian and live well, whether he might be saved? He answer’d not close

to the point. Sr. Tho. told what kind of Christian he was, viz., he would

rather dye then worship either crosse, Pictures, Images, or the like.

He adored onely one true God, and lived in his fear onely; he believed

a Mussulman, living up to the height of his law, may be undoubtedly

saved. He thought himselfe obliged (though it was never so absolutely in

his power to do it) not to touch a hair of a Mussulman’s head for his

difference in religion, but rather to help, assist, relieve, and cherish

them in every good office that he was able to doe for them. Here Sr.

Th. B. saies he wept, and said he could not believe any Christian came

so near true Musselmen, but that they all had been Idolaters; and the

standers by (which were many) cryed out _E Adám_[432]—he was a _Good

Man_. You may imagine this was odde for a Greek (who worships all these

things, and curses a Turk to the Divel) to say as Draggerman. _Vaní_

pressing the perfection of his law, and the necessity of turning to

it, Sr. Tho. said he was now about 55 years of age, and his bones were

dryed and hardened to their forme; and his understanding was in like

manner settled by long practice of his own religion, and it would be a

hard task, and of some long time, to unrivet his notions. Vaní bad him

welcome, desired more frequent converse, assuring him all security and

freedome. The Dragoman told me he was afraid to speak, for though they

might not touch Sr. Tho. B., yet they might chastise him for speaking

anything about or against this Law.

Sr. Tho. Baines went no more; he sent to him severall questions by

_Boccareschi_, till he was weary, first: To know if the soules of

the dead (Men and Women) went immediately to heaven or hell, without

any stay? Answr.: The blessed went not into Paradice till the day of

Judgement, but had a continuall sight of it through a great windore. He

said _Boccareschi_ was not a fitting messenger, and desir’d, if he had

any more questions, that he might set them down in writing, and he would

answer in like manner. Sr. Th. B. left of. For my own part, I believe

he might have given his first Answer to most of Sr. Th. B.’s questions,

viz.: The Prophet (nor God himself) hath not revealed those things. He

sent word by _Boccareschi_ about Hell: 1st, there are 60 mountaines of

fire, and millions of poysonous serpents and dragons to torment the

damned. 2nd, that no Turke shall remain there to eternity; infidells and

Idolaters never get out.

_Sept. 8th._ My Ld. went for the capitulations to the Vizier, and, to

take leave, we were caryed into the Khiá’s (the Steward or Secretaryes)

chamber, where we stay’d waiting two houres. We were treated in the

mean time with coffee and sherbert. Mauro Cordato[433] (the Vizier’s

Dragoman), who has studyed in Italy, and was at first a doctor of

Physick, by nation a Greek, sat and bore my Ld. company. Amongst other

discourse, he assured us that the first month (June) the plague began,

there might die from 60 to 100 per diem; the 2d month it increased to

at least 250; this month (Sept.) dyed at least 600 per diem (but others

talked much lighter), and after our coming away it increased to double

the number. It is a very bad place for fruits, and this year worse than

ever. He said that it was banisht the court. There were abundance of

Turkes, and many of them sick (as is above said), intermixt with us. At

last we were caryed into another room, and, after a little pause, came

in the Vizier, and he and my Ld. sat as before. He spoke cheerfully,

and proved in very good humour; yet his face, especially about the

eyes, look’d very swel’d and reddish. We understood he had been soundly

_keiph’t_ the night before.

The Vizier began, and told him the Capitulations were renewed according

to his desire. My Ld. thankt him, and signifyed what high respect our

king would have for him for his particular care in it; and he would

see that he had particular thanks for it from him. The Vizier ask’t

what ships we had, and what were expected. Answer: Two dayly expected

from Legorne, one generall ship in two months at Constantinople, 2 more

at Smyrna. The Vizier ask’t what newes? Answer: The last was that the

two Armyes were within 2 or three leagues one of the other, and that

Brandenburgh had routed the Swead; that the Ragusian Ambassador reported

a battle to have been fought, wherein 12,000 French, with Turein[434]

himself, kil’d. The Vizier said he had heard the like. We had 12 vests.

