ships to pursue Antony and Cleopatra; so these followed in their wake,
but as it seemed impossible to overtake the fugitives they returned. With
his remaining vessels he took the enemy's ramparts, where no one opposed
him because of small numbers, and then overtook and without a battle got
possession of the other army which was retreating into Macedonia. Various
important contingents had already made their escape, the Romans to Antony
and the rest of the allies to their homes. The latter moreover evinced
no further hostility to Caesar, but both they and all the peoples who had
formerly belonged to Rome remained quiet, and some at once and others
later made terms. Caesar now proceeded to teach the cities a lesson
by levying money and taking away the remnant of authority over their
citizens that they possessed in their assemblies. From all the potentates
and kings, save Amyntas and Archelaus, he took all the lands that they
had received from Antony. Philopator son of Tarcondimotus, Lycomedes
ruler in a portion of Cappadocian Pontus, and Alexander the brother of
Iamblichus he even removed from their principalities. The last named,
because he had secured his appointment as a reward for accusing the
conqueror, he placed in his triumphal procession and afterward killed.
The kingdom of Lycomedes he gave to one Medeus, because the latter had
previous to the naval engagement detached the Mysians in Asia from Antony
and with them had waged war upon such as followed Antony's fortunes. The
people of Cydonea and Lampea he set free, because they had rendered him
some assistance, and he helped the Lampeans found anew their city, from
which they had been uprooted. As for the senators and knights and other
prominent men who had been active in Antony's cause, he imposed fines
upon many of them, executed many of them, and some he spared entirely.
Among the last Sosius was a distinguished example: for though he had
often fought against Caesar and now fled and hid himself, but was
subsequently discovered, his life was nevertheless preserved. Likewise
one Marcus Scaurus, a half-brother of Sextus on the mother's side, had
been condemned to death, but was later released for the sake of his
mother Mucia. Of those who underwent the extreme punishment the Aquilii
Flori and Curio were the most noted. The latter met death because he was
a son of the former Curio who had once been of great assistance to the
former Caesar. And the Flori both perished because Octavius commanded that
one of them should draw the lot to be slain. They were father and
son, and when the latter, before any drawing took place, voluntarily
surrendered himself to the executioner the former felt such great grief
that he died also by his own hand.
[-3-] This, then, was the end of these persons. The mass of Antony's
soldiers was included in the ranks of Caesar's legions and later he sent
back to Italy the citizens over age of both forces, without giving any
of them anything, and the remainder he disbanded. They had shown an ugly
temper toward him in Sicily after the victory, and he feared they might
create a disturbance again. Hence he hastened before the least signs of
an uprising were manifested to discharge some entirely from the service
under arms and to scatter the great majority of the rest. As he was even
at this time suspicious of the freedmen, he remitted their one-quarter
contribution[68] which they were still owing of the money assessed upon
them. And they no longer bore him any malice for deprivations they had
endured, but rejoiced as if they had received as a gift what they had
not been obliged to contribute. The men still left in the rank and file
showed no disposition to rebel, partly because they were held in check
by their commanding officers, but mostly through hopes of the wealth of
Egypt. The men, however, who had helped Caesar to gain the victory and had
been dismissed from the service, were irritated at having obtained no
meed of valor, and not much later they began a revolutionary movement.
Caesar was suspicious of them, and fearing that they might despise
Maecenas, to whom at that time Rome and the remainder of Italy had been
entrusted, because he was a knight, he sent Agrippa to Italy as if on
some routine business. He also gave to Agrippa and to Maecenas so great
authority over everything that they might read beforehand the letters
which he often wrote to the senate and to various officials, and then
change whatever they wished in them. Therefore they received also from
him a ring, so that they should have the means of sealing the epistles.
He had had the seal which he used most at that time made double, with a
sphinx raised on both sides alike. Subsequently he had his own image made
in _intaglio_, and sealed everything with that. Later emperors likewise
employed it, except Galba. The latter gave his sanction with an ancestral
device which showed a dog bending forward from the prow of a ship. The
way that Octavius wrote both to these two magistrates and to the rest of
his intimate friends whenever there was need of forwarding information to
them secretly was to write in place of the proper letter in each word the
second one following.
