DR. COVEL’S DIARY.
[Illustration]
DR. COVEL’S DIARY.
CAP. 2.—OUR LEAVING THE DOWNS, AND PASSAGE THROUGH THE CHANNEL TO SEA.
_Sept. 21._ In the morning we had a fresh gale at N.N.E., and it so
continued between N. and E. a fair wind for us. About half-an-hour after
eleven we set sail out of the Downes, being seven general ships, for the
Levant; Captain Partridge in the Turkey Merchant, for Scanderoon.
Capt. Joh. Hill, in the London Merchant, } for Smyrna and
Capt. Pain, in the Speedwell, } Constantinople.
Capt. Dier Roles, in the Mary and Martha,}
Capt. Kerington, in the Levant Merchant, } for Smyrna.
Capt. Stoey, in the Pearl, }
Capt. Bromwell, in the Tho. and Frances, } for Smyrna and Scanderoon.
Our convoy were, Capt. Robinson, in the Greenwich,[180] as Admiral (who
was to leave us at the next end of Candia, and go on to Scanderoon with
the Turkey Merchant), and Capt. Wild, in the Assurance, as Vice-Admiral,
who was to go with all the rest of us as far as Smyrna, with _Virginia
men_, and some _coasters_ and _streightsmen_.[181] We made up in all
about 100 sail going out of the Channel. I took my passage upon the
London Merchant, with that very able and long-experienced Seaman, a
most carefull and understanding commander, Capt. John Hill, whose
honest, sober, and discreet management of all his affaires I can never
sufficiently commend, as I must never forget his singular respect and
kindnesse to myself.
CAP. 3.—OUR PASSAGE FROM THE LAND’S END TO THE STREIGHTSMOUTH.
_Saturday, Sept. 24._ About ½ an hour past two, afternoon, we weigh’d
anchor, and stood of with an easy sail. Next morning, by eight o’clock,
we were clear of _the Land’s End_, leaving it N. 6 W. about nine leagues,
and we told 75 sail in company.
_Sept. 26._ The wind came up at South. It blew hard, and brought much
rain. We made several tacks, and our _Freshmen_ passengers were all in
a miserable, squeamish, and puking condition. I had held up perfectly
well till that morning, when I began (as well as the rest) to find some
odde wamblings in my stomack. Wherefore, counting it very healthfull, at
first coming to sea, to evacuate what humours might overflow, I went and
sat down in the Captaine’s Round-house[182] on purpose to provide that
designe; for the higher any one sit within the ship, the motion of it
affects him the more, and cause his giddinesse and _mawkishnesse_ to be
the greater. After I had sat there till I was sufficiently squeamish,
I went down to the Cook and got at least thre pints of warme small beer
into my belly, and then returned up to the Round-house again, where the
reeling of the Ship had its desired effect. I then went down and took a
second dose of warme beer, and so came up to the Round-house again; and
after somewhat a longer pause then before, I fell to my former exercise.
This I repeated several times, till at last, when I cam down to the
_wast_[183] of the ship, and took a turn or two there, I found my stomack
begin to settle. I immediately drank a spoonful of _Purle[184] royall_
(as they call it), that is, _sack and wormwood_, and a little while after
I took as much more. Thus for a while supping not above one spoonfull
at a time (sometimes of old Hock, sometimes of sack, with wormwood), I
afterwards continued walking gently and santering up and down the Ship,
till by noon I could have eaten and drunk as well as any one. But I dined
onely with a little fresh broth, and as much _Cremor tartari_ in it as
made it palatable; and with a cautious and moderate diet, I was very
well in lesse than 24 houres, and I thank God I never was in the least
sea-sick after in any weather whatever.
_Sept. 29._ The Admiral called all the Turkish commanders on board. He
told them that the Dutch and we had chased six Algier men of War on shoar
at _Cape Spartel_ (which is the most northern _Cape_ of Africk, just at
the _Streight’s_ mouth) not far from _Tangier_, and that we had sunk,
and fired, and destroy’d them all, and released many English and Dutch
prisoners. He had received the news by some Dutch Merchant ship, which
that day past by us; for all ships, if friends, when they meet upon the
sea, _share_ up to one another, and sometimes lay by their sails, or send
of their boats, mutually to hear and relate what newes they have.
_Saturday, October 1st._ The Admiral and Vice-Admiral, and several
Commanders, came on board us, and dined with us; and on the 3rd we all
dined on board _the Turkey Merchant_. When we thus treat one another, if
the weather be fair and will permit it, we seldome fail of some merry
fellows in every _ship’s crew_, who will entertain us with several
diversions, as divers sorts of odde Sports and Gambols; sometimes with
their homely drolls and _Farses_, which in their corrupt language they
nickname Interlutes; sometimes they dance about the mainmast instead of a
may-pole, and they have variety of _forecastle songs_, ridiculous enough.
_Oct. 5._ The wind blew hard all night, and with the labouring of the
Ship the table and chaires in the great Cabin brok loose from the cords
with which they were _lash’t_, and hurt our surgeon and some of the
gentlemen that were up there.
_Oct. 7._ At 6 o’clock at night we saw to S.E. 25 sail going southward,
and we saw them again, next morning, about 6 o’clock. We took them for
_Newfoundland_ men going for Lisbon and the Streights.
_Oct. 8._ About 10 o’clock _the Burlinges_ appear’d S. from us (which are
rocks lying of from the nethermost Cape of the last stretch before you go
into _Lisbon_). We were in 39° 55´ of latitude, and observ’d a current on
those coasts setting Southwards. That night we lay by. Next morning we
reckon’d 26 sail between us and the Rock of Lisbon. They were Flemings,
and we supposed them to be the same which we had seen the day before
standing to the Southwards.
_Oct. 9._ Sunday, about 2 afternoon, some Hollanders came into our
Company. It blew a violent _gust of_ wind; we lay by with our head to the
westward all night till next morning.
_Oct. 11._ At 4 afternoon the ships from _Cadiz_ or _Cales_ went in. We
saw there in the Harbour a great ship at Anchor, with the English Flag at
the main top mast head, which we concluded to be Sir Thos. Allen.[185]
_Oct. 12._ At noon we were in 18 fathom water northwards of from
_Tangier_. The Admiral’s boat went ashoar to carry letters and newes, but
stay’d not long, so that in 18 dayes we went from Plymouth Sound to the
Streight’s mouth.
CAPT. 4.—FROM THE STREIGHT’S MOUTH TO TUNIS.
* * * * *
The seamen have a custome to demand passage-money of every one that
never past the streights before. Those that refuse to pay, they seise
them and duck them down from _main yard_ end into the Sea. There were
several that chose rather to be plunged than to part with their money;
for many that could swim would in calm weather, for a smal reward, leap
from _the main yard_ and into the Sea, but they alwayes took care to fall
streight up (end wayes) upon their feet, with their legs close, into the
Sea; for to fall otherwise so high on the water (especially upon the
belly) would bruise or spoil a man.
Our seamen told us that they had the very same custome whenever they past
between the _Burlenges_ and the main land of _Portugal_, in their voyages
to _Lisbon_; and a French sailor who was on board us told us of a mad
ceremonious fashion they had of dousing every freshwaterman (with a pail
of sea-water), which they nicknamed his Baptism, if he never before had
past between _Les Scenes_ and the firme land at Bretaigne.
Having run a convenient while on the Barbary coast, we shar’d of toward
_Gibraltar_, and Oct. 12, at 4 o’clock, we were within lesse than a
league of it, having it N. b. W. We saw two Flag Ships in the Bay. The
mountain that overlooks the Town of old was called _Calpe_. It seem’d,
indeed, very high—much higher than _Abila_, especially when we were near
it.[186] The side to the south shows reddish, and hollow’d in, as if it
had been battered down or mouldred away. The top is little and flat, and
this, perhaps, might make some of the Antients to compare it to half of
a broken pitcher inverted, or turn’d with the bottom upwards. It shew’d
very steep towards the E., but in all its shapes as we past bye I could
by no means fancy either it or Abila in the least.
At six o’clock we met with two of our men of war going out of the
Streights. About 12 o’clock that night, or something after, _The Pearl_
fell foul upon our Ship, and rent of _the Gallery_ on _the Larboard
side_. Some of the passengers (who lay in the G. Cabin) were up, and one
of them had just been in that very gallery, but feeling it somewhat cold,
he did not stay, but stept into the G. cabin, and in that very moment
this damage happened. The crash of the gallery alarmed us all, but we
soon recovered ourselves when we understood the whole matter. However, we
had all, indeed (especially that Gentleman) a great deliverance, for had
the wind or waves become so high as to have rowl’d _the Pearl_ upon us
with greater violence, we might have (one or both) gone to the bottome.
S. D. G.
_Oct. 13._ About 11 o’clock the whole fleet was becalm’d on a sodain
under _C. Malaga_; yet, by 6 that evening, we had a stiff gale for
half-an-hour. At 8 we came to anchor before _Malaga_, in 14 fathom water.
Next morning, about ten, we went on shore and hosted with Signor Carlos,
an Irishman.
The first thing we went to see was the _Major Domo_, or great Church. It
is, to the best of my remembrance, in a manner, round, _Scalop’t_, as it
were, on the sides into 6 or 7 hollow moldings, like vast great _niches_;
and in every one was an Altar for private Masse.[187] The Cupola is
hang’d upon rows of pillars, set in a round likwise, so as we may walk
conveniently between them and the Entrance into those round Isles or
_niches_. We were there in the time of high masse, yet, so long as we
were bare-headed, and behaved ourselves gravely and civilly, we might
walk up and down and se every thing without the least molestation. One
of our company (a young man who had had the misfortune of too precise
an Education), seing we design’d to go into the _Domo_, came to me and
my brethren (the other two Chaplaines going for Smyrna and Aleppo), and
askt us whether we were not afraid, and touch’t in conscience, to go
into an _Idol Temple_, as he cal’d it. I told him I was of St. Paul’s
mind, _To me an Idol is nothing_. I could myself freely go into it, if
it was an _Idol Temple_, for God, the searcher of hearts, knowes that I
do not do it to joyn in their way of worship, but onely to se it and be
the better able to discourse of it as an eye witnesse, and confute what
was really unlawfull in it. But I bad him have a care; if he had any
scruple, I advised him to go home, which he did. I mention this passage
here, because this young man that was so extremely scrupulous, fell into
great debaucheries afterwards at Smyrna, and at last turn’d Turk. Let the
greatest Saint _that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall_.
We thence went to see Sta. Victoria, which is a convent of _Augustines_.
In their Church are (ἀναθήματα) _offerings_ hang’d up without number, in
memory of deliverances and miracles wrought by that Saint, which they
there call _virgo miraculosissima_. Amongst the rest is a small boat
of reeds, cover’d over with a kind _of Tarpaulin_, about 4 or 5 yards
long, in which 7 Christians (after their prayers, I suppose, to this
Saint) escaped from captivity at Algiers to this port. There hangs up
the effigies of a child that was raised from the dead, and a serpent
of great length (I guest it 4 or 5 yards), which had been destroy’d
by Christians in Africa, and sent hither. There is within (as in most
convents) a fair square court, cloyster’d above and beneath; in the upper
cloyster are the Brethren’s cells, in the lower the walls are hang’d with
pictures, most of them representing miracles wrought by their saints.
One was how a dish of fry’d fish, by a crosse of the Saint’s finger (I
think it was the founder of their Order), revived, and leapt down out
of the dish as quick as ever they were. Another was how he supported a
stone of 100 tons weight (that was falling upon him and his attendants)
only with his stick, or, rather, with a bullrush in his hand. My brother
Huntingdon[188] and I convers’t with the good Fathers that went about
with us in the Latine, and as any very remarkable thing occurr’d we
interpreted the story in English to our company. Now it happen’d that
one _Paulo_, a Greek (who had been in England some time to learn our
language, in order to be a _Turgeman_[189] to our nation at Smyrna),
being by, and hearing us recount these miracles, very indiscreetly broke
out into a loud laughter. The Fathers were very highly and very justly
incensed at it, and we had much adoe to pacify them, and excuse the folly
of the fact. It hath been a warning to me to make better choyce of my
company in such places ever since, least I might suffer for the men’s
rudeness and childish indiscretion.
