CHAPTER X.

Insurrection of Villagers--Attack Krustach--Three Villages

burnt--Christian Version--Account given by Dervisch

Pacha--Deputation headed by Pop Boydan--Repeated Outrages by

Rebels--Ali Pacha of Scutari--His want of Ability--Greek Chapels

sacked--Growth of Rebellion--Omer Pacha restored to

Favour--Despatched to the Herzegovina--Proclamation--Difficulties

to be encountered--Proposed Interview between Omer Pacha and Prince

of Montenegro--Evaded by the Prince--Omer Pacha returns to

Mostar--Preparations for Campaign.

We now arrive at that period when rebellion actually broke out among the

Christians of the Herzegovina, and when things, in short, assumed the

aspect which they now wear.

Before entering upon any account of the various risings which have

occurred, I would remark that much blame attaches itself to the Porte,

not only because of long years of misgovernment, but also on account of

the supineness shown by its officials, who, in the presence of the most

positive proofs to the contrary, treated the idea of a rising with

supercilious disregard. Frequently whole villages came in to declare

that they should be compelled to rise, unless they received protection

and support. This was of course promised liberally, but the promises

were never redeemed, and so they were driven to rebellion against their

will, as a means of safety from the fanatical fury of their lawless

co-religionists.

After two years of indecisive skirmishing, in which the Turks, always

exposed in small parties, generally fared the worst, the Ottoman

government appeared to awake to the necessity for pursuing more

energetic measures. This resolution was hastened by the revolt of the

villagers of Yassenik, Lipneh, Garevo, Kazantzi, Doulatchi, Vralkovitch,

Golia, Krustach, Beronschitzi, Yenevitza, Danitzi, and others in the

neighbourhood of Gasko, who joined bands of Uskoks, with whom and the

Montenegrins they attacked the blockhouse of Krustach. As a punishment,

three of these were burnt by the Turkish troops. The version of the

affair given by the opposing parties varies considerably, as may be

supposed. The Christians affirm that, after repeated acts of aggression

on the part of the Bashi Bazouks, they took refuge in the mountains, but

returned thence on being promised protection. That they were one day

astonished by perceiving the heights covered with soldiers, who entered

and sacked the village of Beronschitzi. No blood was shed, but the six

sons of one Simon Gregorovitch were taken before Ali Pacha, who ordered

them to instant execution. The seventh son is reported to have been

taken to Metokhia, where, after being tortured, he was executed. The

people escaped from Yassenik and Yenevitza, but in the former two women

are said to have been killed and thrown into the flames of the burning

houses.

The whole of these villagers affirm that their only crime consisted in

having united with other villagers in posting videttes, to give warning

of the approach of Bashi Bazouks and Uskoks.

This somewhat improbable story is denied by Dervisch Pacha, who gives

the following account of the matter:--The occupants of twenty-one

different villages revolted in the spring of 1859, and interrupted the

communications between Gasko and Niksich and Grasko and Mostar. They

then attacked those villages occupied by Mussulmans in the plain of

Gasko, and made raids into the district of Stolatz, from which they

carried off 6,000 head of cattle, the property of the Roman Catholics of

that district. They further compelled many Christians to join in the

revolt, who would otherwise have remained quiet. Dervisch Pacha

therefore sent Ali Riza Pacha, a General of Brigade, to restore order.

He, after taking and garrisoning Krustach, advised the rebels to send

deputies, to show the nature of the grievances of which they complained.

These were sent accordingly, headed by one Pop Boydan, a priest, and a

leading mover of the insurrection; but in place of lodging any

complaints, the delegates appeared rather in the light of suppliants

demanding pardon and favour. Meanwhile the villagers returned, but not

to live peaceably--merely with the view of getting in their crops.

While the deputation, however, was at Nevresign, the villages of Lipneh,

Samabor, Yassenik, Yenevitza, and Beronschitzi revolted again, and cut

off the communications between Gasko, Krustach, and Niksich. They also

posted guards along a line of frontier, which they said that no Turk

should pass. When called to account by Dervisch Pacha for this breach of

faith, the deputies replied that the Christians acted through fear,

which feeling was taken advantage of by a few evil-disposed persons for

their own ends. They, however, undertook to pacify them, and wrote a

letter professedly with that object, but without effect. The disorder

increased, and numerous outrages were committed. Seven soldiers were

murdered whilst cutting wood about four miles from Metokhia; Ali Pacha's

aide-de-camp and five soldiers were cut to pieces between

Niksich and Krustach, and seven other Mussulmans were killed. Still the

Turks hesitated to act with severity. They appealed again to the

deputies, who wrote another letter, which, as the bearers of it

affirmed, only enraged the rebels, who tore it, and trod it under foot.

