Bosnia--Turkish Invasion--Tuartko II. and Ostoya Christich--Cruel
Death of Stephen Thomasovich--His Tomb--Queen Cattarina--Duchy of
Santo Saba becomes a Roman Province--Despotism of Bosnian
Kapetans--Janissaries--Fall of Sultan Selim and
Bairaktar--Mahmoud--Jelaludin Pacha--Expedition against
Montenegro--Death of Jelaludin--Ali Pacha--Revolted Provinces
reconquered--Successes of Ibrahim Pacha--Destruction of
Janissaries--Regular Troops organised--Hadji
Mustapha--Abdurahim--Proclamation--Fall of Serayevo--Fresh
rising--Serayevo taken by Rebels--Scodra Pacha--Peace of
Adrianople--Hussein Kapetan--Outbreak of Rebellion--Cruelty of
Grand Vizier--Ali Aga of Stolatz--Kara Mahmoud--Serayevo taken--War
with Montenegro--Amnesty granted.
The history of Bosnia under the Roman empire is possessed of too little
interest to call for any particular observation; but, considered as one
of the most fertile and beautiful of the European provinces, overrun by
the Moslem armies, it is well entitled to the mature consideration of
all who take an interest in the important question now at issue, to wit,
the fusion of the Eastern and Western worlds.
The immediate cause of the invasion of Bosnia by the Turks, was the
dispute between Tuartko II. and Ostoya Christich for the throne of that
country. The former called the Turks to his assistance; Ostoya, the
Hungarians. A war between these two nations was the consequence, and
the Turks gained considerable footing in Bosnia about 1415. Ostoya and
Tuartko being both dead, Stephen Thomas Christich was elected King, and
was obliged to promise an annual tribute of 25,000 ducats to Sultan
Amurath II., thirteen years after which he was murdered by his
illegitimate son, Stephen Thomasovich, who was crowned by a Papal legate
in 1461, and submitted to the Turks. But having refused to pay the
tribute due to the Porte, he was seized and flayed alive, by order of
Sultan Mahomet, and at his death the kingdom of Bosnia was completely
over-thrown.[M]
Previous to this, the Turks had frequently menaced the Bosnian kingdom,
but it was not until June 14, 1463, that they actually invaded the
country, to reduce Stephen to obedience. In vain did Mathias, King of
Hungary, endeavour to stem the advancing torrent. The Turks carried all
before them, until they besieged and took Yanitza, the then capital of
the province, and with it the King and the entire garrison. Nor was this
effected in fair fight, but through the treachery of Stephen's first
minister, who opened the gates of the fortress by night, and so admitted
the Turkish soldiers.
With more generosity than was usually shown by these Eastern barbarians,
Mahomet agreed to leave the King in possession of his throne on
condition of his paying an annual tax to the Porte. The payment of this,
as I have said, was evaded by his successor, although the old national
manuscripts do not even allow this apology for the barbarous treatment
which he experienced at the hands of the Turks. These affirm that the
King and all his troops, as well as the townspeople, were invited by
Mahomet to hear the official ratification of the agreement. But, at a
given signal, the Turkish soldiers, who had been in concealment, fell
upon the helpless assemblage, and massacred them in cold blood, shutting
up the King Stephen in a cage, where he subsequently died of despair;
and thus ended the Bosnian kingdom. That his position was sufficiently
hopeless to bring about this calamitous result, can scarcely be doubted;
but unfortunately the tomb of Stephen still exists, which proves
tolerably conclusively that his death was of a more speedy, if not of a
more cruel, nature. An inscription is upon it to the effect, 'Here lies
Stephen, King of Bosnia, without his kingdom, throne, and sceptre, and
without his skin.' Of all the family of the unfortunate monarch, the
only one who escaped was his Queen, Cattarina, who fled to Rome, where
she lies buried in the Chapel of Santa Helena.