[-4-] Octavius, with the idea that there would be no more danger from the
veterans, administered affairs in Greece and took part in the Mysteries
of the two goddesses. He then went over into Asia and settled matters
there, all the time keeping a sharp lookout for Antony's movements. For
he had not yet received any definite information regarding the course his
rival had followed in his escape, and so he kept making preparations
to proceed against him, if he should find out exactly. Meantime the
ex-soldiers made an open demonstration, because he was so far separated
from them, and he began to fear that if they got a leader they might do
some damage.
[B.C. 30 (_a. u._ 724)]
Consequently he assigned to others the task of searching for Antony, and
hurried to Italy himself, in the middle of the winter of the year that he
was holding office for the fourth time, with Marcus Crassus. The latter,
in spite of having been attached to the cause of Sextus and of Antony,
was then his fellow consul without having even passed through the
praetorship. Caesar came, then, to Brundusium but progressed no farther.
The senate on ascertaining that his boat was Hearing Italy went there
to meet him, save the tribunes and two praetors, who by decree stayed at
home; and the class of knights as well as the majority of the people
and still others, some represented by embassy and many as voluntary
followers, came together there, so that there was no further sign of
rebellion on the part of any one, so brilliant was his arrival, and so
enthusiastic over him were the masses. They, too, some through fear,
others through hopes, others obeying a summons, had come to Brundusium.
To certain of them Caesar gave money, but to the rest who had been the
constant companions of his campaigns, he assigned land also. By turning
the townspeople in Italy who had sided with Antony out of their homes he
was able to grant to his soldiers their cities and their farms. To most
of the outcasts from the settlements he granted permission in turn to
dwell in Dyrrachium, Philippi, and elsewhere. To the remainder he either
distributed or promised money for their land. Though he had now acquired
great sums by his victory, he was spending still more. For this reason
he advertised in the public market his own possessions and those of his
companions, in order that any one who desired to buy or claim any of them
might do so. Nothing was sold, however, and nothing repaid. Who, pray,
would have dared to undertake to do either? But he secured by this means
a reasonable excuse for a delay in carrying out his offers, and later he
discharged the debt out of the spoils of the Egyptians.
[-5-] He settled this and the rest of the urgent business, and gave to
such as had received a kind of semi-amnesty the right to live in Italy,
not before permitted. After this he forgave the populace left behind
in Rome for not having come to him, and on the thirtieth day after his
arrival set sail again for Greece. In the midst of winter he dragged his
ships across the isthmus of the Peloponnesus and got back to Asia
so quickly that Antony and Cleopatra received each piece of news
simultaneously,--that he had departed and that he had returned. They,
on fleeing from the naval battle, had gone as far as the Peloponnesus
together. From there they sent away some of their associates,--all, in
fact, whom they suspected,--while many withdrew against their will, and
Cleopatra hastened to Egypt, for fear that her subjects might perhaps
revolt, if they heard of the disaster before her coming. In order to
make her approach safe, at any rate, she crowned her prows, as a sign
of conquest, with garlands, and had some songs of victory sung by
flute-players. When she reached safety, she murdered many of the foremost
men, who had ever been restless under her rule and were now in a state
of excitement at her disaster. From their estates and from various
repositories hallowed and sacred she gathered a vast store of wealth,
sparing not even the most revered of consecrated treasures. She fitted
out her forces and looked about for possible alliances. The Armenian king
she killed and sent his head to the Median, who might be influenced by
this act, she thought, to aid them. As for Antony, he sailed to Pinarius
Scarpus in Libya, and to the army previously collected under him there
for the protection of Egypt. This general, however, would[69] not receive
him and also slew the first men that Antony sent, besides destroying some
of the soldiers under his command who showed displeasure at this act.
Then Antony, too, proceeded to Alexandria, having accomplished nothing.