But this affords little proof of the intensity of their feelings, as it

has since transpired that an arrangement had been made by the deputies

that all letters written voluntarily and in sincerity should bear a

private mark; and the letter in question was not so distinguished. Upon

the discovery of their treachery the deputies were imprisoned, and

energetic measures at once resolved upon. To give these effect, Ali

Pacha advanced at the head of a small force, and summoned the rebels to

surrender. They replied by firing on the advanced guard. The three

villages were then taken, and five men and two women killed, while a few

prisoners were made. These last were released, but one died in prison.

Such is the story told of the affair by Dervisch Pacha.

It does not appear that Ali Pacha acquired any great credit by his

method of conducting the operations. Quitting a strong position in the

afternoon, he arrived at the villages to be attacked after nightfall.

Having fired them, he was compelled to make a precipitate retreat, which

might have been most disastrous, had he been opposed to an enterprising

enemy.

With reference to the discrepancy manifested in the two accounts, we may

feel assured that both are highly coloured. But the deception resorted

to by the rebels, and the simple explanation given by the Turkish

officials, would tend to impart to their story the greater appearance of

truth. Had the Turks, moreover, wished to avenge the deaths of their

soldiers, or to vent their hatred of the Christians, they would have

maltreated the people of the first villages at which they arrived, in

place of marching seven miles through a difficult country to the borders

of a district which had for two years defied their efforts at reduction.

The implication of the villagers in the numerous murders which had

occurred was proved by the discovery of some of the Turkish bayonets at

Beronschitzi, while they actually made an offer to restore the property

of the murdered aide-de-camp, provided a reward was paid for them. They

even sent a list of the effects to Ali Pacha, with the sum which they

demanded for the restoration of each article.

I venture to give these details even at the risk of incurring the charge

of too great prolixity, as hitherto a one-sided account only has been

given to the world. Every channel of information, whether it be the

telegraph from Ragusa or the Slavonic press, does its best to mislead

the general public, by exciting sympathy for the Christians, as unjust

as it is undeserved. Even in the affair in question much stir was made

by the Slavish newspapers about the death of seven Christians, while, as

Dervisch Pacha very fairly complained, no notice was taken of the murder

of thirty-seven Mussulmans during the same period.

Another event, which afforded a handle for the ill-wishers of Turkey,

was the pillage of the four Greek chapels of Samabor, Dobrolie,

Kazantzi, and Grachantzi. This occurred in July 1859, and the case was

investigated by the Russian Consul at Mostar, who imputed the act to

Turkish soldiers, producing in evidence the fact of a sergeant having in

his possession a kind of church vestment. The sergeant, however, did not

attempt to conceal the vestment, and accounted for his possession of it

in a manner which was deemed satisfactory by the British and other

Consuls.

It was more probably done by Uskoks, who gutted a chapel near Nevresign

a few years before, or by the rebels themselves, at the instigation of

others, for the purpose of bringing odium upon the Turks in the eyes of

Europe.

By these and other no less unworthy means was the agitation fostered

throughout the province, until the whole frontier became denuded of

Mussulman inhabitants, who were compelled to take shelter in Klobuk,

Niksich, and other places capable of some sort of defence.

By the spring of 1861 affairs had assumed so serious an aspect, that

even the Porte could not but awake to the danger which threatened that

portion of the empire, and to the necessity for immediate and strenuous

measures. This danger lay not so much in the aggressive power of the

rebels themselves, as in the ulterior results which it was calculated to

produce.

It required little foresight to understand that the movement was

destined to be the germ of a general insurrection of the Slavonic

Christians of Turkey, which would lead to the partial or entire

dismemberment of her European provinces.

In this dilemma the Sultan's government bethought them of appealing to

the only man in the empire who was capable of grappling with the

difficulty. Omer Pacha was taken once more into favour, and was

despatched to the scene of discord. A Slave by birth, but tied to the

interests of his imperial master by the devotion of a lifetime, no more

fitting choice could have been made. With alacrity he proceeded on his

mission--a mission which required both courage and address, energy and

endurance.

He commenced his task by issuing the following proclamation, in which he

called upon all to return to their allegiance, in full assurance that it

was the intention of the Sultan to carry out the reforms which had been

guaranteed by the Hatti Humayoun of 1855.

'What this proclamation is I let you all know.

'His Majesty the Sultan has appointed me the chief of his armies in

the Roumelian provinces, and has sent me here to carry out in this

mission all the just privileges, which have not hitherto been

fulfilled. In obedience to the commands of the Sultan, I have come

here to show to you how kind and good are the intentions of our

sovereign to his subjects, and to announce without distinction to

Mussulmans, Greeks, and Catholics together, the following

decrees:--

'1st. Every village has the power to name one or two chiefs as

representatives, whom I will acknowledge.