After the death of Stephen Thomasovich the Turks destroyed Michiaz. The
nobles, driven from their estates, fled to Ragusa; and Stephen,
'Herzog' or Duke of Santo Saba, seeing that Turkish garrisons had
occupied Popovo, Rogatiza, Triburio, Tzeruitza, and Kerka, became so
alarmed, that he offered to pay increased tribute; when, his ministers
refusing to consent to this arrangement, he was obliged to send to
Ragusa for his eldest son Stephen, and give him up as a hostage to the
Porte: he having afterwards abjured Christianity, received the name of
Ahmet, married a daughter of Bajazet II., and was made a Vizier. The
Kingdom of Bosnia and the Duchy of Santo Saba from that time became
provinces of Turkey, the latter under the name of Herzegovina, which it
still retains, and which it had received from the title of 'Herzog' or
Duke, given by Tuartko to its first Governor.
The apostasy of the Bosnian nobles which occurred shortly after the
Turkish conquest, may be regarded as the only event of importance which
has since marked the history of these provinces. The deteriorating
effects which have ever followed the adoption of Islamism are here
conspicuously apparent; for in proportion as the country has sunk into
insignificance, so the moral state of the people has fallen to a lower
standard. Nor is this so much to be attributed to any particular vices
inculcated by the Mahomedan creed, as to the necessary division of
religious and political interests, and the undue monopoly of power by a
small proportion of the inhabitants. That this power has been used
without mercy or consideration must be acknowledged; but be it
remembered that
'Their tyrants then
Were still at least their countrymen,'
and that the iniquities perpetrated by the renegade Beys cannot be with
justice laid to the charge of their Osmanli conquerors. It would,
indeed, be strange had four hundred years of tyranny passed over this
miserable land, without leaving a blight upon its children which no time
will ever suffice to efface.
As years wore on, other and more important conquests absorbed the
attention of the Mussulman rulers, and the rich pasture-lands of Bosnia,
and the sterile rocks of Herzegovina, were alike left the undisputed
property of the apostate natives of the soil. Thence arose a system of
feudal bondage, to a certain extent akin to that recently existing in
Russia, but unequalled in the annals of the world for the spirit of
intolerance with which it was carried out. Countless are the tales of
cruelty and savage wrong with which the old manuscripts of the country
abound, and these are the more revolting, as perpetrated upon those of
kindred origin, religion, and descent. The spirit of independence
engendered by this system of feudality and unresisted oppression could
only lead to one result--viz. the increase of local at the expense of
the central authority. The increasing debility of the paternal
government tended to strengthen the power of the provincial Magnates;
and the Beys, the Spahis, and the Timariots, stars of lesser magnitude
in their way, could not but be expected to adhere to the cause of the
all-powerful Kapetans rather than to the transient power of a Vizier
appointed by the Porte.
This last-named official, whose appointment was then, as now, acquired
by successful intrigue or undisguised bribery, was never certain of long
tenure of office, and invariably endeavoured by all the means in his
power to remunerate himself while the opportunity should last.
The disregard entertained for life in those times, and the indifference
manifested by the Ottoman government for this portion of the empire,
often rendered it the safer policy for the Vizier to make common cause
with the recusant Kapetans, who were too powerful to be subdued by
force, and too wily to be entrapped by treachery or fraud.
But another and more self-subsistent power had taken deep root
throughout the Ottoman dominions, and nowhere more than in those
provinces which lie between the Save and the Adriatic. 'In Egypt,' says
Ranke, 'there was the power of the Mameluke Beys revived immediately
after the departure of the French; there was the protectorate of the
Dere Beys in Asia Minor; the hereditary authority of the Albanian
chieftains, the dignity of the Ayans in the principal towns, besides
many other immunities--all of which seemed to find a bond of union and a
centre in the powerful order of the Janissaries.' Of all the provinces
of the empire Bosnia was perhaps the most deeply imbued with the spirit
of this faction, the last memento of that ancient chivalry which had
carried fire and sword over a great part of civilised Europe.
But to that same spirit of turbulent independence, the very germ of
existence of the Janissaries, and so predominant among the natives of
Bosnia, may in a great measure be attributed the successes of the
Turkish arms in Europe in the campaign of 1828, an era fraught with
danger to the whole Ottoman empire, dangers which the newly-organised
battalions of the imperial army would have been unable to overcome but
for the aid of the wild horsemen of the West. That the same spirit
exists as did in bygone times I do not say; but whatever does yet remain
of chivalrous endurance or reckless daring is to be found among the
Mussulman, and not amongst the Christian, population.