My Ld. received the Capitulations, G. Sr.’s letter, and Vizier’s letter

to our king from his own hand, kissing them all, as the manner is. My

host wish’t the G. Sr. and Vizier a long life, and that the Vizier might

have all increase of honour and favour with the G. Sr. And so we came

away.

_Sept. 16th._ My Ld. took leave of the Vizier’s _Khia_ and the _Rice

effendi_, in whose familyes the plague was then very, very rife. Two men,

with plague sores on them running, stood about a full quarter of an houre

within a yard of him, yet God preserved both him and us. Onely, as is

said, three or four servants dyed there. One or two had it all the way

home to Stambole undiscovered, and there one, who allwayes was about my

Ld. and Sr. Tho., dyed.

_Sept. 19th._ About 1 o’clock we set out for Stambole. Because the road

was everywhere full of the plague, we every night lay in our Tents, which

were caryed before us, and pitcht ready at every _conáck_, and all our

waggons and coaches were drawn round us, and a great fire being made.

There were men watch’t by turnes every night, for the road was very

full of thieves. Not a day past but some newes or other came of their

exploits. There were many in companyes, and if we had not had guards it

would have been very easy cutting our throats. We made as many dayes

coming home as we did going out, and pitcht under the same town sides;

so that though we ourselves went not into Townes, most of our waggoners

and servants did for wine, or women, or something or other, and so our

danger was, in a manner, the same. I have been used to the fashion of the

country of lying in my clothes, which I did both outwards and homewards,

and once in a frolick to Brusa Baths I came not in a bed for 8 weekes

together. Now I caryed a little sea bed with me, which I lay on at

Adrianople, and upon the road. We first spread a carpet on the ground,

and then lay’d our beds or quilts upon it, and so tumbled down upon them,

booted, cloak’t, etc., as we rode. I was a little ill at Caragatch, or

else I enjoy’d my health very well all the time. I came with my Ld. and

companye along to _Caresteran_. There I left them with onely my man with

me (wee were well arm’d) to go see _Misine_.[435] At Chiorlúh I met my

Ld. and all the Company again.

_Sept. 24th._ Seeing the Sea from Chiorlúh, I thought it not much out of

my way to goe to it, and thence to Selibria alongst the sea shore. I

could perswade no man to accompany me for fear of Thieves, and a calf

with a white face disheartened them all. Away went my man and I. There

is from Chiorlúh, to your eye, a perfect streight valley to the Sea,

which I thought was, at most within 5 miles, but I was horribly mistaken.

Though in a right line it may be so, yet following a road that leads to

it, by reason of a little rill that rises on the left hand out of the

hills towards _Stambol_, which makes a moorish bottome, by windings and

turnings I made it about as much more. This little rill, in most places,

is so very narrow as I could easily step over it, and yet we reckon’d

7 or 8 Turkish mills upon it, so little water sufficing for each of

them. In 2¼ houres we got to the sea, counting it at least 9 mile, all

the hills on either side (especially the left) covered with vineyards,

and they were then in the height of their vintage. We past severall

very good fountaines in the way, and about a mile of the sea we past a

little Turkish village. So soon as we arriv’d at the sea, we turn’d to

the left hand for Heraclea. At the end of about 6 mile we met a good

fountaine, which refresh’t us well. The country all champion, and many

little villages were to our left hand on the hanging hills. We arriv’d

at Heraclea in 2½ houres. At our rate it was about 13 or 14 miles, the

country still champion, onely some few trees thinly set about Heraclea.

In the playnes are many hills raysed (as sepulchres, I suppose). One

large one is by the sea, upon a rising ground, not far from the town.