[-6-] Now among the other preparations that they made for speedy warfare
they enrolled among the ephebi their sons, Cleopatra Caesarion and Antony
Antyllus, who was borne to him by Fulvia and was then with him. Their
purpose was to arouse interest among the Egyptians, who would feel that
they already had a man for king, and that the rest might recognize these
children as their lords, in case any untoward accident should happen to
the parents, and so continue the struggle. This proved the lads' undoing.
For Caesar, on the ground that they were men and held a certain form
of sovereignty, spared neither of them. But to return: the two were
preparing to wage war in Egypt with ships and infantry, and to this end
they called also upon the neighboring tribes and the kings that were
friendly to them. Nor did they relax their readiness also to sail to
Spain, if there should be urgent need, believing that they could alienate
the inhabitants of that land by their money if nothing more, and again
they thought of transferring the seat of the conflict to the Red Sea. To
the end that while engaged in these plans they might escape observation
for the longest possible time or deceive Caesar in some way or slay him by
treachery, they despatched men who carried letters to him in regard to
peace, but money for his followers. Meantime, also, unknown to Antony,
Cleopatra sent to him a golden scepter and a golden crown and the royal
throne, through which she signified that she delivered the government
to him. He might hate Antony, if he would only take pity on her. Caesar
accepted the gifts as a good omen, but made no answer to Antony. To
Cleopatra he forwarded publicly threatening messages and an announcement
that if she would renounce the use of arms and her sovereignty, he would
deliberate what ought to be done in her case. Secretly he sent word that,
if she would kill Antony, he would grant her pardon and leave her empire
unmolested.
[-7-] While these negotiations were going on, the Arabians, influenced by
Quintus Didius, the governor of Syria, burned the ships which had been
built in the Arabian Gulf for the voyage to the Red Sea, and all the
peoples and the potentates refused their assistance. And it occurs to me
to wonder that many others also, though they had received many gifts from
Antony and Cleopatra, now left them in the lurch. The men, however, of
lowest rank who were being supported for gladiatorial combats showed
the utmost zeal in their behalf and contended most bravely. These were
practicing in Cyzicus for the triumphal games which they were expecting
to hold in honor of Caesar's overthrow, and as soon as they were made
aware of what had taken place, they set out for Egypt with the intention
of aiding their superiors. Many were their contests with Amyntas in Gaul,
and many with the children of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who had been
their strongest friends but now in view of the changed circumstances
had gone over to the other side; and many were their struggles against
Didius, who hindered them while passing through. They proved unable,
after all, to make their way to Egypt. Yet even when they had been
encompassed on all sides, not even then would they accept any terms of
surrender, though Didius made them many promises. They sent for Antony,
feeling that they could fight with him better in Syria: then, when he
neither came himself nor sent them any message, they decided that he had
perished, and reluctantly made terms with the condition that they should
never take part in a gladiatorial show. They received from Didius Daphne,
the suburb of Antioch, to dwell in, until the matter was called to
Caesar's attention. Then they were tricked (somewhat later) by Messala and
were sent in different directions under the pretext that they were to be
enlisted in different legions and were in some convenient way destroyed.
[-8-] When Antony and Cleopatra heard from the envoys the commands which
Caesar issued regarding them, they sent to him again. The queen promised
that she would give him large amounts of money. Antony reminded him of
their friendship and kinship, and also made a defence of his association
with the Egyptian woman; he enumerated the occasions on which they had
helped each other gain the objects of their loves,[70] and all the wanton
pranks in which they two had shared as young men. Finally he surrendered
to him Publius Turullius, a senator, who had been an assassin of Caesar,
but was then living with him as a friend. He actually offered to commit
suicide, if in that way Cleopatra might be saved. Caesar put Turullius
to death; it happened that this man had cut wood for the fleet from the
forest of Asclepius in Cos, and by his punishment in the same place he
was thought to have paid the penalty to the god. But to Antony Caesar did
not even then answer a word. The latter consequently despatched a third
embassy, sending him his son Antyllus with considerable gold coin. His
rival accepted the money, but sent the boy back empty-handed and gave him
no answer. To Cleopatra, however, as the first time so the second and the
third time he sent many threats and promises alike. Yet he was afraid,
even so, that they might despair of in any way obtaining pardon from him
and so hold out, and that they would survive by their own efforts, or set
sail for Spain and Gaul, or destroy the money, the bulk of which he
heard was immense. Cleopatra had gathered it all in the monument she was
constructing in the palace; and she threatened to burn all of it with
her, in case she should miss the smallest of her demands. Octavius sent
therefore Thyrsus, a freedman of his, to speak to her kindly in every way
and to tell her further that it so happened that he was in love with her.
