from hearsay and from what I have tested by experience, that the most and
greatest military enterprises, or, indeed, I might say human affairs in
general, turn out in favor of those persons who both think and act in a
more just and pious manner, I am keeping this strictly in mind myself and
I advise you to consider it. No matter how numerous and mighty the force
we possess, no matter if it be such that even a man who chose the less
just of two courses might expect to win with its aid, nevertheless I base
my confidence far more upon the causes underlying the war than upon this
factor. For that we who are Romans and lords of the greatest and best
portion of the world should be despised and trodden under foot of an
Egyptian woman is unworthy of our fathers who overthrew Pyrrhus, Philip,
Perseus, Antiochus, who uprooted the Numantini and the Carthaginians, who
cut down the Cimbri and the Ambrones; it is unworthy also of ourselves
who have subjugated the Gauls, have subdued the Pannonians, have advanced
as far as the Ister, have crossed the Rhine, have gone over into Britain.
How could all those who have had a hand in the exploits mentioned fail
to grieve vehemently, if they should learn that we had succumbed to an
accursed woman? Should we not be guilty of a gross deviation from right
conduct, if, after surpassing all men everywhere in valor, we should then
bear humbly the insults of this throng, who, O Hercules, are Alexandrians
and Egyptians (what worse or what truer name could one apply to them?),
who serve reptiles and other creatures as gods, who embalm their bodies
to secure a reputation for immortality, who are most reckless in
braggadocio but most deficient in bravery, and worst of all are slaves
to a woman instead of a man? Yet these have dared to lay claim to our
possessions and to acquire them through us, evidently expecting that we
will give up the prosperity which we possess for them. [-25-] Who can
help lamenting to see Roman soldiers acting as body-guards of their
queen? Who can help groaning when he hears Roman knights and senators
flattering her like eunuchs? Who can help weeping when he both hears and
sees Antony himself, the man twice consul, often imperator, to whom was
committed in common with me the superintendence of the public business,
who was entrusted with so many cities, so many legions,--when he sees
that this man has now abandoned all his ancestors' habits of life, has
emulated all alien and barbaric customs, that he pays no honor to us or
to the laws or to his fathers' gods, but worships that wench as if she
were some Isis or Selene, calling her children Sun and Moon, and finally
himself bearing the title of Osiris and Dionysus, in consequence of which
he has bestowed entire islands and some of the continents, as though he
were master of the whole earth and the whole sea? I am sure that this
appears marvelous and incredible to you, fellow-soldiers: therefore you
ought to be the more indignant. For if that is actually so which you do
not even believe on hearing it, and if that man in his voluptuary career
commits acts at which any one who learns of them must grieve, would you
not properly become exceedingly enraged?
[-26-] "Yet at the start I was so devoted to him that I gave him a share
of my leadership, married my sister to him, and granted him legions. Even
after this I felt so kindly, so affectionately toward him that I was
unwilling to wage war on him because of his insulting my sister, or
because he neglected the children she had borne him, or because he
preferred the Egyptian woman to her, or because he bestowed upon the
former's children practically all your possessions, or, in fine, for any
other reason. The cause is that, first of all, I did not think it proper
to assume the same attitude toward Antony as toward Cleopatra. I deemed
her by the very fact of her foreign birth to be at the outset hostile to
his career, but I believed that he, as a citizen, could be corrected.
Later I entertained the hope that if not voluntarily at least reluctantly
he might change his mind as a result of the decrees passed against her.
Consequently I did not declare war upon him. He, however, has looked
haughtily and disdainfully upon my efforts and will neither be released,
though we would fain release him, nor be pitied though we try to pity
him. He is either unreasonable or mad,--and this which I have heard I
do believe, that he has been bewitched by that accursed female,--and
therefore pays no heed to our kindness or humaneness, but being in
slavery to that woman he undertakes in her behalf both war and needless
dangers which are both against our interests and against those of his
country. What else, then, is our duty except to fight him back together
with Cleopatra? [-27-]Hence let no one call him a Roman but rather an
Egyptian, nor Antony but rather Serapio. Let no one think that he was
ever consul or imperator, but only gymnasiarch. He has himself of his own
free will chosen the latter title instead of the former, and casting away
all the august terms of his own land has become one of the cymbal players
from Canopus.[65] Again, let no one fear that he can give any unfavorable
turn to the war. Even previously he was of no ability, as you know
clearly who conquered him near Mutina. And even if once he did attain to
some capacity through campaigning with us, be well assured that he has
now ruined all of it by his changed manner of life. It is impossible for
one who leads an existence of royal luxury and coddles himself like a
woman to think any valorous thoughts or do valorous deeds, because it is
quite inevitable that a person takes the impress of the practices with
which he comes in contact. A proof of this is that in the one war which
he has waged in all this long time and the one campaign that he has made
he lost great numbers of citizens in the battles, returned in thorough
disgrace from Praaspa, and parted with very many additional men in
the flight. If any one of us were obliged to perform a set dance or
cordax[66] in an amusing way, such a person would surely yield the honors
to him; he has practiced this: but since it is a case of arms and
battle, what is there about him that any one should dread? His physical
condition? He has passed his prime and become effeminate. His strength of
mind? He plays the woman and has surrendered himself to unnatural lust.
His piety toward our gods? He is at war both with them and his country.