It stands upon a peninsula. The Isthmus is on the N.W. side. To the sea

is a pretty high cliff. On that upper ground stood the antient town,

now inhabited most by Greekes. On the lower ground to the Isthmus live

many Turkes, and have severall Moschés. There are yet standing, in all,

40 Greek churches, yet (as elsewhere) none deserve the name but the

Metropole’s, which is a good old odde fashion’d building. It hath a

Cupola and half cupolas about it like Sta. Sophia.

They show there, within the Metropolis, the top stone of Sta. Gluceria’s

tomb, which they say was saved out of her monastery, which stood hard

by, but was ruin’d and most part tumbled into the Sea. It is pure white

marble, about a foot thick, most neatly covered and hollowed on the

edges, with a coronite[436] round the head, and at the feet with two

spires. At the head there is cut an archt hole, in which they say her

head was kept; and there is a hole sideways of it which is like a saucer,

and in the bottome of it is in another small one, out of which they say

continually issued an holy oyle. All this arch’t hole was cover’d with

a plate of gold; the pins that fasten’d it yet remain. I assure you the

whole thing is absolutely the curiosest piece of work that is to be found

in Greece of so modern artifice. On the upper side, between the arch’t

hole and the bottome, rose an inscription in impure Iambick. It was wrote

in a moderne character, which is very difficult to be read, and the

latter end of each verse was wrote under the former part in very much

smaller letters. I verily believe this whole thing was but a piece of

Greekish monkery, and they might have some pretty contrivance to let oyl,

or the like liquor, drop upon occasion, to work some miracle upon the

credulous.

In the Greeks’ Hierology they observe the 23d of May[437] as a great

holy day to her memory, and say that she was martyrd in the times of

Antoninus, by his Proconsul Sabinus; that she was torn apieces by wild

beasts, and afterwards translated to Heraclea. I am sure the story and

the inscription savours of no such antiquity. This church is dedicated to

St. Peter and St. Paul, and is generally called τῶν μεγάλων ἀποστόλων.

The Metropolite has very good accommodations there for himself and his

_papas_. Below, in the cloyster, just at the foot of the staires going up

to the Metropolite’s apartment, lyes buryed Mr. Edward Wych, brother to

Sr. Peter,[438] who was Embassadore here. He went with our chief Dragoman

(yet living) to Scio to meet Sr. Peter’s Lady, then coming out of England

to her husband; and, coming back, he touched at Tenedos, where the plague

was very rife, and he got it and dyed, and was brought here and buryed,

1628.

Coming out of the Greekes’ apartment, we went into St. George’s church

(whome they call ἃγιος Γεώργιος), who is here reverenced as the greatest

Saint imaginable, and they attribute many miracles to his image, which is

a head cut flat in wood and trimm’d up with abundance of tinsel stuff;

the candles have made it as black as soot. The chief thing he is famed

for is the deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d

up to him infinites of ἀναθήματα, dedicated by poor creatures which had

escaped shipwreck: most are little short pieces of halsers or cables, or

smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.

Upon the cliff to the S.E. stand 4 or 5 windmills immoveable, and are

driven onely by the Embaty,[439] which never failes in the daye time to

come of from the sea.

I came from _Selibria_ home with the rest. The Plague had been as hot at

Stambol all last summer, and after our returne (which was Sept. 27th) it

encreased. Upon the death of the foot boy in our house (of whom is above

written), my Ld. and Sr. Tho., with 4 servants, withdrew to a house out

of town. I took the opportunity at that time to go with some gentlemen of

Smyrna (who had been at audience with us) as farre as Brusa, where the

G. Sr. baths are; and indeed it is a brave place. I took some delight

upon mount _Olympus Mysiæ_,[440] which is very, very high, and over

looks the town; it is alwayes cover’d with snowe, as it was then whilst

we were on the top of it. I took notice of many fine plants, trees, and

other curiosyties there, as likewise about the Town and at the baths; and

should certainly have been highly pleased with my voyage, had not a sad

accident embitter’d all to me. One of the gentlemen, my dear friend, fell

sick of a very high feavor: we fear’d it was the Plague. All the rest of

the company left me and my man alone with him; and after 13 dayes he dyed

there. I was ill treated by the Turkes; but I got leave to bury him with

much adoe; and, writing to my Ld., I had a Chiaus and Dragoman came and

chastised those Rogues very handsomely. I spent a month there, and have

made remarques of many things; but I must leave the story of that and all

the rest to another time to tell you by letter or word of mouth.