Therefore that evening, with more wary friends, we went and saw (_San
Domingo_) the Convent of the Dominicians. It was a very fine and sweet
place, built much after the fashion of the former, but much more
beautifull and stately. In the middle of the court was a little garden,
enclosed with a hedge of oranges and lemons, like our codling[190]
hedges; in the quarters stood small orange and lemon trees, and pots of
several very pleasant greens. Santering up and down, we walk’t into the
Upper Cloyster; and seeing a door and entry open into a fair room, where
somebody was talking, one of our company, who spoke Spanish, ventur’d
boldly in, but sodainly made a profer to retire, as being mistaken. It
happen’d to be a very Reverend Father’s lodging, who presently stept out
to us and accepted our apologyes as being strangers, and not knowing
our way out. He earnestly invited us in and gave us a noble treat of
sweetmeats and fruits, and several sorts of wine. He afterwards caryed
us down into a large garden, and bad us gather what oranges and lemons,
and what fruits and flowers we pleased, and at last brought us out
to the gate, where, with all decent respect, and many thanks for his
extraordinary courtesy and civility, we took our leave. He had in his
chamber very many excellent pictures; one was of Christ taken from the
Crosse, which he valued at 3,000 dollars; besides the admirable painting,
I took especiall notice of the unusuall manner of the head, the face
being roundish, the hair being flaxen, or inclined to yellow, and the
beard short and curl’d round about the chin.
Next morning, Oct. 15, an ingenious Gaille man[191] (one Mr. Jolly) and
I, by chance were standing by one of the gates of the City towards the
Sea, and talking of the strength of the Town. I happen’d to say that
gate seem’d so decay’d and crazy, as surely it could not well be moved
without falling to pieces. There stood a man just by us in mean habit
(but dressed in all things like a Spaniard) who, in as good English as
we could speak, said, _Yes, Sir, I assure you it is shut every night
and opened every morning, as you may guesse by the Hinges_; which were
then almost worn away. We were not a little surprised, and we made
this reflection in ourselves upon it, that Strangers ought to be very
carefull what they talk in their own language in other Countryes before
them whome they know not, for they may be better understood then they
think for, and easily entrapt or involved in difficultyes beyond what
they intended or imagin’d. However, it happen’d otherwise with us now,
for, talking farther with him, he proved an high man who was maryed and
lived in Town; he was extreamly civil to us, and offer’d to show us what
we had not yet seen of the City. We accepted the favour, and with him
we went to several Nunneryes, where, instead of dull, mopish, vapour’d
women, or grave precise matrons, as we expected, we found as pleasant,
bright, and airy ladyes as ever I met with all elsewhere in all my life.
Their particular chat is not worth the recounting, but it was extreamely
gentile, merry, and diverting. We past for Captaines (I suppose our
Interpreter had named us so), and they beg’d of us every where for some
cheese, or butter, or Holland, or thin stuffs. We always stick to one
answer, assuring them that we had no provisions to spare, for we put into
that port on purpose to buy some; we were laden only with Tin and Lead
for Turkey, and some cloth which was not our own. They offer’d us many
fine works and several sorts of sweetmeats to sale; we bought some which
were very admirably well done. My Lord Baltimore[192] had then a daughter
in one of these Nunneryes which we saw (I think it was at _San Bernado_);
she was but a girl, and placed there onely for education, and undoubtedly
(setting religion aside) it is a way of breeding infinitely beyond all
our English Schools. A very lovely sister there beg’d a silver pick-tooth
and case of me, and return’d me for it a pretty little picture of the V.
M., curiously wrought, all with coloured straw. Platonic love is here
very much esteem’d and practised, and really I have that charity and
Justice to believe it may be done with perfect innocence. In one place
we found a jolly Friar talking at the grate with the Sisters, who, with
great civility, retired so soon as we came in. Once, as we were sitting
by them, in came a surly, stately Don, very richly attired; and after a
profound reverence towards the Ladys, and a kind of a scornfull nod to
us, he lean’d his head to the wall by the side of the grate, and with his
armes and leggs acrosse, and his eyes fixt upon one of them (which was
very ingenious, but not handsome), he stood thare in such a fixed posture
as, had it not been sometimes for a sneaking silly sigh (true or feign’d,
I know not), you would have thought he rather saw Medusa’s head then his
dear Dulcinea’s face. He spoil’d all our mirth; all was hush’d, and after
a decent pause we left him to his _Devotions_. He askt our Interpreter
whether we were Catholics; he answered Yes, and all past very well.
One of our English Merchants there (of good repute, though I shall not
vouch the truth of his story), hearing me recount this adventure, told us
that about 7 or 8 years before, soon after his first coming to Malaga,
he had got acquainted with a young Sister, and often waited upon her,
as well to divert himself as to perfect his Spanish Tounge; for there
at the grate you have all the newes that is stirring, and the best and
most refined language. He by degrees was wheedled into such fondnesse,
as the presents which he had at several times made her came in a short
time to about 40 lb. He found (being but a young beginner) that his trade
would not bear so expensive a diversion, where upon his visits were more
seldome, and his presents very few and meane, and at last he came no
more at her at all, nor answer’d one line, though he received many most
passionate ones from her, and there had past many such (as the manner
is) betwixt them before. Not long after, he was one evening set upon by
a Rogue (which she had hired), and was desperately wounded, and narrowly
escaped with his life. The _Rufian_ soon after confest it, being himself
mortally wounded and taken in such another enterprise. And here I cannot
omit another story of our worthy Captain. About 8 or 10 yeares since, he
had great concernes with a wealthy Spaniard, a merchant of this City, and
very much kindnesse past between them, insomuch as they call’d brothers,
and Captain Hill lay on shoar at his house and was freely treated there,
sometimes for many dayes together. It happen’d that another Spaniard
(a neighbour who often came thither, and was of both their familiar
acquaintance), being a great _Bigot_, and very zealous for the Roman way
of worship, often made attempts upon our Captain to make him a Prosolyte;
and there being once some great Festivall and a solemne procession to
be made, he desired our Friend to be there, adding that he doubted
not in the least that he would then yield and be convinced of all his
errors. The Captain, having appointed either some business or some other
recreation, civilly excused himself, and thank’t him for his kindnesse
and good wishes. It so fell out in the procession that, as they were
carrying the Image of the V. M. on men’s shoulders in Triumph (as their
manner is on such occasions), either by the stumbling of the bearers or
some other miscarriage, over she tumbled, and fell down directly on her
face upon the stones. At night all three met to sup at the merchant’s
house, and immediately this zealot accosted the captain: “O, Sir, had you
been here to-day at the procession to have seen the many miracles which
were wrought, I am sure you could no longer have resisted the truth;
such a blind man received his sight, and such a deaf woman recover’d her
hearing, and a poor neighbour of ours, that hath gon with crutches to my
knowledge these many yeares, threw them away, and leap’t and walk’t as
well as I can do.” Our Captaine, who had heard of the Ladye’s misfortune,
reply’d: “Surely, Sir, it is a wonder indeed that the B. V. cured the
Deaf and the Lame and the Blind; I heard she fell down and broke her own
Nose. I pray, can you tell whether she cured that or no?” The Bigot, at
this gibe, fell into such a rage, as nothing at first would serve turne
but the poor Heretique must go into the Inquisition; and neither former
friendship nor Interest nor persuasion could prevayl of a good while to
pacyfy him. The good Merchant himself (the common friend), being not
a little offended, though it was spoken onely in merriment, and under
(_the Rose_, as we say) the freedome and protection of his own house. So
nice a thing it is in some countrys to jest or meddle with the publick
Religion.
There is a Nunnery here (as I remember, it is call’d San Joseph) where
young infants are received and brought up: Poor people that are not
well able to provide for their children, or others who have Bastards,
secretly bring them in the night, and, pulling a bell to give notice,
they lay them in a moving kind of _hollow Roller_ placed in the wall on
purpose, and so turn them in, themselves who bring them being unseen and
undiscovered. If the child be baptised, the name is noted or written
upon the breast, and oftentimes mention is made of some peculiar mark
made by nature or Art somewhere on the body, by which they may be known
again; and there is also a register kept in the convent of all that are
so brought in. In my opinion it is a very great peice of charity to
allow such places, though at first thought they may indeed seem a kind
of encouragement for lew’d persons more securely to commit wickednesse;
yet, undoubtedly, they save the lives of many poor innocent Babes. I have
met with those who have ventur’d to say, that if a poor Votaresse there,
or any where else in Town, should by chance steal a taste of forbidden
pleasure, the Fruits of her frailty and the honour of the Society are
this way secured; but I always look’t upon this as a satyrical conjecture
rather then a known truth.
The Spaniard’s common diet in Malaga, such as it is, is extraordinarily
cheap. We took my landlord’s dinner the first day, which was a large
_ensalada_ or sallet, a pottage of onyons, gourds, and herbs; a little
fry’d fish, dryed and cold, with oyl; _mala infana_ (which they call here
_Melongenas_), a sort of gourd, pear-fashioned, some as big as my fist (I
think Gerard calls them in English _mad-apples_[193]), split and fil’d
with a little pepper, oil, and salt, and then broil’d or stew’d: these,
thus drest, they count rich food, and they slice them also into their
pottage. Of these and such stuff eight of us eat what we could, and paid
but a _Real_ (about 6_d._) for all, besides bread and wine; but at night,
for 4 fowles and a neck of mutton stew’d, six of us paid a dollar and
half apiece, besides wine, which is near 50 Shillings of our money; and
next day, at dinner, for one joynt of mutton and a little forequarter of
Lamb and two foules, 12 of us paid a dollar a piece, besides wine, which
is about 3 lb. English.
We staid one night with mine Host on shoar, and we had a proud fellow
which entertain’d us a while with a song or two to a _Guitarra_. He
first lay’d by his old threadbare cloak with great deliberation and
wonderfull gravity; then, with his dagger behind and his hat cock’t,
his eyes staring, his browes bent, and his _Mostachos_ new brush’t, he
yell’d and acted with that strange state and fiercenesse, as if he had
been swaggering at some desperate criminals and threatening to hang
them; but, with a _Real_ or two we came off well enough. After supper
and a little chat we thought of our lodgings. All that lay on twills and
bedsteads were sorely bitten with little bugs, which left hard knobs
and pimples wherever they seised. I, with one or two more, had the
fortune to putt our twills for coolnesse into the middle of the floor,
which (as all above stairs as well as those below are) was laid with
brick, and we escaped all these pestilent companions. These insects,
so well known in all hot countryes (but to us never seen before), are
here called _chismes_ and _chinches_, and in Italian _cimici_, from
the Latin _cimex_, in French _punaises_; they are shaped much like a
spider, but far lesse, with six legges and a bottled[194] breech, the
back being often reddish. They are truly cal’d by _Pliny_[195] most
nasty animals, for besides their venomous bite they have (especially if
they are bruised) a most intolerable filthy smel. One of our comrades,
catching one in the night as it was preying upon him, and thinking
it had been a flea (after a slovingly custome which he had got), bit
_it with his teeth, thinking so to kill it_; but the abominable stink
set him on vomiting in such a manner as he verily thought he had been
poyson’d; which make me amazed how they came to be prescribed inwardly
by the antients as a medicine against feavers,[196] unlesse it was that
(after the Italian proverbe, _Un Diavolo scaccia il altro_) _one devil
drives out another_; but, perhaps, being drunk in wine, they may go down
whole, and not prove so nauseous. We started a controversy, whether
these _chinches_ and fleas, and gnats (and flyes) have any smeling or
no, and we concluded clearly in the affirmative, not only because these
never stir out of their holes and lurking-places till the steam and
perspiration of your bodyes invite them, but because all strong smels
drive them away, as the savour of wormwood, Lavender, Rue, Hemp, Hops,
Russia Leather, and the like, and the smoke of these and such other
strong smelling herbs doth the same. And we were told here that many
use the _Squilla_ or _Sea Onyon_, cut into pieces, and thrust into the
joynts and crevices of their bedsteads, or strew’d on their mats; as
likewise they presse out the juyce of them, and use it in like manner. It
is manifest that the fierce _effluviums_ of these things very grievously
affect these vermin, and seeing they all have eyes, why may they not as
well have organs of smelling, or something _Analogous_ to it?