He hoped at least by this means, since she thought she had the power to
arouse passion in all mankind, that he might remove Antony from the scene
and keep her and her money intact. And so it proved.
[-9-] Before quite all this had occurred Antony learned that Cornelius
Gallus had taken charge of Scarpus's army and with the men had suddenly
marched upon Paxaetonium and occupied it. Hence, though he wished to set
out and follow the summons of the gladiators, he did not go into Syria.
He proceeded against Gallus, believing that he could certainly win over
his soldiers without effort; they had been with him on campaigns and were
well disposed. At any rate he could subdue them by main strength, since
he was leading a large force both of ships and of infantry upon them.
However, he found himself unable even to hold converse with them,
although he approached their wall and shouted and hallooed. For Gallus by
ordering his trumpeters to sound their instruments all together gave no
one a chance to hear a word. Antony further failed in a sudden assault
and subsequently met a reverse with his ships. Gallus by night had chains
stretched across the mouth of the harbor under water and took no open
measures to guard against them but quite disdainfully allowed them to
sail freely in. When, however, they were inside, he drew up the chains by
means of machines and encompassing his opponent's ships on all sides,--on
land, from the houses, and on the sea,--he burned some and sank others.
The next event was that Caesar took Pelusium, pretendedly by storm, but
really betrayed by Cleopatra. She saw that no one came to her aid and
perceived that Caesar was not to be withstood; most important of all,
she heard the message sent to her by Thyrsus, and believed that she was
really the object of affection. Her confidence was strengthened first
of all by her wish that it be true, and second by the fact that she had
enslaved his father and Antony alike. As a result she expected that she
should gain not only forgiveness and sovereignty over the Egyptians, but
empire over the Romans as well. At once she yielded Pelusium to him.
After this, when he marched against the city, she secretly prevented the
Alexandrians from making a sortie, though she pretended to urge them
strongly to do so.
[-10-] At the news about Pelusium Antony returned from Paraetonium and in
front of Alexandria met Caesar, who was exhausted from travel; he joined
battle with him, therefore, with his cavalry and was victorious. From
this success Antony gained courage, as also from his being able to shoot
arrows into his rival's camp carrying pamphlets which promised the men
fifteen hundred denarii; so he attacked also with his infantry and was
defeated. Caesar himself voluntarily read the pamphlets to his soldiers,
reproaching Antony the while, and led them to feel ashamed of treachery
and to acquire enthusiasm in his behalf. They gained by this in zeal,
both through indignation at being tempted and through their attempt to
show that they would not willingly gain a reputation for baseness. Antony
after his unexpected setback took refuge in his fleet and prepared to
have a combat on the water, or in any case to sail to Spain. Cleopatra
seeing this caused the ships to desert and she herself rushed suddenly
into the mausoleum pretending that she feared Caesar and desired by some
means to destroy herself before capture, but really as an invitation to
Antony to enter there also. He had an inkling that he was being betrayed,
but his infatuation would not allow him to believe it, and, as one might
say, he pitied her more than himself. Cleopatra was fully aware of this
and hoped that if he should be informed that she was dead, he would not
prolong his life but meet death at once. Accordingly, she hastened into
the monument with one eunuch and two female attendants and from there
sent a message to him to the effect that she had passed away. When he
heard it, he did not delay, but was seized with a desire to follow her in
death. Then first he asked one of the bystanders to slay him, but the
man drew a sword and despatched himself. Wishing to imitate his courage
Antony gave himself a wound and fell upon his face, causing the
bystanders to think that he was dead. An outcry was raised at his deed,
and Cleopatra hearing it leaned out over the top of the monument. By a
certain contrivance its doors once closed could not be opened again, but
above, near the ceiling, it had not yet been completed. That was where
they saw her leaning out and some began to utter shouts that reached the
ears of Antony. He, learning that she survived, stood up as if he had
still the power to live; but a great gush of blood from his wound made
him despair of rescue and he besought those present to carry him to the
monument and to hoist him by the ropes that were hanging there to elevate
stone blocks. This was done and he died there on Cleopatra's bosom.