Towards the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth
century, affairs assumed so critical an aspect that it became incumbent
upon the central government to adopt some coercive measure. Sultan Selim
was the first who endeavoured to suppress these turbulent spirits. He
was unequal to the task, and fell a victim to their revengeful
displeasure. 'Bairaktar, the hero of those times,' was equally
unsuccessful, and the imperial authority bid fair to perish from the
land; but in those days there arose one who, like our own Cromwell,
moulded circumstances to his will, resolute of purpose, fearing and
sparing none. But if Mahmoud was stern and inexorable to rebels, he is
entitled to more praise than is usually accorded him, for the
steadfastness of purpose with which he applied himself to the
restoration of system and order, in the place of the chaos which he had
himself brought about. And let us not omit to mention the dignified
courage with which he prepared to meet the calamities which now crowded
thick upon him. With the mere nucleus of a semi-organised army he held
out for two years, both in Europe and Asia, without one ally, against
the herculean efforts of Russia to overthrow his kingdom.
There are not wanting those who, besides stigmatising him as deceitful
and cruel, cast in his teeth that he failed to carry out the schemes of
reform, which they consider to have been visionary and unmeaning. But
these, while commenting on what he left undone, forget how much he did,
and how little aid he received from without. Well would it be for Turkey
this day had either of his sons inherited the vigour, the perseverance,
or even the honesty of old Mahmoud.
Since the accession of Mahmoud to the throne, Bosnia and Herzegovina
have been the seat of perpetual, though intermittent, warfare. Short
time did he allow to elapse before he gave unmistakable signs of his
determination to effect a radical change in the state of these
provinces. With this view he sent as Vizier Jelaludin Pacha thither,
with orders to punish with extreme severity all who should show any
signs of discontent. This man, who is said to have belonged to the sect
of Bektashi, an order of Mahomedan monks, did not live like other
Pachas. He neither kept a harem nor a court, and devoted himself
exclusively to fulfilling the duties of his mission. To do this more
effectually, he used to go about in disguise, visiting even the
Christian places of worship, and thus obtaining a real knowledge of the
feelings and wishes of the people. Now as he practised incorruptible,
inexorable justice, his rule was as popular among the Rayahs as it was
odious to the Bosnian nobles, against whose independence all his laws
and measures were directed.
Having taken Mostar and Trebinitza by storm, he at length succeeded in
subduing the whole country. Although nominally recalled, in deference to
a petition preferred by the nobles of Bosnia, Jelaludin was in reality
advanced to a more exalted position of confidence. To him was intrusted
the conduct of an expedition against Montenegro, which failed; and
little more is heard about him until 1821, when he died, as some think,
by poison administered by his own hand.
In conformity with a preconceived plan of operations, an expedition was
sent in 1820 against Ali Pacha, the most powerful of those who had
ventured to throw off the Ottoman rule.
The operations were successful both by sea and land, and at first all
appeared to be progressing satisfactorily. But the extraordinary
fertility of resource which characterised the old man, saved him once
more; and while the Suliots in his pay overran Epirus in 1821, he
succeeded in rousing the whole Greek population to revolt. Although he
himself fell during the outbreak, the disastrous results which he had
succeeded in effecting lived long after him, not only in Greece, but in
Bulgaria, Bosnia, and other parts of the Turkish empire.
The death of Jelaludin, and the revolutionary movement which had spread
throughout the empire, led to the restoration of the old state of things
in Bosnia. The powerful nobles once more resumed their sway, and the few
supporters of the Sultan were compelled to fly the country.
The reconquest by the Porte of the revolted countries, and the mighty
change which the iron hand of Mahmoud effected in the internal condition
and administration of all parts of his empire, cannot be more forcibly
described than in the words of Ranke. He says: 'We must recollect that
the Sultan succeeded in extinguishing all these rebellions, one after
another, as soon as he had put down the most formidable. We will not
enquire by what means this was effected: enough to say, that he at last
re-established his authority on the Danube, as in Epirus. Even the Morea
seemed doomed to a renewal of the Moslem sway. Ibrahim Pacha landed
there with the troops from Egypt in 1825. He annihilated rather than
subjugated its population, and changed the country, as he himself said,
into a desert waste; but at least he took possession of it, step by
step, and everywhere set up the standard of the Sultan.'