_Malaga_ is prettily well fortifyed for fear of surprise from the Moors;
it hath two Castles—one upon the side of a hill, and the other at the
bottom of it on the East side of the Town; and there is a communication
between them both, made by two walls reaching from one to the other; but
there appears a higher place, which, if it was possest and planted with
canon, could command them both. There is also an Arsenal, but what store
of armes and warlike provisions were in either this or them I know not,
for we were told we should not be permitted to se them, and therefore
never attempted it. It is a part where most vessels going to or coming
from the _Levant_ put in. There is a great trade driven there; it is
famous for Almonds, Raisins, Oile, great olives, and rich Sack. The
grapes which make the Raisin are very fat and fleshy, affording nothing
near so much juyce as those that make the Sack, and therefore they are
the sooner dry’d by the Sun. We tasted their old wines in many places,
and to my palate they seem’d all much more fulsome and sweet than our old
_Malagas_ in England, which have had the advantage of the Sea to refine
and harden them. We brought good store of the best we could find on
board, with plenty of all sorts of fruits and fresh provisions.
That night, Saturday, Oct. 15, about 11 o’clock, we weigh’d Anchor, and
Capt. Pool, in another man of warre, came out of port with us. I think
he was in the _Guernsey_ frigot. Next day the Admiral, Vice-Admiral, and
several Commanders came on board and din’d with us.
_Oct. 27_ we dined on board _the Martin_, and our Admiral gave us new
orders in case we should be engaged to fight with any Enemies, and that
evening we discouered thre ships with white ensigns, which proved French,
of _Monsieur Martells_ Squadron, lying about _Tunis_ and _Tripoly_. The
French Admiral himself was in one.
_Oct. 29_, Saturday, we lay on the South end of Sardinia, with
Epulo[197] N.E. b. N., 10 or 12 miles distant from us. The Admiral
that Evening call’d a Council of all our Commanders, and told them he
had orders from the Duke of York to go to _Tunis_ and stay some time
there; That he had a letter for the King of _Tunis_ from our King about
continuing our league and peace with him, For at that time we had peace
with _Tunis_, but war with _Argieres_; the _French_ on the contrary had
peace with _Argieres_ and war with _Tunis_, and we had a current report
that Sir Tho. Allen and _Monsieur Martel_, the French Admiral, had agreed
to let English ships of Merchandize go freely into _Tunis_, and French
Merchant Ships into _Argieres_, provided they caryed no provisions, or
ammunition, or stores for war. We had met thre French men of war, and we
understood two more lay near _Tunis_ to block up that Port. From all this
arose a grand dispute amongst the commanders, whether it was safe for us
to go into _Tunis_ or not. Whether we should hazard such a prize as all
our Merchant ships were. It was urged that there might be more French
ships there than we knew of, and it was uncertain what they might do with
us. That the _Tunesas_ might break with us upon such an opportunity as
this, and seize our ships and Merchandize. Some dowbted that the Admiral
had no such order, and it was thought when we dined on board _the Martin_
(who was bound for _Tunis_) that the Captain of her contracted with our
Admiral to se him safe in, and so all was mere pretence and fiction.
Some question’d whether the Admiral could command us to attend him;
others, whether by their _Charter party_ with the Turkey company they
were not obliged to ply their voyage and accompany the convoy no farther
than it consisted with their safety. It was asked who could justify the
agreement between _Sir Tho. Allen_ and _Monsieur Martel_? and many
such _quæres_ and difficulties were banded to and fro; but at last the
Admiral positively resolved to stand by his order, and our Capt. and all
the Commanders of our Turkey ships agreed to go in with him except Capt.
Partridge, who was as stifly set against it; and, returning on board his
own ship, he divulged the whole businesse amongst his passengers, adding
all the aggravations of our danger, and suggesting all the arguments of
Fear he could to them. Presently came many on board us sorely frighted,
and zealously opposed our going in, insomuch as the two new Treasurers
of the Turkey Company (then going out, one to _Smyrna_, and the other to
_Aleppo_) threatened to enter into a protestation with Capt. Partridge
against the Admiral’s proceedings, and courted us to joyn with them. We
civilly denyed it, telling them that we trusted in the known prudence and
careful conduct of our own Captain, and should cheerfully go along with
him wherever he caryed us. However, all this while these disputes were
kept, as much as possible, from the common seamen, for fear there should
have arose a Faction among them likewise; yet secretly all commanders
were thinking of some preparation against the worst, and that night we
shaped our course for _Tunis_, steering S.E. ½ S. Next morning, Oct. 30,
about nine o’clock, we spied the two _Frenchmen_ of war, just upon the
Coast of _Africk_, as we thought, setting out of _Porto Farina_; they
stood towards us a little, then went westerly, and never came near us
by 7 or 8 leagues. We bore away directly for _Tunis_, and upon this all
the rest of our ships in company went along with us; and that afternoon
at 2 o’clock we got under _Cape Carthage_, where all the Commanders went
on board the Admiral, and soon were agreed and well pleased; and at 3 we
came all to anchor before _Tunis_ castle, in 4 and 5 fathom water, the
Cape lying N.N.E., the Castle W. b. S.
CAPT. 5.—OUR STAY AT TUNIS AND CARTHAGE.
That night we went on shoar for water, but were not then permitted
to have any; yet we might freely ramble upon the shoare. The Castle
seems very strong to the Sea. We were not suffer’d to view the other
side to the Land. By the Castle they have several pools or ponds of
standing water, one of which (as we were told) can, at pleasure, have
communication with the sea. These are full of fish. We bought good store
of Mullet, and there we had one true _Bream_, large and very fat. We
had them very cheap, as we thought, but our Interpreter counted them
dear. There were several sorts of fruit brought to us—excellent melons,
Pomegranates, Limes, and _salating_ herbes, with which we stock’t
ourselves, and so came again on board. Next morning (Oct. 31) we went on
shoar at the watering-place, where were come down many country people
with Eggs, Hens, Sheep, Goats, Bullocks, milk, Pompions, Fish, Pigeons,
citrons, Dates, Oranges, Lemons, and Limes (which are a sort of _hedge_
or _crab_ Lemmons), with whose juice our Seamen make their punch. There
was also store of bread to be bought. They make some of it of pure
good wheat, most of it of _millet_, some of what we call Turkish wheat
(maize), much of barley flour, and _lighten_ it with leaven of salt and
sower’d honey and oil, which give it a brackish taste, yet it is not
unpleasant whilst it is new. They bake it flat, with a rising in the
middle like a coppled[198] cake. Every ship stored themselves from hence
with what they wanted of sea provisions. Our Capt. caried a net on shoar,
which by all our Seamen was called a _Sain_ (I suppose from σαγλιόν,
_Sagena_, Math. xiii, 47). It was a sort of drag net. Having obtained
leave, we turned it twice or thrice in the sea, but we catch’t few fish,
and those very small ones. They wer _Mullet_, _Barboni_, and our common
_plaice_, and a little sort of what we call _Maids_. I hang’d a little
_Barboni_ up in my cabin, and it gave forth a little thin light, like
that of rotten wood, for many nights together; and by degrees, as it grew
dryer, it at last vanish’t. I did not then take notice of the change of
colour in them (whilst they are dying) which _Pliny_[199] mentions, and
for admiring of which _Seneca_[200] rebukes and flouts at some Romish
gluttons.
Some of our Captaines and Passengers with me hired a couple of their
Janisaryes, or rather souldjers, to be our Guides, and away we went
together to see the Ruines of _Carthage_, which reach quite from the
watering-place near the Castle up beyond _Cape Carthage_, agreable to
what we read in Polybius,[201] near upon ten miles as we guest, but
the guides said it was fifteen, which may seem probable enough, for
_Strabo_[202] makes the old City only to have been in compasse thre
hundred and sixty _stadia_, which is five and fourty miles, at eight
_stadia_ to a mile; yet Livy[203] makes it not much above half as much.
And the ground lay in hills and dales, so as we could by no means make
any tolerable judgement. Of from the shore, for a mile together, the
Land was then sown with Barley, but all that ground is so full of small
rubbish as a man can hardly set his foot upon cleer Earth; _Jam seges est
ubi magna stetit Carthago_. We went first by the sea side, where they
make Salt by letting in the Sea Water in Summer into broad shallow flats,
and, after the Sun hath exhaled the moisture, the Salt remains in great
panes behind. We saw great quantities of it here and there heapt up,
which they told us was for the _Grand Signor_. Whether they have the art
to refine it, or whether they send this coarse (_bay_) salt (as we call
it) to him, I did not think to enquire. However, I find in _Pliny_[204]
that, of old, the Africans made great quantities of salt upon this coast,
about _Utica_, now call’d _Biserta_, which is not above thirty miles from
hence to the west, just on the other side the River _Bograda_. These men
may as well now be said to make _Hills of salt_ as those were then, and
I believe it is altogether as _dry and hard_ as that was. Perhaps some
of that which we cal’d common salt at Constantinople came from hence.
We were informed by our Guides, who spoke broken _Italian_ and _lingua
Franca_ (which is bastard Spanish, mixt with words of most trading
nations), that from _Cape Carthage_ to the Castle was once _Terra firma_,
full of rubbish as the rest now is, but by an Earthquake it sunk down. It
is very likely, or perhaps the foundations of the city were laid in the
Sea, for we saw from the shore many broken pieces of walls and ruines of
buildings under water; and our Seamen, in Haling the _sain_, found the
bottome very foul ground a good way from the Shore into the Sea. Along
by the sea side remain at land many, many Vaults, some cover’d in part,
some all over, some quite open. In summer, people come down from several
places, and keep shop here. The hardnesse of the mortar in these and
other remains is very remarkable; a stone will very hardly break it, yet
it is not fine, but the sand, or red earth, intermixt, is very grosse,
and full of small pebbles. One Vault, a little distant from the shore,
seem’d to go far under the ground. We could see in about a furlong, but
did not go in far because we wanted lights. It was crosse-arched to a
row of pillars in the middle. I fancy’d it might have been part of the
stables underground for Elephants, which Strabo[205] saies went in the
neck, or _Isthmus_, from Sea to Sea, sixty _stadia_, or about seven
miles. We found, now, great quantities of bones of Foules and other
little creatures in it, and it smelt strong, so as we believed it now to
be a receptacle or den for foxes or wolves, or such beasts of prey.
We went thence up from the sea towards the middle of the Ruines. All the
way there remaines pieces of walls and buildings, but not one pillar
or stone of any note. There lye heaps of rubbish so thick that it is
impossible to plough in that part, unlesse they removed it, which would
be at most as tedious a piece of work as to rebuild it. There was amongst
the rubbish much Alabaster, Marble of all sorts (white, Black, Red,
streaked red and white, white and black, and the like), a sort of red
stone, porish, but much harder then brick. We observed not one Flint,
no sort of Free-stone, very little brick, onely in one side going up to
_Cape Carthage_ all was brick, and nothing else, but not one whole one
nor half one was to be found. The earth at a distance shews red with the
crumbled and scatter’d pieces. There was also much white brick, extream
hard. In one place we found small pieces of Porphyry, and some thin flat
bits (like broken pavements) of blackish marble spotted with green, like
a sort of what we call _serpentine stone_. I am more particular in this
point, that we may from hence have some guesse at the Beauty and Majesty
of this City when it was standing in its Glory, for if our houses in
London shew so well, being all built with plain brick, what would they
have done had they been all of various Marble?