I will see Nice,[441] Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos,

Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though

I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here

are every year abundance of Whiflers[442] in those scraps of learning.

Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our

countryman, and one Mr. Le Spòn,[443] a Frenchman, who certainely have

made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when

he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never

yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy

with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall

certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one

or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon

(lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after

all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be

caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others.

For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over

after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on

the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo, and all

about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest

things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them

worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I

confesse I have an itching after them, for I can assure you there are

some things that will give great light to Church story, especially as to

the Arians, Basilidians,[444] and other Heriticks. It is very troublesome

to transcribe what I have collected; I must be pardoned herein till I

see you. In the mean time, I joyn absolutely with you in your opinion of

that part of learning, and in your censure of the professors of it. I

have two or three pretty knackes which I have lighted upon very cheap,

and yet I vallue them dear. I have a delicate cat’s eye; two or three

_Seraphims_; two little cupids holding a lyon, imbossed admirably in a

_Cameo_; severall petrifyed mushroomes; tiles; etc.

In truth, I am now weary, and I believe so are you by this time. I

cannot read these papers over to correct them. You are my Friend: for

your sake I have scribbled them at full gallop; for my sake passe by

whatever is amisse, or twice over, or rudely and carelessly done. I did

all to testify what you shall ever find—Fidum pectus amicitiae. You

must communicate them to Sam. Th.; and for others I leave it to your

discretion who you shall admitte to see my levityes. It would be some

passetime to T. Fairmeddow over a pot of ale; but use your discretion. I

shall tell him I have wrote you at large. Now, Dear friend, the Mighty

God of heaven and Earth watch over us for our good; and, if it be his

blessed will, bring us together once more. I am,

Thy faithfull and affectionate friend,

J. C.

* * * * *

The two volumes of Dr. Covel’s consecutive diary terminate with his visit

to Adrianople. There are, however, several smaller diaries of different

journeys, which would be too long to insert here. One is thus headed:

_Feb. 16, 1676/7._—OUR VOYAGE TO NICOMEDIA, NICÆA, ETC.

Dr. Covel sailed up the Gulf of Ismidt, and, on arriving at the town of

Ismidt (Nicomedia), he was “nobly lodged at the monastery by Greeks”. He

speaks in quaint terms of the numerous ἁγιάσματα, or sacred springs, at

Ismidt, and describes more particularly one dedicated to St. Anne, and

its supposed healing qualities.

“I saw”, he writes, “a man who, last 2nd of February, went to St. Anne’s

ἁγίασμα for cure, being full of ulcers, and could receive no benefit

otherwayes but washing all over. His ulcers were dryed up in less than a

fortnight’s time, which made me reflect upon the story of Naaman.”

“_Feb. 22._ Got to Isnick (Nicæa), which is not now within the walls, a

third part inhabited, or filled with houses, most being gardens or yards

enclosed with mud walls. I do not remember that I saw one tolerably good

house in the town; and most were intolerably bad, little, pittyfull, low,

dirty hovels, instead of houses.”

As usual, Dr. Covel’s narrative is full of archæology, and as he only

stopped one day at Nicæa, it is marvellous how much he saw and put down.

“If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle

withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done

it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.”

On his return journey he visited the islands of Prinkipo and Chalcis. He

was on this latter on Feb. 25, and visited the celebrated monastery there.

“This monastery about 5 or 6 yeares since, was unfortunately burnt down,

and Panagiotes[445] (the late Vizier’s Dragoman), who lyes buryed here,

rebuilt it at his own cost.”