[-11-] She now began to feel confidence in Caesar and immediately made him
aware of what had taken place, but did not feel altogether confident
that she would experience no harm. Hence she kept herself within the
structure, in order that if there should be no other motive for her
preservation, she might at least purchase pardon and her sovereignty
through fear about her money. Even then in such depths of calamity she
remembered that she was queen, and chose rather to die with the name and
dignities of a sovereign than to live as an ordinary person. It should
be stated that she kept fire on hand to use upon her money and asps and
other reptiles to use upon herself, and that she had tried the latter
on human beings to see in what way they killed in each case. Caesar was
anxious to make himself master of her treasures, to seize her alive, and
to take her back for his triumph. However, as he had given her a kind
of pledge, he did not wish to appear to have acted personally as an
impostor, since this would prevent him from treating her as a captive and
to a certain extent subdued against her will. He therefore sent to her
Gaius Proculeius, a knight, and Epaphroditus, a freedman, giving them
directions what they must say and do. So they obtained an audience with
Cleopatra and after some accusations of a mild type suddenly laid hold
of her before any decision was reached. Then they put out of her way
everything by which she could bring death upon herself and allowed her
to spend some days where she was, since the embalming of Antony's body
claimed her attention. After that they took her to the palace, but did
not remove any of her accustomed retinue or attendants, to the end that
she should still more hope to accomplish her wishes and do no harm to
herself. When she expressed a desire to appear before Caesar and converse
with him, it was granted; and to beguile her still more, he promised that
he would come to her himself.
[-12-] She accordingly prepared a luxurious apartment and costly couch,
and adorned herself further in a kind of careless fashion,--for her
mourning garb mightily became her,--and seated herself upon the couch;
beside her she had placed many images of his father, of all sorts, and in
her bosom she had put all the letters that his father had sent her. When,
after this, Caesar entered, she hastily arose, blushing, and said: "Hail,
master, Heaven has given joy to you and taken it from me. But you see
with your own eyes your father in the guise in which he often visited me,
and you may hear how he honored me in various ways and made me queen of
the Egyptians. That you may learn what were his own words about me, take
and read the missives which he sent me with his own hand."
As she spoke thus, she read aloud many endearing expressions of his. And
now she would lament and caress the letters and again fall before his
images and do them reverence. She kept turning her eyes toward Caesar, and
melodiously continued to bewail her fate. She spoke in melting tones,
saying at one time, "Of what avail, Caesar, are these your letters? ," and
at another, "But in the man before me you also are alive for me." Then
again, "Would that I had died before you! ," and still again, "But if I
have him, I have you!"
Some such diversity both of words and of gestures did she employ, at the
same time gazing at and murmuring to him sweetly. Caesar comprehended her
outbreak of passion and appeal for sympathy. Yet he did not pretend to do
so, but letting his eyes rest upon the ground, he said only this: "Be of
cheer, woman, and keep a good heart, for no harm shall befall you." She
was distressed that he would neither look at her nor breathe a word about
the kingdom or any sigh of love, and fell at his knees wailing: "Life for
me, Caesar, is neither desirable nor possible. This favor I beseech of you
in memory of your father,--that since Heaven gave me to Antony after him,
I may also die with my lord. Would that I had perished on the very instant
after Caesar's death! But since this present fate was my destiny, send me
to Antony: grudge me not burial with him, that as I die because of him, so
in Hades also I may dwell with him."