* * * * *
At last we came up to a place which our Guides and our Seaman call’d
_Queen Dido’s Tomb_. We all concluded at first that these were the
Elephant Stables so much talkt of by old Authors, but at last I chang’d
my opinion, and do now verily think that they were onely cisternes for
keeping of water, as Tunis[206] is also now supply’d by such cisternes.
We were told that farther up towards _Cape Carthage_ there are more
considerable mines, and finer things to be seen; but there was a
_Mosque_ there, and several houses about it, where we were informed many
_Dervises_ or holy men lived, and that it was dangerous going amongst
them. Leo Africanus makes them very great, but we were not near enough
to judge anything of their Grandeur. However, I and another happened to
straggle a little that way from our company, and one of our guides threw
down his mantle and his staf, and would not stir till we came back; for
he said his head would go for it if we should commit any error, or come
by any harme through his neglect, so he hallow’d us backward, and we
obey’d. It seems sometimes there are streight Arabs (_i.e._, Arabs from
the Straits) lye lurking about, not far off from the shore, who, if they
can conveniently snap any stranger, they will spirit him away and sell
him for a Slave; so that upon all accounts I think it was very well that
our curiosity carried us no farther that way.
* * * * *
When we were come on board, we design’d next morning to go and see
_Tunis_, but this unhappy accident disappointed us. Most of our
_malcontents_, before mentioned, went thither in the morning when we went
to Carthage. We had no Factory there, but onely an English Consul to do
all our business, whose name then was Mr. Earlesman. They waited upon
him and embroyl’d him with their story. Our Admiral had wrote to him the
night before to invite him to dinner that day, but the letter chanced
to pass through some of their hands, and came not to him till past ten
o’clock, being then delivered by one of them. The Consul (whether upon
this account, or whether he staid to entertain them, I know not) staid at
home, and returned no answer to the Admiral, who staid dinner for him,
and at last was disappointed in his design’d treat. About eight at night
the Consul came to him to excuse himself, but the whole matter was so
ill-resented by the Admiral, as he resolved to weigh Anchor that night.
The Consul urged that the _Martin_ (the ship which the Admiral was so
earnest to bring in there) was almost unladen (for all our ships’ crews
helpt him with their long bootes), and would infallibly be ready to go
with us by twelve the next day, being bound for Zant. But the Admirall
thought himself too much neglected; first, because the Consul came not
of his own accord to wait upon him; next, because he came not when
kindly sent for; so, in a heat and a hurry, we were all forced to weigh
Anchor that night about eleven o’clock. Several, perhaps, that staid at
Tunis all night, were left behind. _Paulo_, the Greek, with whom we were
embroyl’d at Malaga, was one, and one of the Admiral’s passengers was
another, being an Armenian Bishop, who had studyed sometime in Italy, and
now went home as a Roman _Emissary_ or _Seminary_. All our Ship’s company
were, by good fortune, on board, and we came away together.
CAPT. 6TH.—OUR PASSAGE FROM TUNIS TO CERVI.
We had newes at _Tunis_ that twelve Algerine men of war were gon to the
Eastward; some designing for the _Archipelago_, others for _Rhodes_,
_Cyprus_, and those parts towards the end of the Mediterranean. This made
our whole fleet keep company together, and for this reason the Consul was
more earnest that the Admiral should take the _Martin_ away with him, but
it was left behind. Notwithstanding this ruffle between the Admiral and
Consul, when the Consul went of (which was about nine or ten at night)
he was complimented with nine guns, being in that station the King’s
representative.
_Nov. 7th._ At two o’clock the Admiral call’d all the commanders on board
to a consult, and the next day we dined all on board the Assurance.
_Nov. 8th._ Tuesday, when we were past _Zant_ (having _C. Matapan_ to
the E. about eight leagues, and _Sapienza_ about ten to the N.), about
five after noon we saw a _spout_ to the Northward. We had most dismal
turbulent weather for thre whole dayes and nights, and a constant rain,
with most dreadful thunder and Lightning almost all the time. The dry
weather which we had till now had so _parch’d_ the wast[207] of the
ship and the upper timburs, and made all above so leaking, as I could
not keep my cabin dry; one night I was soundly wet as I lay on my bed.
I was informed that it was very usuall to have such tempestuous weather
hereabouts at this time of the year; and our captain told us that in
_Zant_ earthquakes are very frequent, that he hath known twelve in
a week. That the people in summer almost all leave their houses and
live abroad till winter. That on the west side, far from the Sea, is a
mountain that spues forth a sort of _petroleum_, or Bituminous Lime,
as black as soot, and it will grow hard and look like it, which was
not unknown to Pliny.[208] This issues out on the _East side_ of the
mountain, and flames alwayes arose plentifully when the _west_ wind
blowes, and hath then a stronger smell then at other times.
_Wednesday, Nov. 9th._ The Sailors that had been on the watch told me
that in the night, after the storme was over, they had seen two little
_Lights_, one at the foremast top, the other hanging upon one of the
_main stayes_. They call’d them _Corposans_; I suppose from _Corpo
Santo_, as the _Italians_ name them, believing them to be the Ghosts
of some saints who come to relieve them. But our men would hardly be
persuaded but that they were not some _Hobgoblins_ or _Fairies_, or
the inchanted Bodyes of witches, and we had many a fine story told
to that purpose. The Heathens of old when they saw but one named it
_Helena_,[209] when two, both, that is, _Castor_ and _Pollux_; why they
were then made the Seamen’s Tutelar Gods or saints you may see at large
in _Natalis Comes_,[210] and determine whether the antient or modern
superstition is more justyfiable. Our seamen assur’d us that in many
voyages to the _Indyes_ and elsewhere they have seen sometimes six or
seven together (sometimes many more parted or splintr’d into small
globulor sparks, like pills), and _hanging as it were_ on the _yards_ and
sails, or upon the masts, but most commonly aloft, which makes me adde
this one reason to what _Carles_[211] hath given us why so many sometimes
appear together in our dayes, whereas not above thre at most (and that
most rarely) are mentioned as ever seen together by the antients, viz.:
as our Ships are bigger, and of more ballast and burthen, so their masts
and yards and riggings are caryed much higher, and by consequence more
of that unctious gleam, which after the dissolution of the clouds and
ceasing of the Tempest remains dispersed in the Air, and affords _matter_
for these _Meteors_, is rather aloft than nearer to the Hull of the ship,
and so is more plentifully met with all by the upper rigging and tackles,
and cleaves to them. And asking farther about this point, they told me
these _lights_ are oftner seen and more together upon a tall ship then
upon a _pinnace_ or small vessel.[212] I was not a little displeased
with our seamen who were on the watch that night, because they did not
call me; whereupon the next night (Nov. 9) they did call me, for after
very much Thunder and Lightning and tempestuous weather, about four
o’clock appear’d two more, one towards the _main top_, which disappeared
before I got out, the other was at the very top of the fore-mast. They
told me it was beginning to fade. It seem’d a dim light, as of a flame,
shining through a steam or smoak,[213] about the bignesse and shape of
an ordinary egge, the top a little wavered, and growing fainter and
lesser it soon went out. When I came back into the great _Cabin_, there
appear’d a Circle about the candle which stood on the Table; I would call
it rather a _Halo_, because it was very little coloured. The farther
we were from it the plainer it appear’d and bigger (almost as broad as
both my hands); as we came nearer to it it lessen’d proportionably, and
just at it we could not perceive it, all which depended on the various
refractions through the moist and mixt vapours which then fill’d the Air.
One of our _Mates_ told me that once, as he sailed formerly in these
_streights_, there appear’d a very bright Helena at the very _spindle_
of the _main top mast_, and one of their men went up and moved his hand
round about, and neither saw nor felt anything, when they below saw it
all the time. We sent up one to ours, but before he got at it it went
out; perhaps his approaching might move and part the Air, and contribute
something to its so soon vanishing. But if what our Mate told us be true,
it requires more consideration than I thought fit to afford it at that
time, unlesse I had seen the like.
_Nov. 10._ _Cape St. John_ (or the west end of Candia) lay in sight of
us S.E., and the Admiral came about ten o’clock on board us to take his
leave. After two houres stay he went of, and we gave him seven guns,
the three last with shot, as a token of more respect. His Ship answer’d
again with great civility. _Capt. Partridge_, with the _Turkey Merchant_
(whether he had not yet fully digested his discontent about our going
into _Tunis_, or whether it was the natural rugged temper of the man,
I know not), sailed away before the Admiral, for _Scanderoon_, without
taking any civil leave, or firing one gun. We remained now but seven in
company: six Turkey Merchant Men and Capt. _Wild_ in _the Assurance_, our
Convoy and Admiral. After _Capt. Robinson_ and _Capt. Partridge_ were
gon, _Capt. Wild_ came to dine with us, and as we were set newes was
brought in by one of our _powder monkey’s_ from the Top Mast head that
there were five great ships _a Head_, coming _stem for stem_ towards us.
We all concluded that they were some of the Algerines before mention’d,
therefore Capt. Wild immediately returned to his Ship, and gave the
signal to the whole fleet to make ready to engage them. At the _top
mast_ head, with a glasse, I made seven of them, there being two small
vessells besides the first five. It was pleasure to se the great alacrity
and readinesse, I may say the eagernesse, of our Seamen in preparing for
the dispute. All their Hamocks were down in a trice; their chests and
lumber turn’d out into the boates, or stived[214] by the _main chains_ or
elsewhere, out of the way. We had a clear ship in a very little while,
and all our men posted in their several quarters, and rounds of powder
and ball provided by every gun. Our Captain told me, if I pleased I might
go down into the _hold_, and be safe there with the Chirurgeon. I told
him if he would give me leave I would rather stand by him all the while,
for I should as heartily and (he need not doubt) as earnestly pray for
our good successe there as any where else. He thankt me, and told me it
would not a little encourage his men to se me above board. With that all
our Passengers took heart and came and stood with me upon _the quarter
deck_, where were armes and ammunition provided for us all. We were to be
the second Ship in the line, and after we had all made a little back till
we were all ready, we bore up bravely to them. But when we came at them
they proved five French men of warre, with one _Satée_[215] and another
small vessell with a _meson_[216] and _stay sail_,[217] which I suppose
were as _Tenders_.[218] They belong’d to the same Squadron with those
which we saw by _Tunis_ under _Monsr. Martell_. One of their Lieutenants
went on board our Admirall, and told him that they came from _Toulon_,
and had been looking out for _Tripoleses_ and _Tuneses_, who it seems
had been there abouts six or seven days before. Being asked, he said the
_Algerines_ were about _Rhodes_ and _Cyprus_. And thus our _scare fight_
past over, without any blowes. My Curiosity was fully gratyfied with this
Prelude of a battle, for I believe I could give a shrewd guesse at all
the rest, and that I then thought enough. Though indeed I did not see the
least sign of fear or want of courage in any one, yet I suppose all of us
were well satisfyed and pleased to sleep that night in a whole skin.
For thre or four dayes the wind was full in our eye; we tacked and
tumbled backwards and forwards between _Cerigo_ and the W. end of
_Candia_; then we got between _C. Matapan_ and _Cervi_; and having been
thus beaten up and down, and made no progresse, and little hopes being
left of a fair wind, by consent we came all to Anchor on the S.W. side
of _Cervi_,[219] in nineteen fathom water, about five o’clock, Nov. 14,
afternoon. That evening I went with the Captain in his pinnace sounding
the several depths in the bay, and then went on board our Admiral,
where all the Captaines resolved to go on shore next morning for what
provisions we could find, especially of wood (whereof there is plenty),
and fresh water if we could find any. Next morning our Capt. and I and
two of our Gentlemen passengers went on shore in the _yale_[220] betimes,
before any of the other Commanders appear’d. We landed at a spot where it
was plain ground and an open place, and therefore free from _Ambuscades_.