“Our first ambassador, Sir Edw. Barton, lyes buried without the outward

gate, to the right hand. His armes are rudely done, but I take them to

be three stagges heads above. It was cut by a Turk, and thence came all

the mistakes in the writing, and at the bottome are three Cypress trees,

which are commonly put on the Turks’ tombs.”[446]

On April 2nd, 1677, Dr. Covel left Constantinople for good, and his

return journey to England forms another MS. volume. He thus begins it:

“This day, in the year 1638, I was born at two o’clock in the morning,

being Monday, and it pleased me to see so many things meet this day,

whereby I might reckon it my second birth. Just at two o’clock Antonio

called us to go to the Alloy. This day I left Stamboul, which, for many

reasons, I may well liken to the prison of my mother’s belly.”

Dr. Covel and Sir John Finch, the ambassador, started together on the

_Alloy_, and the new Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha,[447] came to see

them off, and brought them “large quantities of presents, and grand

accompaniment.”

The homeward diary is very much scamped and badly written, but there

are interesting passages in it. He gives us a good description of

Cyzicus and the temple of Nemesis therein, and his account of Mt. Athos

is also valuable, though prolix. The ship _Alloy_ then came to the

island of Lemnos, “where we lay weather fast.” Dr. Covel here gives us

an interesting account of what he saw in connection with the _terra

Sigillata_ of Lemnos, the sacred earth with supposed curative properties,

a superstition which has survived since the days of Galen, and still

exists, so I will give Dr. Covel’s description in full.

“On the side hills, on the contrary side of the valley, directly over

against the middle point betwixt this hill and Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ, is the

place where they dig the _terra sigillata_. At the foot of a hard rock of

grey hard freestone enclining to marble is a little clear spring of most

excellent water, which, falling down a little lower, looseth its water in

a kind of milky bogge; on the East side of this spring, within a foot or

my hand’s breadth of it, they every year take out the earth on the 6th

of August, about three houres after the sun. Several papas, as well as

others, would fain have persuaded me that, at the time of our Saviour’s

transfiguration, this place was sanctifyed to have his virtuous earth,

and that it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always perfect

rock, unlesse only that day, which they keep holy in remembrance of the

Metamorphosis, and at that time when the priest hath said his liturgy;

but I believe they take it onely that day, and set the greater price upon

it by its Scarcenesse. Either it was the Venetian, or perhaps Turkish

policy[448] for the Grand Signor to engrosse it all to himselfe, unless

some little, which the Greekes steal; and they prefer no poor Greek to

take any for his own occasions, for they count it an infallible cure of

all agues taken in the beginning of the fit with water, and drank so

two or three times. Their women drink it to hasten childbirth, and to

stop the fluxes that are extraordinary; and they count it an excellent

counter-poyson, and have got a story that no vessel made of it will

hold poison, but immediately splinter in a thousand pieces. I have seen

several finganes (Turkish cups) made of it in Stamboul; we had a good

store of it presented to us by Agathone and others, all incomparably

good. We had some such as it is naturally dig’d out and not wash’d.

(There is no such chappel nigh as Bel talked of, called Sobiranon, to

be found, unless he took Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ for it.) Thus they take it

out: before day they begin and digge a well about 1½ yards wide, and a

little above a man’s height deep; and then the earth is taken out soft

and loomy, some of it like butter, which the Greeks say, and the Turks

believe, is turned out of rocky stone into soft clay by virtues of their

mass. When they have taken out some 20 or 30 kintals for the Greeks’ use,

they fill it up again, and so leave it stop’t without any guard in the

world....