Having been so far successful, the Sultan adopted a more comprehensive
plan.
Mahomed Ali's successful enterprises served as his model from the first.
Mahomed Ali led the way in Egypt by the annihilation of ancient
privileges, and it was not until he had succeeded that Mahmoud resolved
to pursue a similar course.
'A fearful rivalry in despotism and destruction then began between the
two. They might be compared to the reapers in Homer, cutting down the
corn in all directions. But the vassal had been long engaged in a
process of innovation. In spite of the opposition of his Janissaries, he
had accomplished his purpose of establishing regular regiments, clothed
and disciplined after the European system.' The fact that it was these
troops which, after so many fruitless attempts, at last conquered
Greece, made a profound impression on the Sultan. He reverted to the
ideas of Selim and Bairaktar, and the establishment of regular troops
seemed to him the only salvation of his empire. Therefore, on May 28,
1826, in a solemn sitting of his Council of State, at which the
Commissioner who had lately been in Ibrahim's camp was present, was
pronounced the 'fetwah,' that, 'In order to defend God's word and
counteract the superiority of the unbelievers, the Moslems, too, would
submit to subordination, and learn military manœuvres.' The subversion
of ancient privileges, then, was the fundamental basis upon which his
reforms rested, and to this the destruction of the Janissaries put the
finishing touch.
If Mahmoud found difficulty in carrying out his plans at Stamboul, how
much more hard must they have been to accomplish in the provinces; and
of these, as I have before said, Bosnia was the most strongly imbued
with a spirit of independent feudalism.
In Bosnia, therefore, as was anticipated, the greatest resistance to the
innovation was experienced.
Upon the death of Jelaludin, Hadji Mustapha had been appointed Vizier, a
man of small capacity, and little suited to those stormy times.
He, and the six commissioners who had been sent with him from
Constantinople, were driven out, and compelled to take refuge in
Servia, whence they returned to Constantinople.
Again the dominion of the Sultan in these provinces appeared to hang
upon a slender thread; and indeed it was only saved by the sagacity of a
single man.
Upon the ejection of Hadji Mustapha, Abdurahim, the Pacha of Belgrade,
was appointed Vizier of Bosnia. Gifted with great penetration and
ability for intrigue, he contrived to win over many of the native
chieftains, while he worked upon the jealousy entertained by the Prince
of Servia for the Bosnian nobles, and thus succeeded in raising a small
army, with which he took the initiative in hostilities. Ranke tells us:
'He was fortunate enough to secure the assistance of the Kapetan
Vidaitch of Svornik. Svornik is regarded as the key of Bosnia. It seems
that the Agas of Serayevo had already conceived some suspicion of
Vidaitch, for they were themselves about to take possession of the
place. But Abdurahim anticipated them, and Vidaitch admitted him into
the fortress.'
A paramount advantage was gained by this. Abdurahim now felt strong
enough to speak in a decisive tone in the Bujurdi, in which he announced
his arrival.
'I send you from afar,' he therein said, 'O Mahomedans of Bosnia, the
greeting of the faith, and of brotherly union. I will not call to mind
your folly: I come to open your eyes to the light. I bring you the most
sacred commands of our most mighty Sultan, and expect you will obey
them. In that case I have power to forgive you all your errors; choose
now for yourselves. It rests with you to save or to lose your lives.
Reflect maturely, that you may have no cause to repent.'
This proclamation, which may be regarded as a model of terseness and
expressive earnestness, had a wonderful effect. Still Serayevo was not
gained without a struggle, confined however principally to the citizens
within its walls.
Upon gaining possession of the town, the new Vizier carried out to the
letter the judgements which he had pronounced against the contumacious.
All who were taken in arms were put to death without mercy, and it was
not until he had taken a bloody vengeance on his enemies that he
consented to make a triumphal entry into Serayevo.