Immediately came down an old Greek from the top of the mountain in a
poor patch’t habit, in a thick coarse jacket, a woollen shirt, with no
stockings nor shoes, but onely some pieces of a raw hide of an oxe or
bull wer laced[221] on to the soales of his feet with the hair side
inwards, which I suppose never go of till time and rottennesse separate
them. With these his feet are so plyable that he can easily go up or
down a rock which our shoes will not suffer us to do, at least with that
dexterity. Old Hesiod was born not very far from hence, and I thought we
had had one of his old acquaintance risen from the dead and come to us,
his _coat_ and _socks_ and _shirt_ being exactly in his Boetian fashion.
He had a skul cap on, border’d with a Lambskin, which he pull’d off, and
came boldly to us. We had a native Greek in our boates crew, and he was
our Interpreter, for I spoke as good school Greek to him as I could in
our pronunciation, but my language seem’d as perfect gibberish to him
as his did to me. We askt for Flesh: Sheep, bullocks, goates, and the
like. He told us they were all driven of the Island the day before, for
they took us for _Africans_ and Enemyes, seing us lying so long upon
their coast. We askt for water. He told us there was none but what was
preserved from the rain in hollow basins in the Rocks, which he directed
us to; and I afterwards tasted of it, and found it good. There are no
people who continually live there, but they come from the continent to
till the ground, which lyes on the edges of the mountain round by the
Sea, and had good corn then growing on it; they likewise bring sheep and
other cattel sometimes from the main land to feed here. We asked him if
he could procure any cattel or other necessaryes to be brought over for
our money. He said he would go and informe his friends, and see what he
could do; he doubted not but we might have something; in the meantime he
shew us where we might try for water. He answer’d all along with such a
show of innocent simplicity as we were much pleased with him; and I gave
him a Tunbridge knife which I had in my pocket, and everyone likewise
gave him something, which he received with a wonderfull submissive
reverence, and promising us a very grateful returne of our kindnesse,
away he went, running directly up the mountain. By this time all the
other Commanders (except Capt. Wild) and a great many of their men were
come on shore. Most of them brought fire Armes with them, and in all we
might then make about a hundred Firelocks. All the Captaines strictly
commanded their men not to stir far from the shore; and our Captain, to
make us more wary, told us that in the year (as I remember) 1664 our
general ships passing by here for Turkey came to an Anchor, and many
went on shore on the mainland there, whereof thre worthy merchants and
six or seven others were snapt by the natives, who lay in wait for them,
and it cost them 1,600 dollars for their redemption. The Turkes call
that part of _Peloponnesus_ (as well as all Thrace) _Romania_; and from
that word (by an _Aphaeresis_) these wicked people are called _Maniotes_
(as the inhabitants of _Smyrna_, _Scio_, _Cyprus_, _Candia_, are
called _Smyrniotes_, _Sciotes_, _Cypriotes_, _Candiotes_, and the like
elsewhere). These who live upon the Rocks and mountaines by the Sea are a
sort of lawlesse people, and the Turkes themselves cannot govern them or
reduce them into any good order. These miscreant wretches lye constantly
watching upon the Rocks and Mountaines, not so much to secure themselves
from the injuryes of Pirates as themselves to Thieve and rob whome they
can catch, and all the Christian Passengers which they can seise on the
shore they sell to the Turkes to serve in their Galleys or otherwise as
slaves; and I have been assured that if they can conveniently _spirit_
away Turkes themselves they will serve even them in like manner, and
sell them for slaves to any Christian who will be their chapman.[222]
There was a fawning cunning _varlet_ came to those Gentlemen then, and
pretended to procure them all manner of provisions which they could
desire, but betray’d them then, as this vile wretch did us now. I could
not but call to mind old _Sinon_ in Virgil,[223] for our _Cheat_ seem’d
to pretend to the very same motto: _Poor, but very honest_. Believe me,
Greeks are Greeks still; for falsenesse and treachery they still deserve
_Iphigenia’s_ character of them in Euripides,[224] _Trust them and hang
them_, or rather hang them first for sureness. We kept in little bodys
near the shore, where there were small thickits of Juniper and mirtles
with their berrys then ripe, and we had excellent sport in killing
_Fieldfares_ and _Thrushes_, and such other birds, which were there at
feed in great abundance. Some went towards the Sandhills, where was
store of game in little plashes made by the sea-water, which was cast
in there by winds and stormes. After we had sported our selves a while
with shooting in these thickets and Plashes,[225] two or thre of our
Commanders invited me to a Collation, and as we were set in the shade
under some pieces of rocks, we saw several of our men (notwithstanding
all the Captaine’s commands, and our Captaine’s History) struggling up
the Mountain. One was habited something like our Captain, and, at a
distance, appear’d indeed to be him; whereupon some Gentlemen coming by
us would by all meanes have tempted my Curiosity to have follow’d them,
but our Captaine’s lecture at our coming on shore had stir’d up such
wary apprehensions and jealous reflections in my mind, as I could not
possibly be persuaded that it was he; and the Captaines there with me
were in a very great rage to see such inconsiderate people running into
that danger. No sooner had these gentlemen left us but we hear’d thre or
four guns go of upon the Mountain; and, looking up, we saw some of the
Straglers posting down in wonderful haste; and presently appear’d several
Men brandishing their _cutlasses_ or _Cimitars_, and making them glitter
against the Sun. We immediately rose, and went to the body of our Company
to hear what was the matter. It happen’d that five or six gentlemen had
got some seamen with them, and away they had ventur’d up the mountain.
The Gentlemen (I know not whether it was by good Fortune or Policy) were
hindermost, and just as their Vanguard was got on the brow of the other
side the Mountain, up rose about a dozen Rogues, who had layn sculking
there in the thickets, and ran upon them. They being scatter’d abroad,
and not near one another by fourty or fifty yards or more, at this
surprise fired upon the Rogues without doing any execution (perhaps most
of them were charg’d only with small shot). So soon as their fire was
over, the Rogues came more boldly on, though armed onely with half Pikes
and _Cutlasses_. Our Seamen, who had not in the least considered to
make good their retreat, threw down their Armes, and betook themselves
to their heels. But our gentlemen had the start of them, and so, God
be thanked, these all escaped, though very narrowly, all coming down
without their Armes, most without their Hats, some with but a piece of
a Shoe, their feet and leggs being battered and torne, and their bodyes
bruised with rushing through the Shrubs and jumping down prœcipices,
for they came right forward, thinking the shortest way was best. Four
of the poor Seamen were taken—two of the _Mary and Martha’s_ men, one
of the _Levant Merchant_, and a fourth of the _Tho. and Francis_, whome
they first had slightly wounded in the face, then they seised him and
tyed his hands behind him, and left him with thre Rogues to guard him.
These drove him before them, and because he often linger’d and offer’d to
stop, they pricked him forward in the back, and wounded him in several
places with their half pikes. The poor man was a very stout fellow and
a good wrastler, and feeling the thing which bound his hands something
loose, slipt his right hand out, and, with great courage and presence of
mind, turn’d upon the Rogues, who were uselesse, and thought they had him
safe. With this advantage, he ran the first quite over, and struck up the
heels of the second; the third (who was a little behind the other) made
a blow at him with his _Cimitar_, which he saved from his head with his
lefte arme, and lay’d hold of the weapon with his right hand. The Rogue,
drawing it a little back, cut the poor fellow’s hand badly. Yet this
saved him from a second stroke, for he being something under the Rogue,
he struck him up _hand and foot_, and before the other two could come at
him, away he came. The great concerne which he had for his dear life and
dearer liberty added something more then natural vigour to his leggs, and
as much lightnesse to his heels. At last he got to us, and told us all
that had past. There were, in another place, two of our seamen (one the
native Greek) who made a very soldjere-like retreat. As they straggled
from us, they kept together, and, out of a thicket, up start five or six
_Maniotes_, and made towards them. They, standing together, presented
their Muskets (resolving not to fire but to good purpose, and therefore
not till they were very near). Down the Rogues dropt again. The Seamen
retreated; they again follow’d. The Seamen presented again, and they
again squatted down. Our Greek at last spoke to them, and told them to
_keep of_ in their own language; at which they stopt, and so these two
retired leasurely and safely to us. After some debate what we ought to
do, we all in a body were marching up the mountain to rescue our men; but
_Captain Wild_, being all this while on board, and observing all which
had happened, thought we were not strong enough; and, therefore, firing
a great shot over us, call’d us back; and sometime after came all his
soldiers on shore well armed; and then Mr. Day (his Lieutenant), a brave
stout man, marshall’d us all, and put us in order: and away he led us up
the mountain. But when we arrived, we saw we were come too late; for all
the Rogues had crost the water in their bootes, and were just landing
on the Main, and with our glasses we could discover our poor Captives
amongst them, bound. The Lieutenant was earnest for bringing our boates
about and going to them, for they appear’d in all much short of a hundred
men. Our Captaines, though all brave men, were utterly against that, for
being, by their Charter-party, bound to ply their Voyage, they could not
tell how they could answer such an adventure, for we knew not what event
our landing on the main land in a Hostile manner might produce, so some
of them came back presently; but the Lieutenant and the rest rambled all
over the Island, where they saw not one man left, nor found so much as
one house. Here and there were Coves, in which they found some tatter’d
cloths, and a few poor utensils; as likewise a sack of meal, and good
store of onions and such-like very mean booty. I hardly believe that this
_Maniotes_ do ever bring any cattle hither (though our honest _Sinon_
told us they did), or, at least, they feed them on the other side the
Mountain, and not in view, for fear of _African_ or other Pirates, who
would sweep them of. They onely come here to till the ground and reape
the corne, and now and then to make such _Ambuscades_ as these; and very
slender provisions will serve them upon these occasions. Some of our
men, as they march’t, found some Hats, swords, pistols, and such like
(it seems uselesse) baggage, which our first _Myrmidons_ had discreetly
scattered in their retreat. At last all came down, and we went on board,
much lamenting our sad misfortunes, and all concluded that if we had
proceeded on at our first march, and not staid for Captain _Wild’s_
souldiers, we had certainly rescued our men, and perhaps sufficiently
chastised those Sons of Belial. After some little conference with all the
Captaines, we joyntly agreed to contribute to their ransome, and everyone
setting down their good will, we had that night subscribed about 1,500
dollars, the poorest seaman giving one. Next morning the Admiral sent out
his boat, and we went in ours with white flags of Truce round the Island,
but not one man appeared to treat with us, or to take the least notice of
us. Wherefore the money was collected and deposited in the Consul’s hands
at _Smyrna_, and, about two yeares after, the poor slaves were found in
the galleys and redeemed, though they proved most ungrateful wretches,
for I heard that when they got into England they offered to sue their
Captains for their wages, which they pretended was due to them for all
that time.
CAP. 7.—OUR PASSAGE TO SMYRNA.
_Nov. 17._ At noon we weigh’d Anchor, and with the wind at S.S.E. and
S.E. we turn’d out between _Cerigo_ and _C. St. Angelo_. Next day being
entered the _Arches_,[226] we staid for the _Levant Merchant_, and dined
there.
_Nov. 19, Saturday._ We had very much rain all the day, and all the
following night. The wind to E. to S.E., we got nothing of our way,
but with much ado we kept _our own_. This ill weather continued for
the most part till Nov. 21 about noon. That Evening we saw 4 sail in
_Argentiera_[227] bay, one with a flag at the _Topmast head_. We could
not tell who they were; if friends, we had no reason to fear them; if
foes, they certainly feared us. We past between _Milo_ and _Antimilo_;
between _Serfon_ and _Sifanto_[228]; between _Tino_ and _Micono_; between
_Scio_ and _Ipsera_.[229] And Nov. 23, in the morning, we got past _C.
