Hussein Pacha--Tahir Pacha--Polish and Hungarian
Rebellions--Extends to Southern Slaves--Congress
convened--Montenegrins overrun Herzegovina--Arrival of Omer
Pacha--Elements of Discord--Rising in Bulgaria put down by
Spahis--Refugees--Ali Rizvan Begovitch--Fall of Mostar, and Capture
of Ali--His suspicious Death--Cavass Bashee--Anecdote of Lame
Christian--Omer Pacha invades Montenegro--Successes--Austria
interferes--Mission of General Leiningen--Battle of Grahovo--Change
of Frontier--Faults of new Boundary.
And so time wore on, and Bosnia enjoyed a kind of fitful repose. There
and in Herzegovina the feudal system had lost much of its primeval
vigour, although a barbarous independence still prevailed, more
especially in the latter province, where Ali Aga of Stolatz showed
symptoms of forsaking the _treacherous fidelity_ which had secured for
him his high position. Whatever feeling of disaffection might have been
cherished, either in Bulgaria or Bosnia, was effectually checked: in the
former by the judicious tyranny of Hussein, Vizier of Widdin, in the
latter by the iron yoke of Tahir Pacha, who fully entered into the
Sultan's projects for reform.
The social condition of these two provinces rendered necessary a certain
variety in the policy of their rulers. Thus, while Hussein may be
regarded as the apostle of political Islamism in Europe, Tahir
endeavoured to introduce the European element. He consequently
identified himself, to a dangerous extent, with the Christian
population, abolishing forced labour, equalising the taxes, and
effecting other reforms calculated to upset the old, and establish the
_Nisame Jedid_, or new order of things.
At this juncture the flames of revolutionary war broke forth in Poland
and Hungary. The proximity of these countries, and the affinity of their
Slavonic origin, could not fail to disseminate the same spirit on the
southern bank of the Save. A wild enthusiasm took possession of both
Serbs[N] and Bulgares, before which the aged and decrepid Viziers felt
themselves powerless.
If it be difficult to realise the position of the Sultan, who thus found
himself at variance with his Christian subjects in Bulgaria, and his
Bosnian Spahis, the attitude assumed by these factions is equally
incomprehensible. Blinded by one insane desire to throw off their
allegiance to the Sultan, they espoused the Russo-Austrian cause,
demanding their annexation to some Slave country. Thus, by a clever
stroke of policy, Austria contrived to secure to herself the cooperation
of both the Hungarian and Serb Slaves. And here we may note a curious
coincidence, which still farther complicated matters. Whatever may have
been their prejudices against the Slavonic Christians, the Bosnian
Spahis found it expedient to demand the assistance, not only of the
Servians, but of the Montenegrins, the most implacable of foes to the
Turkish rule. These at first appeared likely to respond to the summons.
So numerically strong, and so complete, were the preparations for war
made by the Bosnians, that, when they took the field under Ali Kieditch,
Tahir found it impossible to stem the torrent of rebellion. Never did
the prospects of the Porte wear so gloomy an aspect, for there were
ranged against it all classes of Slaves and Bulgares, irrespective of
religion or denomination. As a last resource government convened a
Congress, comprising representatives of all classes of subject Slaves.
As might have been supposed, little unanimity prevailed in their
counsels, and no tangible advantages were thereby attained. And now a
combination of unforeseen circumstances conspired to rescue the Porte
from the pressing danger which threatened it. The neutrality preserved
by Servia, or rather its Prince, Alexander Guirgievitch, infected not
only the Bulgarian Christians, but even the Montenegrins themselves, who
actually overran Herzegovina and a portion of the Bosnian frontier
during the absence of the Mussulman Spahis of those districts. Undaunted
however, by these mishaps, the members of the Congress returned to
their homes; and, although powerless to act in concert, succeeded so
well in stirring up a feeling of animosity against the government, that
the spring of 1850 found the malcontents in a better position than ever
for the renewal of the war. But rebellion had now reached its
culminating point, and the sudden appearance of Omer Pacha, who threw
himself with impetuous daring into the heart of Bosnia, gave a very
different colouring to events. To form a just estimate of the
difficulties which he had to overcome, ere order could be re-established
in this confused chaos, it is necessary briefly to recapitulate the
various conflicting elements, revolutionary and otherwise, which had
been brought into play, the aim and inevitable result of which must have
been the utter destruction of this unhappy empire.