During the feudal times, when the Sultan's authority was more nominal,
the Vizier was only permitted to remain a few hours in the capital,
whence he returned to his palace at Travnik; but Abdurahim deemed it
necessary to establish the seat of government in that very town, which
had ever been the focus of feudality and rebellion.
'Thus there was once more a master in Bosnia. No one ventured now to
mention the Janissaries. The uniforms arrived; the Kapetans were
obedient, and put them on. The whole land submitted to the new
regulations.'
Notwithstanding the high pressure system adopted by the Sultan, the
spirit of rebellion was still rife, and it manifested itself on the
first opportunity that occurred.
The Machiavellian policy of endeavouring to hold both the Servians and
Bosnians in check, by pitting the one against the other, was of doubtful
expediency; and, as the event proved, tended materially to weaken the
imperial cause by depriving it of the aid of the Bosnian irregulars, who
had acquired a name for reckless daring second to none. The outbreak of
the Russian war was the signal for another attempt to obtain the
independence of which Abdurahim had robbed them. At this juncture, too,
they displayed the mixture of violence and cunning, so essentially the
character of barbarous nations.
From every castle and town, the troops marched to the Eagle's Field,
Orlovopolie, close by Bielina, their appointed rendezvous. The Vizier
intended soon to repair thither with forces from Serayevo. Whilst
preparing to do so, it happened that the people of Visoko, an
unimportant place about six German miles from Serayevo, arrived before
that capital, instead of marching direct to Orlovopolie, as they should
have done. The Vizier sent out his Kiaia, and some of the principal
inhabitants of the city, to call them to account for the unauthorised
change in their line of march. A Kapidji Bashi, who had just arrived
from Constantinople, accompanied the mission, and gave it still more
importance; but it was unquestionably a concerted scheme amongst the
leading men of Visoko and Serayevo. Thousands of inhabitants had already
gone, many no doubt from mere curiosity--for it was Friday, a day on
which the Turks do not work--but others with a distinct purpose. When
the mission angrily demanded that the force should march off forthwith
to the appointed place, some poor inhabitants of Visoko stepped out of
the ranks and declared that, without money, they were not in a position
to proceed a step farther; that even only to equip themselves, and march
as far as they had already arrived, some of them had been obliged to
sell their children. The Kapidji Bashi and the Kiaia thought that such
language was not to be borne. Without hesitation, therefore, in
accordance with the principles of Turkish justice, they ordered their
followers to seize the speakers, to take them away, and behead them. The
order, however, was not so easy of execution. 'Help, true believers in
the Prophet!' exclaimed the men; 'help, and rescue us.' All seized their
weapons, the comrades of the prisoners as well as the inhabitants of
Serayevo, who were privy to the scheme, and those who were hurried along
by their example. The Kapidji Bashi and the Kiaia had not time to mount
their horses, but were obliged to run to the city on foot, with bullets
whistling after them. The furious armed multitude arrived there with
them. The Vizier's force, about two thousand strong, attempted for a
while to stem the torrent. They tried to stand their ground wherever
they found a position, such as a bridge, a mosque, or a house, but were
far too weak to maintain it. Only a small number had time to retire into
the fortress, where the Vizier was, and thence they fired with the few
cannon they had on the lower town. But the Bosnians, with their small
arms, did far more execution, singling out their enemies, and bringing
them down with sure aim. The fighting continued for three days. At last
Abdurahim found himself compelled to think of his own safety. The
Bosnians, who found themselves victorious, would gladly have refused him
leave to retire; but the older and more experienced among them,
satisfied with the success they had obtained, persuaded the young people
to let him go. On the fourth day, a Thursday in July 1828, Abdurahim
marched away. He took the road to Orlovopolie, being allowed to take
with him the cannons he had brought. There, however, he found that the
spirit of disaffection had gained such head, that nearly all the
soldiers, whom he had expected to find, had dispersed and gone to their
homes. He thereupon repaired to Travnik, and was shortly afterwards
replaced by another Vizier of milder temper.