Calaberro_ (or, as our seamen call it, _C. Tobbernose_), from the true
Turkish word _Caraburnes_[230] (_black nose_ or black _snout_), _where
mill stones were cut out_, so call’d, I suppose, from the black rock
out of which they were taken. And if there be yet such _a black_ quarry
there, I should conclude that the Turkes also nam’d it _black Nose_
from thence. We went on with a fair gale at W.N.W., but the Admiral and
_the Speedwell_ running more in to the shore, was becalm’d and left _a
stern_. At 2 afternoon we came up to _the Castle_, where lay without the
port of _Smyrna_ two _Holland men of war_. We saluted the Admiral with
thre guns, and he return’d us thre. Our English Merchants came on board
us, and at five o’clock we came to Anchor at _Smyrna_, and saluted the
Port with seven guns. I went on shore, and lay at Mr. James Adderley
and Mr. Nath. Thurston and Mr. Jon. Prideaux their house, where I was
most courteously and nobly entertained. The _Assurance_ staid without
the Castle, and the _Speedwell_ came not in till the next day. None of
our men of war must go into any of the Turkish Ports so far as to be
commanded by any of their Castles. It seems that the Turks formerly have
been very insolent, and have laid an _Imbargo_ or Arest upon some of our
men of war which were in Port, and, as I have been told, have made use
of them in the last _Candia_ Warre; to prevent which inconvenience for
the future, our men of war alwayes lye without the Castles. And several
French men of war in my time came up to Constantinople, and lay at Anchor
there sometime, and great embroil was like to have happened thereupon
about a Knight of Malta who escaped, of which more elsewhere.
CAPT. 8.—WHAT HAPPENED WHILST OUR SHIPS STAID AT SMYRNA, AND OUR JOURNEY
TO EPHESUS.
Rambling about the Town, one of our passengers, who had lived at Smyrna
before, caryed me to a rich Turkes house, who was one of his old
acquaintance. I think they call’d him _Eusine Chabbey_, a very courteous
man, and friendly to all our Nation. They told me that he once invited
them all at the _cutting_ or circumcision of one of his sons, and treated
them very generously. We found him at Supper, and he very earnestly prest
us to sit down, which we did, _Taylor like_, crosse leg’d, for we saw
neither chair nor stool, nor anything else but the floor cover’d with
carpets. We tasted of his cheer, which was good, plain, wholesome food.
All things being so quite different from our own way of living did very
much surprise me with wonder and delight. But of Turkish entertainments
and other customes I shall give a large account more conveniently
elsewhere.
_Novemb. 26._ Our Consul, the worthy Sir Paul Ricaut,[231] treated us at
his country house, which was six or seven miles out of Town, in a village
called _Sedjagui_; I was told the right Turkish name is _Seghiahkioi_,
as much as _Strangeham_. It seems the word _Kioi_ in Turkish signifies a
_Hamlet_ or Village, and therefore it is made the termination of country
villages very frequently, as our _ham_ is in English names, and it is
pronounced something near the work _qui_, so in _Bailgradqui_, _Hosqui_,
_Ortaqui_, and infinite more everywhere. Several of our nation have
likewise houses of retirement there, as also the Dutch Consul, _Jaques
von Dam_, and others of that nation then had. It is a very pleasant and
convenient place for divertisement, especially in summer. I took much
notice of an old _Coffe_ man there, who was an _Afionjè_ (or Ophiunjè),
_a great eater of Opium_. He seem’d much above 60 yeares old, and told us
that in a morning till he had taken a little dose, as much as a half nut
or more, he had no strength to get up, or to raise or turne himself in
his bed; but after it, he had vigour, briskness enough to do anything. He
was very lean, the flesh, or rather the skin of his cheeks, hanging like
Spanish leather; and he had very oft (almost every minute) a strange kind
of _spasme_ in the muscles of his breast, or a jerking motion like those
who have a strong Hickock.
_Nov. 30._ Some of this generous Factory designing to accompany several
gentlemen, their friends (which now came from England), to Ephesus,
were pleased to admit me into their _caravan_, and my very kind friends
where I lodged accoutred me and furnisht me out with their own Janisary
and everything necessary for that Journey. We were, in all, about two
or three and twenty, all very well provided with horses and armes. That
night we lay at a country town, call’d by our Europeans _Jamovasy_,
but I am told its true Turkish name was _Jaman bakgia_, or _bachi_,
that is, _terrible garden_; it is about four miles beyond _Sedjaqui_.
It is a pretty large town with several _Moscheas_ in it, which are all
shaded with tall Cypruses and some pines, whose verdure at some distance
seems very stately and very pleasant. From thence we went through a
plain for six or eight miles somewhat wet or moorish (which, I suppose,
might happen from the rains falling on either side from the mountains,
and staying there, where it was but narrow). It was spread with _Agnus
castus_ in great plenty, which I have often observed to love such a
moist soil; there was nothing then on the boughs but their seed, which
was very good, and of a stronger smell then that with us. Next we came
to firme sandy ground, fill’d with Oakes (without any underwood), like
some of our parks. They were all short, snoggy trees, much loaded with
boughs; I saw not one good piece of Timber amongst them. Then we ascended
a rocky mountain, not continued smooth at top, but broken into many and
deep dales, for the most part cover’d with several sorts of middle-sized
trees, with shrubs amongst them; the way both going up and going down
was _filled with loose stones, being very difficult_, yet our horses had
been used to such places, and caryed us very safely on. This road is
very dangerous by reason of Thieves, who lurk in the thickets and dens
that are upon it. Many people lay buryed here and there who had been
murdered and slain, and many bones of men lay scattered above ground. We
often saw several people at a distance peeping at us, and one came and
joyn’d himself with us for a mile or two, and then stole away from us;
we thought it was for no good end, but we were too numerous and strong
for them to venture on us. This mountain is now called _Aliman_, and all
our former Travaylers take it for the Antient _Mimas_, and my good friend
Dr. Pickering[232] would needs have the very word _Aliman_ jumbled from
_Almiman_.
[Dr. Covel here gives a long and technical account of all he saw at
Ephesus—of little value now, since the light of recent excavations.]
* * * * *
CAPT. 10.—OUR DEPARTURE FROM SMYRNA.
At last, _Dec. 22, Thursday_, about eleven in the morning, we weigh’d
Anchor with a fair gale at S.E.
_Saturday, Dec. 24._ In the morning I had a little Aguish distemper: I
fancy’d that I had gotten cold with overheating myself in wading and
labouring upon the sand-bank the last day we were there a shooting. The
wind blew very hard most part of the day at N.N.E., and we had a very
boysterous Sea. We split our Fore sail, and it almost blew away: we had
stood in close under _Lesbos_ all night, and that day, about four o’clock
in the afternoon, we came to Anchor before _Tenedos_, in ten fathome
water. Soon after, we sent our purser a shoar to wait on the _Aga_, who,
by him, invited us to come and take what Provisions we wanted. He sent us
some fish; amongst the rest _Sea Breme_ (as our Capt. call’d them), with
a large, very sharp prickly fin all along the back, and some fish which
feel’d rough, like perches, with two prickly fins on their back, and on
either side they had just eleven streaks or laces fore and aft (to use
the seaman’s phrase), parallel to one another from the back downwards, of
a bright _gold colour_.
The _Agá_ beg’d some glasse bottles of our Capt., which were sent to him
next day by our Purser, who went a shore and bought all the provisions
which we wanted, and with them good store of white Muscadine, a rich,
sweet, heavy wine. I was so ill as I durst not venture out, but shall
hereafter give you an account of what I observed when I came there a
second time.
_Dec. 27, Tuesday._ About five in the morning we weighed Anchor, and by
eleven o’clock following we were at the mouth of the _Hellespont._
A little beyond the innermost castles of old _Sistos_ and _Abydos_, on
the Southern Shore, lyes a little sand bank, which reaches on round about
a sharp point of land directly opposite to _Magla_ (antiently _Madgla_).
Our second Mate, being on the watch, kept the south side of the Stream
(which continually set out here to the West), for the advantage of the
Eddy and the easier passage on that west side of the point; but, bearing
in too near the South Shore, about two o’clock, ran our ship on ground.
We had but one easy gale, just enough to stem the current, and the sand
and mud at the bottome were soft, so we were in no great danger, and,
carrying out an Anchor a sterne (as is usuall in such cases) with the
Winlace, we soon wrought the ship of again, and so plying our voyage, by
five o’clock we safely doubled the point, and got sea room enough.
_Dec. 28, Wednesday._ About ten in the morning we came to an Anchor
before _Galliopoli_ (the Greeks still call it by the old name
_Callipolis_) in 20 fathom water. We stay’d not above two houres, and
then weigh’d again for _Constantinople_, where, on Saturday, Dec. 31, at
thre in the afternoon, we came to Anchor at the custome house on _Galata_
side, having saluted the Seraglio as we past by with 11 guns.
I went immediately up to my Ld. Ambassador, _Sr. Dan. Harvey_, and
deliver’d those letters of consequence which I thought not fit to venture
with others by the common _messo_ from Smyrna; and, the next day being
New Yeares Day, I entred upon my employment.
When I went to get my books and other things on shore, the Customes ript
open my Trunkes and boxes, and searched and rifled every thing. However,
at last I mist nothing but _Niceron’s Thaumaturgus opticus_, which I
shrewdly suspect was filch’t from me by one who was indeed call’d a
Christian, but had not, it seems, the honesty of a common Turk.
[In Dr. Covel’s MS. there here follows a long and detailed account of
Constantinople, which differs little from those given by other travellers
of the period, and has therefore been omitted.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE GENERAL DIARY EXTENDING OVER THE WHOLE OF DR. COVEL’S
RESIDENCE IN TURKEY.
_Aug. 15th, 1671._ ’Tis observ’d by the Greeks as the feast of Assumpt.
B.V.M. with great solemnity. They all repair to Church, Men and Women
apart. Masse is mumbled over. The priest does not consecrate a wafer
or a whole loaf, but cuts a long square cut about ¾ of an inch broad;
with his nail he makes a crosse on it. After the prayer of consecration
he elevates it, and they adore; then there is the discourse from the
Patriarch. After masse the Priest comes out with holy Water in a pot, a
crosse, and an aspergillum of hyssop, or lime, or rosemary, or what he
can get green (that at the holy fountain was Basil), and Holy bread on a
dish. By use in the Greek Church none are to eat or drink till they cut
it. Everyone comes up towards that place in order: first the Men, then
Women. He gives them a piece of bread, ζυμὸς, leaven’d (it is as that for
the Eucharist), and he holds the Cross for the kisses; he washes them on
the face; they lay down their aspers,[233] and depart. Those that have
paines in their head or are ill come to the Priest, and lean down their
head (Men and Women), on which he layes his book, and reads some piece
of the Gospell; they present aspers for that. All being done, there is
brought to the Church doore a charger of boyld wheat, cover’d over with
crosses made of blancht almonds and raisins; everyone that will takes one
of it, but is obliged to say a Pater Noster and Ave for the souls of the
dead there buried. Masse is said in the same manner.
_Nov. 8th, 1674._ I was at the consecration of the new patriarch
Dionysius, Archbishop of Larissa (or Metropolite).[234] Parthenius
had brought out Methodius, and disoblig’d the greatest part of the
Greek Metropolitans; they joyned against him, bring him out, and get
him banish’t and sent to the Pasha of Cyprus. Mathias, with all the
Metropolites and thre ex-patriarchs, were in the sacristia; it being
ended, out comes the ex-patriarchs with their pastoral staffs in their
hands. They are prettily coloured, like your gaudy tobacco-pipes with
globular joynts, the crosse or handle at top, two serpents’ heads, yellow
like gold. First was Παίσιος, second Διονύσιος, third our Μεθόδιος;
and took their seats on the left of the quire (as you enter) just over
against the Patriarch’s seat, which is like a chair with 4 steps up to
it, a tilt like a flat pulpit over it, supported with a back behind, and
two little posts before. They sat in their order, Παίσιος uppermost, next
the Sacristia, and then followed all the Metropolites, and took their
places on the patriarchs’ side from his seat towards the door in order.