There are those who profess to believe that Russia has no malevolent
designs upon Turkey, and who bring forward many plausible reasons in
support of their opinion; but this number has very materially diminished
since the disclosures which preceded the late Russian war. The character
of the Turkish people, their religion, and their social and political
institutions, may all have tended to produce the calamitous state of
affairs. Yet when we probe the matter to the bottom, there we find the
root of all evil--Russian policy and imperial ambition. It is not to say
that this monarch or that was desirous of annexing by conquest, and
holding by force of arms, a gigantic empire. Such a thought were
madness. Far more subtle is the scheme which was, and is, inherent in
every Russian ruler. It has been, and still is, their own
aggrandisement, direct or indirect, based upon the ruins of Turkey. Ably
and laboriously have they worked to effect that which still seems as
distant as ever. No sooner were the bloody days of 1828-9 past, than
they applied themselves afresh to the work of disorganisation, and in
this appeared to succeed too well. They had launched the Slave against
the Turk, and then the Christian Slave against the Mussulman Slave,
whilst at the same time the Asiatic Turk--the Turk _pur sang_--was
struggling throughout Anatolia against the reformed and European Turk.
It now remained to find a pretext to justify her in effecting an armed
intervention, that cloak for so much that is arbitrary and aggressive.
This was soon found in an insignificant rising of the Bulgarians,
brought on by her roubles lavishly dispensed by old Milosch Obrenovitch,
the ejected Servian Prince, and the sympathy felt for Kossuth and
Dembinski, who had taken refuge at Widdin. This rising, however, which
was at first directed only against the Turkish Spahis or landowners,
soon acquired more important dimensions, and on January 8, 1850, the
three Nahias of Widdin, Belgradchitch, and Verkovats, were under arms.
Having failed in an attack upon the fortress of Belgradchitch, they
retired and entrenched themselves at different spots in the adjacent
country. Better armed and provisioned, and of greater physical courage,
the Spahis soon succeeded in overcoming these disorganised masses, and
bloody was the vengeance which they took.
'Victors in every encounter,' says Cyprien Robert, 'the Mussulman Spahis
began to visit on horseback the villages, more than two hundred in
number, which had taken part in the insurrection. The devastation that
ensued was worthy of the most barbarous time. Neither age nor sex was
spared. All the young were carried off to the vulture-nests of the
Spahis of the Balkan. In vain did Redschid Pacha enjoin milder measures;
neither he nor the Sultan could check these bloodthirsty tigers. There
needed to that end the unexpected arrival of Omer Pacha at Nish. He fell
among them like a thunderbolt, and all was silence. The Bulgarians
ceased to flee, the Spahis to pursue, and, what was more, the Russian
army of Wallachia halted at the moment it was about to cross the Danube.
That terrible Omer, the queller of so many revolts, had at Bucharest an
opportunity of making his qualities felt by the Russian Generals, and
they were completely disconcerted by his sudden arrival at Nish, when
they thought he was hemmed in by the insurgent Serba in the gorges of
Bosnia, without the means of making his way through them. The Russian
troops paused, awaiting fresh orders from St. Petersburg: orders came,
and the whole scheme was quashed. Cleverly as the Russian plot had been
laid, it was completely baffled by the rapidity of Omer Pacha's
movement.' Once again order was re-established. Serayevo was again made
the seat of the provincial government, and numerous reforms were brought
into force, all of which tended to ameliorate the condition of the
Christian population.