'2nd. Every district has the power to name one or two

representatives whomsoever the people of the district may choose.

'3rd. The Christians shall have full religious liberties, and shall

be permitted to build churches and place bells therein, like all

the rest of the subjects in the empire.

'4th. The Zaptiehs (police) shall not be permitted to locate

themselves in your houses, but an appointed place shall be set

apart for them in every village.

'5th. The arrangement which has been made at Constantinople

touching landowners and the agriculturists, and to which both

parties have assented, shall immediately be put into execution.

'6th. The taxes shall be collected by your own chiefs, and

consigned by them to the officers sent by our Sultan to receive

them.

'7th. I will further recommend to the Greek Patriarch at

Constantinople that a Bishop of your own nation should be

nominated, who knows your language and customs.

'8th. I will take such measures as shall secure you the right of

purchasing landed property.

'When this proclamation shall have been promulgated to you, and

you should still have some farther favour to ask at my hands, you

may do so in writing, or by word of mouth. All that is possible for

your welfare I will endeavour to fulfill.

'Furthermore, it is your bounden duty to submit yourselves to your

sovereign, and to show humility to him.

'From the Divan Marshal &c. &c. &c. &c.

--at Mostar.

'When you shall have heard what I have promised, see that everyone

know of it, and what is necessary to execute let me know, and it

shall be fulfilled.'

This proclamation, was disseminated in all the Nahias (districts),

towns, and villages, and in many instances produced a favourable result.

But it could not be expected that these assurances, even though they

should have reached them, could have made much impression on a set of

lawless brigands, who loved plunder for plunder's sake, and who were

supported both morally and practically by the agents of civilised

European powers.

Having allowed a sufficient time to elapse for all to make their

submission, it now remained to employ force where it was requisite. But

the difficulties which Omer Pacha had to encounter were prodigious. An

unprecedented drought rendered an unusually sterile country more

incapable than ever of sustaining life, while the period which

generally elapses between the autumn rains and the killing frosts of

winter, renders the time available for military operations short and

uncertain. Add to this, the total want of provisions, stores, and other

necessaries, which his predecessors had neglected to procure, and an

empty treasury, and we may not be surprised that his mission is as yet

uncompleted. But another and still greater difficulty presented itself

to him. This related to the attitude which he should assume towards

Montenegro.

The shortest and most efficient line to pursue, in order to arrive at

the root of the evil, would have been to have invaded and subjugated

that province. But even had he felt confident of his power to effect it,

he remembered too well the lesson of former years, when his successful

advance was checked by political interference. There was little reason

to suppose that the same power, which then intervened, would allow him

greater latitude in the present instance. The idea, therefore, was

discarded, and endeavours were made to bring about a pacific

understanding, which should result in the re-establishment of order. A

meeting between Omar Pacha and the Prince of Montenegro was consequently

agreed upon at a point close to the Lake of Scutari. Omer Pacha,

accompanied by the European commission, travelled to the spot. All

appeared to be going well. Though nothing definite was ever

promulgated, there is good reason to believe that the Turkish

Plenipotentiary would have offered the most advantageous terms to the

Prince, including an accession of territory to the NW. and W., and the

possession of Spizza, a seaport, had the meeting taken place. But at the

last moment the Prince evaded his share of the arrangement, on the

shallow excuse that his people would not permit him to cross his own

frontier. He well knew that the Sultan's representative would not demean

himself by pandering to the caprices of one by rights a subject, and

that the only way in which Omer Pacha would ever pass into Montenegro

would be at the head of his soldiers.

In vain did the European Commissioners try to change his decision. In

vain they asserted the sincerity of the Sultan, and the safety with

which he might fulfill his agreement. They could only elicit a surly,

'Faites comprendre ces gens-là.' The indignant 'C'est assez, Monsieur,'

of the French Commissioner brought the interview to an abrupt

conclusion. The rejection, for such it must be deemed, of the Turkish

overtures, together with the boast which escaped the Prince, that he

could pacify the frontier in fourteen days, are quite sufficient proofs

of his implication in the disturbances, and would fully justify the

Turks, were they to sweep this nest of hornets from the face of the

earth.

Unfortunately, the principle of non-intervention between a sovereign and

his subjects is a chimera, refuted as it has so signally been by the

very author of the principle.

The Commissioners now saw that nothing more could be done save by force

of arms, and were dissolved accordingly.

Omer Pacha returned to Mostar to continue his preparations for carrying

on hostilities, not against the Montenegrins, but against the rebellious

Christians on the Turkish side of the frontier.

Herzegovina; Or, Omer Pacha and the Christian Rebels · 第 10 / 17 章