Then in a Pulpit high on the wall of the ex-patriarch’s side an officer
of the Church (I suppose their λογοθέτης)[235] read a long declaration
against Parthenius to justify their proceedings, wherein he made him the
veryest Rogue in the world, calling him διάβολος κακοῦργος, τῶν δαιμόνων
δούλος, etc., and at the end he pronounced him ἀφωριομἐνος, ἀνάθεμα
τρισκαταραμὲνος, at which the ex-patriarchs and all the Metropolites,
wagging their heads, cryed out aloud ἀνὰθεμὰ τον, many of the latter
thrice repeating of it with vehemency. The French Embassador, and we
Franks and many Greeks could not but smile. My Dragoman (a Greek) told
me that if this one be turned out, and Parthenius restored, the other
faction will anathematise him as much, and they served Methodius just
soe. Then Παίσιος read a formall instrument, wherein he personally agreed
to the censure; the like did the other two _ex parte_, and all the
Metropolites, all ending with ἀνὰθεμὰ τον. Then they proceeded to another
part of their service, in which the new patriarch (another Διονύσιος)
had a short part, which he said in sight of all at the door within the
sacristia, where he was all the time. After it (half way in the choir,
just against the Patriarch’s seat) another officer of the Church (which
is the μεγάλη ἐκκλησία, a grand chiesa), I suppose him the μέγας ῥήτωρ,
mounted on a _scabellum_,[236] 1½ foot high, made a very handsome speech
in his commendation, pronounct it very plain and gracefully. He insisted
upon a parallel between their hopes now and their former calamyties,
though touch’t but lightly upon Parthenius, I suppose for fear of his
returne. He complimented the Metropolites and expatr. (ex-patriarchs)
with the presage of future happiness, and their good choyce he commended,
etc. The new Patriarch all the while lookt humbly down to the ground.
After it, he returned a short and modest answer. Next came up toward
the Sacristia (above the Orator a great deal) the Bishop of Heraclea,
with a pastorall staff, and, holding it in his hand, made another pretty
compliment, partly to the New Patriarch, partly (turning about) to the
company, and then, going up to him, presented it to him, and kist his
hand. Then he on his left hand, and another on his right, lead him
along to his seat. In the midway, the ex-Patriarchs, rising from their
seats, met him and kist him (_alla graeca, del un ed altro omero_[237]),
then return’d to their seats; he goes on to his. Then come all the
Metropolites, pass in order, and kiss his hand; returning to their seats
immediately, they passe on towards high masse. The Gospels are bound very
rich in Embroidery gold and silver, and have the crosse on the side,
which, as it was brought back from the pulpit (in which it was read),
the patr., ex-patr., and the French Embassad. kist. The host, before it
is consecrated, is brought through the body of the Church, at which all
the Patr., expat., Papa., etc., uncover their heads (and come downe),
which at other times is cover’d with a black knit kind of Monmouth with
eares, and a kind of course listany hood over it, which they put of and
on upon many occasions. Before consecration and elevation, all adore
to the ground, the patriarch, expat., etc. Masse being fully ended, a
Metropolite went up and preach’t 1st a very short prayer, then name his
text Mat. 5-8, καθάρτατος, then saluted the Patr., expat., Metropolit.,
and the whole auditory, return’d to his text again, where the greatest
part was reckoning up various opinions. He quoted Ignatius, etc., etc.,
and coming to speak of Parthenius, calling him bad enough, [amo]ngst the
rest comparing him to Lucifer and the bad angels; he mistook, and said
Παίσιος (who was there present, and hang’d down his head). Then we many
cry’d out, _Parthenius, Parthenius_, at which he making a stand, said
Παρθένιος λὲγω, and with much adoe went on. He ended his sermon with a
short prayer. The greater part of his sermon was much about Parthenius’s
abusing the Church. At the door of the Church lay many thousands of
candles, which were given by Greekes and others. First, before the New
Patr. came from the Sacristia to his seat, every one lighted his candle,
which made a brave sight from end to end of the church. Just as the New
Patriarch took his seat, all cryed out (again and again repeating) ἄξιος,
ἄξιος, ἄξιος.
After the Sermon was done, the Patriarch took down a small crosse (guilt
with gold) that hang’d behind, and, holding it, he blest people (as he
did once or twice in the office before with his hand, they all bowing
at the same time). Then came out the _pane Benedetto_, and was carried
to him. All the people came (thronging), kist his hand, and took some
bread. The _Aqua benedetta_ was not brought forth, as I saw. The French
Ambassador invited me to dinner with him, as likewise to the Patriarch’s
House, but I excused myself, etc.
_Nov. 21._ we went (my Ld., etc.) to the Islands. We did not touch at any
till we came to Principe.
_Dec. 23_, I was much indisposed; the 26th I fell ill of a continued
feaver, which held me 17 dayes. I lost above 30 oz. of blood, reduc’t me
so low that (it being a very cold season) after my feaver left me I had
much adoe to retain heat in my limbs; my right thigh was perfectly numb
from my knee to my hip, but friction, and bathing, and flannel on my own
head set me right. Dr. Alexander Maurocordato came (by D.’s kindness);
he advised me, 1st, to eat flesh and goe colder in my very feaver. I a
little inclined to his advice, but one poringer of strong broth increast
it strangely, and I got a cold that I could not quit in 4 days. 2dly,
he advis’d bleeding in the _salvatella_[238] (I starv’d my feaver out,
eating nothing for 5 or 6 dayes, but dinner and supper, one little
porringer of Eng. Gruell). 3dly, when I was out of my feaver, which he
cal’d a miracle, he advis’d me to beer, forbad me all wine upon pain of
relaps. I drank beer at dinner, found my stomach windy; at 6 o’clock I
drank again with a tost, but it gave me a most intolerable fit of griping
in my stomach, which, with vomiting, I got away in 3 houres. I recovered
so well as to go to Chappell.
_Feb. 7th, 1667_, came a young priest—he wrote down his name himself, D.
Hilarione Bubuli—to me from padre Jeremiah, to know if any letters were
for Venice from my Ld., me, etc.; amongst other discourse he made a great
discovery to me. He was a Basilian (a Greek), but in orders (by Rome)
a Venetian, born and bred under the Greek Arch Bp. there. He was not
inform’d well by Padre Jeremiah (who is a Greek of another stamp), and,
taking me for a Romanist, told me there were many Metropolites now Romans
in their hearts, and that some money would do anything amongst them;
they question’d not but shortly to make Metropolites enough of their own
way. He said this Patriarch was a lay man, cropt hair bare, but by money
and friends he was made a deacon one day, a priest the next; a Bp. and
metropolite of Larissa the third. The design was this: they underhand by
mediation of the K. of France and his Embass. here, the Emperour and his
resident at Adrianople, the Bailo of Venice, first calumniate the Present
Patriarch, and are now plotting his removal. Next day they have here (now
obscurely) the Metropolite of Paros and Naxia, who they designe shortly
for Metropolite of Ephesus, a true man in his heart to them; next to make
him Patriarch. The businesse is committed to the Italian Archbp. now at
the new church (St. Francesco): he told me the Jesuits and the Capuchins
know of it, and he knew I would be secret, too; he said Padre Jeremiah
was ignorant of it wholly, though he knew him wel affected. I mentioned
Panagiotes at Court; he said he was not acquainted with it, nor must be,
but he had a very great kindnesse for this Metropolite, and he himself
has copied out all their letters of late correspondency, and he will be
ready to make him Patriarch they question not; his name was D. Hilarione
Bubuli, as you may see his own hand on the first whole leaf of this book.
He said the Greek and Latin Church differ in 5 things; 1st, the Holy
Ghost; 2nd, The leaven’d bread in the Sacrament; 3d, Purgatory; 4, The
Pope’s supremacy; 5, The forme of Baptisme. He said they had all their
services in Greek, but Romanized.
[Dr. Covel’s Diary is here very obscure, and evidently intended for
notes, which he himself only could understand.]
_Copy of the Kaimacham’s to our King at my lord’s audience._
_Directed thus_:
To the glorious amongst the princes and lords of the Nation of
the Messiah, Ld. of Honour, Charles the 2d, King of England,
whose end be Happy.
To the Glorious amongst the Princes and great Lds. of Jesus,
the supreme judge of the Nation of the Messiah, and governour
of all the Nazareen affaires, Lord of honour, greatnesse, and
respect, who is solicitous of honour, Charles the 2d, King
of England, whose end God conclude with all happinesse and
grandeur.
We signify unto you the purest sincere friendship of my most
potent, great, and Majestick master, the Imperiall Lord of
the pure Ottoman faith, which is our duty to doe (according
to the office we hold in the high port) with all diligence
and respect, because of the sincere peace that is between the
two kingdomes, being desir’d friendly and with honour, we
signify and sincerely relate how that the choice amongst the
nobles of the people of the Messiah, Sr. Dan. Harvey (whose
end be happy), your Ambassador sent to reside at the high
port, being arriv’d at the Imperiall City frequented by all
princes and great lords, we receiv’d by his hands your most
courteous letter, and, according to custome, he came to the
Imperiall Camp to have his audience; and, after the Imperiall
manner, having been honour’d and received, he presented at the
Imperiall throne your letter, and the translation of it, the
sence whereof was well comprehended by our high Emperour, and
the presents well accepted by his Imperiall Majesty, who has
sent by his Imperiall letter an answer, hoping that the antient
sincere friendship shall be alwayes continued on our part.
My most honour’d friend then departed to renew the Imperiall
capitulations; but the most honour’d and happy great Vizier
being come to the Imperiall stirrop about the affaires of the
camp, it was defer’d until his arrival. Then, if it please God,
the happy and supreme vizier arriving, be assured he will not
fail to renew them. Hoping from your friendship a continuation
of the good correspondency and augmentation of the confederacy
day by day, I remain with the desires of the same.
Dated in the garrison’d City of Salonica.
_July 30th._ Γεράσιμος μητροπολίτης Τουρνόβου for 20 purses of money
bought the patriarch’s place. Dionysius, Drista, etc., fled to the French
Embassadores.
_The G. Signor’s letter after my Lord’s Audience._
_Directed thus_:
The Imperiall letter to the Glorious and great Prince of the
Nation of Jesus, Ruler of Nazarene people, our friend Charles
the 2d, whose end be happy.
To the glorious amongst the great Princes of Jesus, and
reverenc’t amongst the high potentates of the people of the
Messiah, sole director of the great affaires of the Nazarene
nation, Lord of the limits of respect and honour, of greatnesse
and of fame, Charles the 2d, King of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, our friend, whose end we wish may be happy.
Our sublime, high, and Imperiall signet arriving, you will
understand how that the most respected amongst the nobles of
the peoples of the Messiah, your Ambassador Sir Dan. Harvey,
whose end be fortunate, did arrive with your letters at our
happy port, and, according to the antient custome, our most
honourable Viziers did bring him before our noble Throne.
Being come unto us, he did consigne your Royal letter, which
was received with all respect and honour, translated, and
presented at our noble Throne; the tenour whereof was observed
and pleasing to us. We received also your presents with
satisfaction, and his requests and demands, whilst they are
conforme unto our noble lawes, and correspond to the friendship
between us, shall be consider’d, and for the time to come, you
not permitting anything in the prejudice of the former peace on
the part of our Imperiall majesty, there shall not be suffer’d
any thing in prejudice of the same sworne league, which shall
be undoubtedly alwayes preserv’d, and to conclude we wish you
all health.
* * * * *
The Turkes at Biram, and at all victoryes and births of the princes, make
great mirth. It happen’d the Sultana was deliver’d of a second son this
last Ramas, Decemb. 1673. The mirth was put of till the Biram, and then
it was doubled; all were mad for 3 nights and three dayes, every shop
open and drest up with laurell flowers, etc., many candle machines with
pretty figures, puppet playes, dancing, etc.; the Janisary’s chambers was
the finest sight. Almost in every shop was 1, 2, or more of these old
mysticall figures of health. Whether it is of any meaning among them,
or only taken up by chance, I could not be informed. In many of them
was a sphere of 2 or three circles; if it signify anything of antient
superstition, it must be endlesse or everlasting health.