“We came down to a town called Hagiapate, where there is a great large

fountain, where they wash and prepare the ἅγιον χώμα (sacred earth) for

the Turkish seal. They first dissolve it in water, well working it with

their hands; then let the water pass through a sive, and what remains

they throw away. They let the water stand till settled, then take of

the clear, and, when dry enough, they mould in their hands; and most of

this we have is shaped from thence. It is all here white, yet I had some

given me flesh-coloured. I enquired diligently about it, and they all

told me it came out of the same pit; but I expect some of these fellows

have found some other place which they conceal. We had some little

quantity given us of several people, but very privately, for fear of the

_Avaniás_. Agathone, being the Pasha’s favourite, feared nothing, but

gave us at least 20 okes before 20 people. They tell a story that the

earth is hollow from the holy well, when dig’d, to the fountain, where

they wash it; and that a duck once dived in the water there and was taken

up here; but it seemed an impossible thing to me, there being not water

enough in the first place to cover a duck, and the water in the bogge so

very shallow, and the earth not sinuous.”

* * * * *

Dr. Covel’s remarks on the sacred earth of Lemnos are particularly

valuable, as this is one of the clearest instances of a pagan

superstition being carried on through the influence of Christianity

down to our own times. Pliny mentions it (_Hist. Nat._, 29, 5); also

Dioscorides (_De Mater. Med._, 5, 113); and Galen made an expedition

to Lemnos on purpose to see it, and gives us an account of it (_De

Simpl. Med._, 9, 2, vol. xii). He mentions the disorders for which it

was considered beneficial; he also gives us the ceremonies and mode

of operation; on certain occasions a priestess of Artemis came, and,

after certain rites, carried off a cartload to the city; she mixed it

with water, kneaded it, and strained off both the moisture and gritty

particles, and, when it was like wax, she impressed it with the seal

of Artemis. During the Middle Ages, the reputed virtues of this earth

remained unimpaired as a remedy for the plague. Belon saw it in the

sixteenth century (_Observations de plusieurs singulaires_, p. 51). Here

we have Dr. Covel’s account of it in the seventeenth century. Conze was

able to buy specimens of it in 1858; but Dr. Tozer, who visited Lemnos

three years ago, writes of it as an expiring superstition. In that

year only twelve persons were present at the ceremony; and the Turkish

governor, seeing so small a prospect of revenue, has ceased to be present

in person. Dr. Tozer could not even obtain a specimen in a chemist’s

shop; but the superstitious in remote parts of the island still use it.

Proceeding from Lemnos, the _Alloy_ went to Chios, where Dr. Covel gives

us an account of the silk-trade carried on there, and the growth of the

mastic, and the _avanias_ thereon imposed by the Turkish Government.

“The poor sort of Greek women dayly scold and quarrell, and pull one

another’s head gear of,[449] then in a fury run to Turkish justice; and,

in conclusion, both pay soundly, though the richest purse always speeds

best.”

When passing between Chios and the island of Psara, Dr. Covel tells two

curious nautical yarns. “_The Plymouth_, which caryed my Lord Winchilsea

to Stambol, passing between these two islands, strook twice or thrice

upon a blind rock, and a great peice broke of, and stuck in the keel of

the ship, and continued in quite till she returned to England, and was

found when she came to be carin’d. The peice is now kept in the king’s

closet. Captain Blake told me that a ship coming from the E. Indyes,

the Doctor was very kind to a sick mariner, who thereupon made the Dr.

his heir; he, tempted thereby, gave him something to sleep, and, taking

opportunity, thrust in a small needle or bodkin under his ear, and kil’d

him. He was thrown over board, and three days after, sayling with a very

stiff gale, they spyed his body floting under the weather bow; as fast as

the ship could make way, it kept pace. With wonder they took it up, and,

after many consultations, the Captain came himself first and touch’t it;

when the Dr. came, the blood spirt out of the dead man’s nose and the

wound under his ear, upon him: he confest all, and was brought home and

hang’d.”

After rounding Cape Matapan, the _Alloy_ sailed up the Adriatic to

Venice, where Dr. Covel stayed some time and crossed Italy and France on

his way to England.