The state of the empire now appeared more settled, both in its domestic
and foreign relations, the peace of Adrianople having at any rate saved
the capital from fear of an attack. What success the Sultan might have
had in his endeavours to consolidate his rule in Bosnia, we are unable
to judge; since he found an antagonist to every species of reform in
Mustapha Pacha of Scutari, commonly known as Scodra Pacha, the most
mischievous, as well as the most powerful, of all the provincial
magnates since the fall of Ali Pacha. Young, warlike, and of good
descent, he constituted himself the champion of hereditary privileges,
and as such virtually threw down the gauntlet to his imperial master.
Open rebellion, however, was not the plan which he proposed to himself
by which to attain the object dearest to his heart--the re-embodiment of
the Janissaries, and the establishment of the old order of things. To
this end he consented, in 1823, to make a demonstration against the
Greek rebels, but took very good care not to render too much service to
the cause which he espoused. Thus, too, when he marched in the autumn of
1828 to the vicinity of the Danube, at the head of an army of 25,000
irregulars, it was not with the intention of attacking the Russians, but
rather under the expectation that the necessities of the Sultan would
afford him an opportunity of procuring the re-establishment of those
'Prætorian guards of Turkey.' The arrogant pretensions of Scodra Pacha
were very strongly exemplified in the attitude which he assumed at the
close of the campaign of 1829. Having in the first instance shown much
dilatoriness in entering the field, he remained inactive near Widdin
during the latter part of 1828 and the commencement of 1829, when, by
operating in the rear of the Russians, he might have been most useful to
the Turkish Seraskier. The treaty of peace, however, had been signed,
and forwarded for ratification to Russia, when Scodra Pacha suddenly
electrified both parties by objecting to its terms, and announcing his
intention of continuing the war. He even marched to Philippopolis,
whence he sent a message that he would arrive at Adrianople within eight
days. This naturally caused Marshal Diebitsch some anxiety, since he was
unaware of the Pacha's real policy, and believed him to be sincere in
his protestations of vengeance against the invaders. A hasty summons was
therefore sent to General Geismar, who consequently crossed the Danube
at Rachova; and having turned, and subsequently forced, the Pass of
Anatcha in the Balkans, easily defeated the Pacha, who made but small
resistance. This and the approach of General Kisselef from Schumla put a
finishing stroke to hostilities, and Scodra returned home to brood over
the ill-success of his undertaking, and plan farther means of working
mischief to the hated Mahmoud.
The opportunity soon presented itself. Having succeeded in ridding
himself of some of the Albanian leaders, the Sultan applied himself with
vigour to the subjection of those in Bosnia who were adverse to his
rule. In 1830 he sent uniforms to Travnik, which the Vizier immediately
donned. This kindled the spark, and in the beginning of 1831 several
thousand insurgents, under the command of Hussein Kapetan, the 'Sonai od
Bosna,' or Dragon of Bosnia, attacked him in his fortress, and made him
prisoner. So great was the abhorrence professed for the adoption of
Christian clothing, that the unfortunate Vizier was compelled to perform
solemn ablutions and to recite Moslem prayers, in order to purify
himself from contamination. The standard of rebellion was now fairly
unfurled, and within a few weeks a force of 25,000 men had collected. At
the same time Mustapha Pacha, with 40,000 Albanians and others, made his
appearance on the scene of action. Without delay an advance was made _en
potence_, and it was confidently anticipated that Stamboul would fall
before the insurgent arms. But the Sultan possessed both a cunning and
able lieutenant in the Grand Vizier Redschid. This functionary contrived
to dispense bribes so judiciously among the inferior Albanian
chieftains, that they deserted en masse to the Turks, and thus rendered
it imperative on Mustapha to take refuge in his fortress at Scutari.
This he did in the anticipation of speedy relief by Hussein Kapetan and
the Bosnians, who, despite the dissuasion of the Servian Prince Milosch,
had already marched to the rescue. Hussein's answer to Milosch, as given
by Ranke, is very characteristic of the man: 'Take heed to thyself,' he
said; 'thou hast but little food before thee: I have overturned thy
bowl. I will have nothing to do with a Sultan with whom thou canst
intercede for me; I am ready to meet thee, always and anywhere; my sword
had smitten before thine was forged.' More modest and unpresuming was
the burden of the song which they are reported to have chanted on the
march:--
We march, brethren, to the plains of Kossovo,
Where our forefathers lost their renown and their faith.