Such of the chieftains as refused to make their submission were pursued
without mercy, until the province became too hot to hold them. A few,
too proud or too obstinate to yield, took refuge in the Herzegovina,
where Ali Rizvan Begovitch, then an old man, opened his fortresses to
them. But all resistance was vain before the iron will and temperate
judgement of Omer. Mostar fell, and old Ali was made a prisoner and sent
in chains to Serayevo. That place he never reached, for he was shot,
accidentally it is alleged, by a Turkish soldier while on his way
thither. The circumstances of his death will hardly bear an enquiry, and
do not reflect much credit on the successful Omer, to whom the blame, as
well as the glory he acquired in all else, must attach. It is true that
the old tyrant fully deserved his fate, since even to this day the
enormities which he committed are well remembered. The old tower on the
Narenta at Mostar used to look grim with the distorted heads of the
prisoners whom he had captured on the Montenegrin frontier. The habit of
decapitating the dead was revolting enough, but this aged sinner was not
satisfied with that: he used to drive sharp wooden poles through their
living bodies, and then leave them to die a lingering and agonising
death. Some are said to have survived their impalement as much as
forty-eight hours. The example set by the Pacha was readily followed by
those about him. Numerous are the tales of murder done by his followers,
one of whom vied with his master in deeds of murder and ferocity. This
man, the Cavass Bashee, lived entirely by plunder and rapine. A spot was
pointed out to me in the valley of the Drechnitza where a Christian was
killed by him while stooping down to drink. I also heard an amusing
anecdote regarding him, when he was completely outwitted by a poor lame
Christian. The latter was riding through a river, where the stream was
somewhat rapid. On the river's bank he was overtaken by the Cavass
Bashee, who allowed him to reach the middle of the stream, when he
ordered him to dismount, threatening to shoot him if he did not comply.
In vain he pleaded his lameness; the ruffian was obdurate. Nothing
remained but to obey. This he did, and with difficulty reached the
opposite bank. The Mussulman followed, but scarcely had he reached the
deep water when the Christian, who carried a pistol concealed, drew it,
and, aiming at his persecutor, ordered him to dismount under pain of
death. So aghast was he at this audacious effrontery, that he not only
obeyed, but departed without farther comment, leaving the Christian
master of the field. Whether he took warning from Ali Pacha's fate is
unknown, but he certainly died in the odour of sanctity, after
performing a pilgrimage to Mecca.
Having thus established the power of the Sultan in both provinces, as
well as in Bulgaria, Omer Pacha turned his attention to the
Montenegrins, whose incursions into the Herzegovina were becoming
frequent and audacious. Penetrating the country from two converging
points, he defeated the mountaineers on every occasion, who found that
they had a very different foe to contend with from those to whom they
had been accustomed. Already had he advanced close upon Cettigne, the
capital, when the Austrian government interfered. Operations were
suspended, and General Leiningen proceeded to Constantinople, where he
demanded the total withdrawal of the Turkish forces. This was acceded
to, and Turkey thus lost the hold which it had acquired upon the lawless
Montenegrins. The idea of Ottoman decay acquired daily fresh strength,
and a maudlin sentimentality was excited in behalf of these Christian
savages. Taking advantage of this, they made constant forays across the
border, stirring up by their example such of the borderers as were
disposed to rise, and using force to compel those who would have
preferred a quiet existence under the Turkish rule.
Such was the position of affairs when the battle of Grahovo took place
on May 13, 1858. Although the affair has been grossly exaggerated, and
the blame wrongfully imputed to Hussein Pacha, the military Commander of
the Ottoman forces, it cannot be gain-said that the Turkish power was
much weakened by the event, and the arrogance of the Christians
proportionately increased, while the change of frontier to which it
conduced tended rather to aggravate than diminish the evil. The new
boundary line was defined by an European mixed commission, which decided
on increasing Montenegro by the annexation of territory on the western
frontier, including Grahovo, which they had held since Hussein Pacha's
disaster. Whether the new frontier is calculated to promote a pacific
settlement of the question admits of debate, as the province is
penetrated almost to the centre by Turkish territory on either side:
this, if it give the latter the advantage in a military point of view,
exposes the occupants of the country, flanked by the Montenegrin
mountains, to constant visits from their unwelcome neighbours, who dash
down, kill, burn, and carry off all that they can lay hands on, and
retreat to their fastnesses before the arrival of succour.
[Footnote N: People occupying Bosnia, Servia, Herzegovina, and
Montenegro.]