“On Monday morning, Jan. 20th, 1679, we got over to Dover in four houres

just; that night to Canterbury; next night to London.”

At the end of his _Diary_ there is this curious note on a London

fog:—“Feb. 12, 1679, was Black Sunday; so dark about 9 or 10 o’clock

for about ½ an hour, as candles were lighted in most churches in London.

It is thought it came partly from a misty thick air, partly from a

very black, thick cloud, which, being low, hindered in the third place

the smoke to rise high, which increased the thickness of the air. I am

informed the like hath been often before. Mr. Standish was lighted home

with a torch at 3 in the afternoon.”

[Illustration]

FOOTNOTES

[1] Queen Elizabeth and Amurath III.

[2] Sequins.

[3] Von Hammer.

[4] Clarke, _Travels_.

[5] Mr. John Chapman was sent out in September 1621, arriving in

Constantinople December 12th, with orders for Eyre to return directly and

leave Chapman in charge of the Embassy till the arrival of his successor.

[6] Sir Thomas Phillipps was appointed in October 1625 to succeed Roe,

but, for some reason, he did not go.

[7] He arrived in Constantinople 13th October 1638, but did not assume

office till the middle of 1639, owing to the Grand Seigneur’s absence.

[8] In 1653 Mr. Richard Lawrance was sent out by Cromwell to replace

Bendysh, but, apparently owing to the latter’s influence, the Grand

Seigneur refused to receive Lawrance, and Bendysh remained as Ambassador

till 1661.

[9] Though appointed in 1672, Finch did not reach Constantinople till

1674.

[10] _Carsaye_ = _Kersey_, a kind of stuff. The ordinances for upholding

the Levant Company merchants, 9th March 1643, speak of the “venting

of Kerseys, sayes (silks), perpetuanas (a stuff so called for its

durability), and several other articles.”

[11] Points were laces for fastening up clothes; _e.g._,

“_F._ Their points being broken,—

_P._ Down fell the hose.”

(Shaks., _Hen. IV_, ii, 4.)

[12] Pantables = pantofles. “Swearing by the pantables of Paris.”

(Sidney, _Arcadia_.)

[13] The hangers were that part of the sword-belt to which the weapon

was suspended. “Sir, French rapiers and poniards, with their assigns, as

girdle, hangers, and so.” (_Hamlet_, v, 2.)

[14] _Rosa solis_ = a cordial.

“We abandon all ale

And beer that is stale,

Rosa solis and damnable hum;

But we will rack

In the place of sack

’Gainst _Omne quod exit in um_.”

(_Witts Recreations_, 1654.)

[15] Compostie = compost, a mixture. “Compostes and confites.” (_Babees

Boke_, p. 121.)

[16] Algiers.

[17] Asia Minor.

[18] These words are in a later hand.

[19] Virginals were spinetts, so called from being played by young girls.

The term “a pair of virginals”, “a pair of organs”, was common, and only

denoted one instrument. Cf. the phrases “a pair of stairs”, “a pair of

bellows”, still exist.

[20] “The Sleeve” is a literal translation of the French “La Manche”.

“Along the Celtic sea, called oftentimes ‘the Sleeve’.”

(Drayton, _Polyolb._, xxiii.)

[21] Lanneret = a hawk.

[22] Probably the dangerous “Pommier Rocks” in the Casquets.

[23] The captain.

[24] _Dunkirks._ The Dunkirkers were at that time the pirates of the

Channel, and their privateers did much damage to English trade.

“This was a rail

Bred by a zealous brother in Amsterdam,

Which being sent unto an English lady,

Was ta’en at sea by Dunkirkers.”

(_The Bird in a Cage_, O. Pl., viii, 267.)

[25] _Carvel_, _caravel_, Italian form of ship in the Middle Ages. Word

extant in modern Greek καρὰβι.

[26] Faightes = fightes. Waste-cloths formerly hung about a ship to

conceal the men from the enemy. Shaks., _Merry Wives of Windsor_, Act ii,