1674.
_Jan. 6th._ Usually about 12 tide, beastly boisterous weather; few
vessels at sea. 20th, we were kindly entertained at the Dervises; they
play’d to us; the old supravisor beat the Tambur (the antient Tympanum);
their tones were very passionate; the rest devoutly attentive. Many of
them have a great 6 or 8 square Agat (with a hole in the middle) at
their girdle. He (whome I ask’t about it) told me that stone foretold
the sicknesse of their friends by growing pale on the edges, and their
death by growing pale towards the hole in the middle; he said it sweats
against poison, etc. I remember two Kalenderis aboard the Viner had each
such a one; they had the caps of a wandring Dervise, but in all things
else like the habit of the Kalenderi, in Mr. Ricaut, he makes them
Santons, but in good earnest they are meer Tomes of Bedlam. One had a
horne tyed about his shoulders (like a wild goates, but longer); he blew
it like our sow gelders, high to low. He had a great hand jar, a terrible
crab-tree truncheon, a leather kind of petticoat about his middle, naked
above and beneath. It was then in May or June. He had a course Arnout
Jamurluck.[239] He drank wine (like a fish water) which we gave him to
blow his horne.
_Mart. 26, ’74._ Our King’s letter for the G. S. directed to the most
High and Mighty Emperour Sultan Mahomet Ilam, chief Lord and Commander of
the Mussulman Kingdome, sole and supreme monarch of the Eastern Empire.
To the Vizier, thus directed to the high and excellent Lord the Vizier
Arem.
VOYAGE TO SMYRNA WITH SIR DANIEL HARVEY’S BODY, WHO DIED AUG. 28TH, 1673.
_Apr. 10, 1674._ At 8 at night we weigh’d (being upon the Dogger), and
next day 3½ in afternoon we came to Anchor at the Asia side over against
the little conduit within shot of that most innermost castle. We went
on shoar and dispatcht our business with the Aga there. My Ld. had sent
each of them a vest of cloth; we had our audience without the castle,
in a house on purpose, by the draw bridge. Our Jew Druggerman, 10 or 12
dayes before, had shew’d some strangers up and down without the Castle,
and at last, venturing to peep in, was catch’t and soundly drubb’d.
Notwithstanding this, I went round about the outside and past it.
Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side
are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot,
very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to
be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont
with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any
ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and
so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but ¼ mile over; it is near a mile
at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun
holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle
than Abidos above said.
12. By reason of our present, with leave, we weigh’d at 10 o’clock, and
within lesse then an houre we passt the other outward castles, but at too
great a distance to say any more then that they are fairer and greater,
and built according to modern formes. At night we reacht the N. end of
Mitilene about 8 o’clock.
14. At 4½ in the morning within sight of the Centurion and Smyrna
Castle. At 10 we anchor’d, and went on board. Capt. Wild thence to the
Advice frigot (then there in port), thence to Smyrna.
_26th._ Put my dear Lord Harvey’s body on board the _Centurion_.[240]
The great Cabin was hang’d and the floor cover’d with mourning; round
about were fasten’d scutchions; the Steerage was hang’d likewise. My
Lord’s body was taken of the Dogger into the Centurion’s long boat, there
cover’d with a rich velvet Pal, bordered with white Sarsenet and satin.
At the Head of the Corps was fixt a Hatchment, my Lord’s armes, in a
square frame standing on one of the corners. At the head of the boat
was his six trumpeters and his drummer. The Advise’s long boat tow’d
it forward, and in it was his 6 Trumpeters likewise, and his drum, all
sounding a dead march, went slowly forward in a round; the Consul’s (Mr.
Ricaut’s) boat followed; after that many of the festoons in other boates.
At its reception into the Centurion there was 3 voleyes of small shot
and 30 Guns fired. The Advice fired 28; all the General ships and others
in port fired, some 12, some 14, some 16 guns. Worthy Capt. Hill, who
brought him out, fired every minute all the while we were going on the
Dogger. The Body was put down into the hold, and a Cenotaph stood in the
great cabbin, cover’d with the pall. The great Scutcheon displayed at the
head six great tapers burning by in six great silver candlesticks. I gave
away about 40 dwt. weights among the officers of the Centur., and sent
a cask of 19 Meters of wine among the Seamen. We din’d aboard, treated
civilly. The Consul brought flasques of Smyrna wine; Mr. Temple brought
20 flasques, and several fresh provisions. At 6 at night we all returned
to Smyrna.
22. Parted from Mr. Temple’s seate at 21st, midnight, or towards one
o’clock this morn. Got on board the Mary and Martha by 6. Out of the
sandhead, lay becalmed all that day and night over against the w. end of
long Island.
_29th, Wednesday._ Ashoar at Tenedos; gave the Aga of the Castle 1 oak
case.
All the Greeks live the N.E. end of the Town. They goe in the streets
cover’d with a petticoat over their head, gather’d in to a button above;
their gown without a wast, hang’d on with two latchets on either side,
girdle above their brests. A bullock there for 4½, kil’d, drest, cut out
in the street in ½ an hour. Holy fountain at the N.E. end. No church, but
several Papasses say masse in a little hole in a stinking house, which
the padres make a Tavern about 8 yards square; the V.M. in a little hole,
etc.
_2, Saturday_, came to the custome house by 12 o’clock. Saluted the
Seraglio with 7 guns. Deo laus et gloria ex grato corde.
* * * * *
_Apr. 1st_ was Maunday Thursday, to the Greek it is μεγάλη πέφτη.[241]
At daybreak the Patriarch washt the disciples’ feet. A great waxe candle
was brought before him (instead of a mace). He came to his throne in
the ordinary habit. Every Greek (that makes it right) makes his crosse
leisurely, ἐν τῷ ὀνὸμάτα τοῦ πάτρος[242] ✠ (the top of the brest), καὶ
τοῦ ὓιου ✠ (the middle), καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνέυ (✠ on the right above the
pap), ματος (on the left above the pap). All the Metropolites do it very
gravely. There were, 1st (next to the preacher’s throne), Heraclea; 2d,
Cyzikos; 3d, Νικομέδια; 4th, Chalcedon; 5th, Philippopoli, etc., etc. The
patriarch came to his seat (whilst the choir sang the Gospel out of St.
John 13). Then there were the 12 priests (all maryed), which came two and
two, and bow’d to the ground, and kis’t the patriarch’s hand, retired
back, ador’d again, and retired into the Sacristia. Then all array’d in
priests’ cloathing proper, only upon everyone’s neck was the apostle
wrought in gold, whom they represented. First came a miserable poor
wretch (without a cape, etc.) to represent Judas; then a good stretch
after followed all the rest, and seated themselves before the Patriarch,
who was at the other end. Then the Patriarch vested himself in his robes,
στοιχάριον,[243] with a hole on top like a surplice with sleeves, body
to the ankles; sallow green (or yellow green) tuffetay, Ωράριον,[244] a
broidered tippet, ἐπιμανίκιον,[245] embroyder’d sleeves (he crosses and
kisses every vestment, and he was putting on this and forgot, then pul’d
it of), ἐπιτραχὴλιον,[246] embroyder’d kerchief put about his neck,
Ζώνη his girdle (alla turkesa), ὑπογονάτιον,[247] a square embroyder’d
handkerchief (foot and half square), with 4 tassels; it hang’d by his
right side. Then his 2 deacons help him down (4 staires); he begin with
Judas, and the Third deacon in the pulpit (reading the same Gospel)
repeat to every washing, “He began to wash their feet,” etc.; he kneels
down, and washes the right foot (which only is bare), his 2 deacons
helping him with bason, Ewers, etc. Whilst the 3d Deacon is in the pulpit
reading, he strips himself of all his robes (the στοιχάριον, ἐπιμανίκιον,
ὡράριον, ὑπογονάτιον), but the ἐπιτραχὴλιον, and another lose vest, half
slew’d[248] to draw the sleeves (with laces), set with 3 bells on each
side, and two to each corner (likewise when he vested himself he put
of his monkes hood), τὸ ἀπάνω καμηλαῦχον,[249] and divel’s cap (as the
G. S. cal’d it) τὸ ἔσω καμηλαῦχον, and put on an embroyder’d crown set
with diamonds and pretious stones, and quarter’d (with 4 glass diamonds
and perls); upon the top a crosse emerald and sapphire. He puts on a
blewish _pestemal_[250] before him, and a large Towel over his shoulder,
with which, when he has wash’t the foot, he wipes, then kisses, and the
person at same time kisses his crown. He proceeds (beginning at Judas)
till he come to St. Peter 12; there begins a Dialogue; the Deacon go on
to (Joh. 13); he asks: Lord, will you wash my feet, etc., the deacon only
repeating the passing words; at last he wash him, too. Imediately all
the rabble strive for the water to dip handkerchiefs in it, and a Greek
answer’d me (as I ask’t) that it must be very pretious after so many
good prayers. This done, the Patriarch returns to his seat, the deacon
leisurely reading the same Gospel again. He re-vests himself, the 12
rise, and, reverencing 2 by 2, return to the Sacristia; after them the
Patriarch, then there changing his clothes for his ordinary habit, he
returns to his seat, and then the masse begins. When he went out of the
church his 2 deacons bore up his traine, the candle going before him. He
treated me at his lodge with coffee; invited me to dinner, but Draco and
I would not stay. Many gatherings for Judas[251]; amongst the rest there
were there the 4 treasurers of the Church, ὁὶ ἐπίτροποι τοῦ παγκυρὶου.
There is a great chest, fair and rich, on the right hand coming in,
called the παγκύριον. Draco’s brother-in-Law, who was at first a furrier,
is the chief, worth, by common report, 600 purses of money (300,000 doll.
= 75,000 lb.). The Prince of Moldavia owes him 80,000 doll.; Wallachia
as much; the church as much; and every Metropolite something. He gave a
silver broach for candles, worth at least 500 doll., to μεγάλη ἐκκλησία.
He hath taken the debt of the Church upon himself, covenanting to be
continued 4 or 5 year. Over against the Patriarch’s seat are two other
of states just together: the first Moldavia, 2d Walachias; but they two
never meet together, but dispute their superiority, and therefore alwayes
one or both are absent. The Patriarch, when he blesses the people, or
his own vests., etc., lays the thumb of his right hand crosse the ring
finger, the fore finger streight, the middle finger bending; the mystery
in it is I.C. X.C.[252] The people bow to the ground, then kiss the
Patriarch’s hand, then retire backward, reverance a 2d time, then go away
as they goe back; some tumble over the head of the others bowing behind
them. Before the Patriarch came the priests were anointing poor slaves,
which priests must alwayes be 7 in number, and pray’d over them. In the
masse the bread and wine are caryed in procession alwayes before they
be consecrated; the Patriarch comes down, and every Metropolite and all
adore low to it as it passe by. When all is done the bread left upon the
_prothesis_[253] (after the piece for the Sacrament is taken out as is
comonly distributed) was given by the Patriarch himself, some in their
mouths, some in their hands.
* * * * *
_Mart. 23rd, 1676._ Holy week. I was at the Sermon at St. Francesco’s;
saw Demetrius Simon wash 12 of the fraternityes feet. The priest reads or
sings the Gospell out of St. John 13, and he rose from his seat at the
upper end of the stalls, and put of his vest, put on sackcloth, and gird
himself with a _pestemal_ put before him, and a towel on his shoulder,
came down to the 12, who were sat on two formes in the chappell just
before him, at these words, “He put water into a basin” (for the priest
stayes till he may be ready), he puts water into a great basin. At those
words, “Lord, not only my feet”, he comes to the first, and pourring a
little water upon his right foot, washes it, wipes it with his towell on
his left shoulder, then signing it with the crosse, kisses it, and they
kisse his hands; this he doth to everyone, then returne to his stall,
and puts off his sackcloth, and resumes his other clothes. Then they go
to their prayers; a layman sayes and sings most of them; the Prior or
sub-prior gives the benediction.