There it may chance that we also may lose our renown and our faith;
Or that we shall maintain them, and return as victors to Bosnia.
Animated by principles which would have done credit to a Christian host,
these undisciplined Mussulmans easily overcame the Grand Vizier's army,
partly, it must be acknowledged, by the defection of the Albanians, who
had previously deserted the cause of Scodra Pacha. Had they now pushed
on, their independence would have been established; but, unfortunately,
what the Grand Vizier could not effect by force of arms he brought about
by guile. With great tact and cunning he sent emissaries to Hussein,
demanding to know the terms which they required. These were the
permission to remain in statu quo, with the appointment of Hussein as
Vizier. These conditions he was fain to grant, and so far worked upon
the Bosnians by private and official stratagem, that they commenced
their homeward march, leaving Scodra Pacha to his fate. Shortly
afterwards he was compelled to surrender. Individually his life was
spared, but his partisans did not meet with the same clemency. For the
truth of what I am about to relate I am unable to vouch, but can only
give it as it is recorded by the chroniclers of the events of those
times. Projectile machines are said to have been erected, and the
prisoners, being placed upon them, were flung against a wooden framework
studded with great iron hooks, and wherever the body of the unfortunate
victim was caught by them, there it hung until he perished by the
terrible, torturing, and protracted death.
The destruction of Scodra's power was a great feather in the cap of the
Grand Vizier, who now lost no time in undermining the authority of
Hussein. In this he was assisted by the imprudence of the latter, who
committed the error of admitting Ali Aga of Stolatz into his confidence,
a man who had always adhered to the Sultan, and was distrusted
accordingly by his compatriots. Universal as was the partisan warfare
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there was no chieftain who had supported the
brunt of so many onslaughts as Ali Aga. His castle at Stolatz, although
incapable of resisting the weapons employed in scientific warfare, was
impregnable in those times, and against such an enemy.
In addition to the distrust engendered by Hussein's intimacy with All,
the absence of any ratification by the Porte of the recent treaty of
peace tended to produce discord in the province. Taking advantage of
this, the Grand Vizier nominated a new Pacha, Kara Mahmoud, a creature
devoted to government interest. He invaded the country with 30,000 men,
and finally succeeded, in spite of a gallant resistance, in taking
Serayevo, the capital. The perseverance which he employed in a sinking
cause did credit to Hussein, who was nobly supported by the faithful and
brave Al Pacha Vidaitch, who had no less than eight horses killed under
him in the battle which took place before the walls of Serayevo.
Kara Mahmoud established himself there, and deposed in succession all
the Kapetans except Ali Aga of Stolatz, who had made his appearance at a
critical moment of the battle before Serayevo, and thus turned the
tables against his former friend, Hussein Pacha.
Having thus far succeeded in his undertaking, Redschid Pacha turned his
attention to Montenegro, which had been the source of chronic
heartburnings since 1804. The nature of the country, and the want of
organisation in the Turkish forces, however, once more enabled the
mountaineers successfully to repel the invaders. A more important
expedition against them was in contemplation, when the Egyptian war
broke out, and the services of the Grand Vizier and his army were
required to combat their former ally, Ibrahim Pacha. Previous to
quitting the country, the Grand Vizier promulgated an amnesty to all
those refugees who had fled into Austria, except Hussein Kapetan, Ali
Vidaitch, and Kruppa Kapetan. A firman was subsequently given,
permitting even these to return to Turkey, although interdicting their
residence in Bosnia. On arriving at Constantinople they received their
pardon, and Ali Vidaitch returned to Bosnia; Hussein's fate is more
uncertain. From that time until 1849 order prevailed in Bosnia,
although, as subsequent events proved, a rebellious spirit still existed
amongst the more important chieftains, with whom personal aggrandisement
took precedence of the interests of the Sultan, their sovereign.
[Footnote M: Krasinski.]