His faithfulness to his allies? But is any one unaware how he deceived
and imprisoned the Armenian? His liberal treatment of his friends? But
who has not seen the men who have miserably perished at his hands? His
reputation with the soldiers? But who even of them has not condemned him?
Evidence of their feeling is found in the fact that numbers daily come
over to our side. For my part I think that all our citizens will do this,
as on a former occasion when he was going from Brundusium into Gaul. So
long as they expected to get rich without danger, some were very glad
to cleave to him. But they will not care to fight against us, their own
countrymen, in behalf of what does not belong to them at all, especially
when they are given the opportunity to win without hazard both
preservation and prosperity by joining us.
[-28-] "Some one may say, however, that he has many allies and a store of
wealth. Well, how we have been accustomed to conquer the dwellers on Asia
the mainland is known to Scipio Asiaticus the renowned, is known to Sulla
the fortunate, to Lucullus, to Pompey, to my father Caesar, and to your
own selves, who vanquished the supporters of Brutus and Cassius. This
being so, if you think their wealth is so much more than others', you
must be all the more eager to make it your own. It is but fair that for
the greatest prizes the greatest conflicts should be undergone. And I
can tell you nothing else greater than that prize which lies within your
grasp,--namely, to preserve the renown of your forefathers, to guard your
individual pride, to take vengeance on those in revolt against us, to
repulse those who insult you, to conquer and rule all mankind, to allow
no woman to make herself equal to a man. Against the Taurisci and Iapudes
and Dalmatians and Pannonians you yourselves now before me battled most
zealously and frequently for some few walls and desert land; you subdued
all of them though they are admittedly a most warlike race; and, by
Jupiter, against Sextus also, for Sicily merely, and against this very
Antony, for Mutina merely, you carried on a similar struggle, so that
you came out victorious over both. And now will you show any less zeal
against a woman whose plots concern all your possessions, and against
her husband, who has distributed to her children all your property, and
against their noble associates and table companions whom they themselves
stigmatize as 'privy' councillors? Why should you? Because of their
number? But no number of persons can conquer valour. Because of their
race? But they have practiced carrying burdens rather than warfare.
Because of their experience? But they know better how to row than how
to fight at sea. I, for my part, am really ashamed that we are going to
contend with such creatures, by vanquishing whom we shall gain no glory,
whereas if we are defeated we shall be disgraced.
[-29-] "And surely you must not think that the size of their vessels or
the thickness of the timbers of their ships is a match for our valour.
What ship ever by itself either wounded or killed anybody? Will they not
by their very height and staunchness be more difficult for their rowers
to move and less obedient to their pilots? Of what use can they possibly
be to the fighting men on board of them, when these men can employ
neither frontal assault nor flank attack, manoeuvres which you know are
essential in naval contests? For surely they do not intend to employ
infantry tactics against us on the sea, nor on the other hand are they
prepared to shut themselves up as it were in wooden walls and undergo a
siege, since that would be decidedly to our advantage--I mean assaulting
wooden barriers. For if their ships remain in the same place, as if
fastened there, it will be possible for us to rip them open with our
beaks, it will be possible, too, to damage them with our engines from
a distance, and also possible to burn them to the water's edge with
incendiary missiles; and if they do venture to stir from their place,
they will not overtake anyone by pursuing nor escape by fleeing, since
they are so heavy that they are entirely too inert to inflict any damage,
and so huge that they are exceptionally liable to suffer it.
[-30-] "Indeed, what need is there to spend time in speaking further of
them, when we have already often made trial of them, not only off Leucas
but also here just the other day, and so far from proving inferior to
them, we have everywhere shown ourselves superior? Hence you should be
encouraged not so much by my words as by your own deeds, and should
desire to put an end forthwith to the whole war. For be well assured that
if we beat them to-day we shall have no further trouble. For in general
it is a natural characteristic of human nature everywhere, that whenever
a man fails in his first contests he becomes disheartened with respect to
what is to come; and as for us, we are so indisputably superior to them
on land that we could vanquish them even if they had never suffered any
injury. And they are themselves so conscious of this truth--for I am not
going to conceal from you what I have heard--that they are discouraged at
what has already happened and despair of saving their lives if they stay
where they are, and they are therefore endeavouring to make their escape
to some place or other, and are making this sally, not with the desire to
give battle, but in expectation of flight. In fact, they have placed in
their ships the best and most valuable of the possessions they have with
them, in order to escape with them if they can. Since, then, they admit
that they are weaker than we, and since they carry the prizes of victory
in their ships, let us not allows them to sail anywhere else, but let
us conquer them here on the spot and take all these treasures away from
them."
Such were Caesar's words. [-31-]After this he formed a plan to let them
slip by, intending to fall upon them from the rear: he himself by fast
sailing expected to capture them directly, and when the leaders had
plainly shown that they were attempting to run away he thought that the
remainder would make no contest about surrendering. He was restrained,
however, by Agrippa, who feared that they might not overtake the
fugitives, who would probably use sails, and he also felt some confidence
of conquering without much effort because meantime a squall of rain with
large quantities of spray had driven in the face of Antony's fleet alone
and had created disturbance all through it. Hence he abandoned this plan,
and after putting vast numbers of infantry aboard the ships himself
and placing all his associates into auxiliary boats for the purpose of
sailing about quickly, giving notice of requisite action to the warriors,
and reporting to him what he ought to know, he awaited the onset of the
foe. They weighed anchor to the sound of the trumpet and with ships
in close array drew up their line a little outside the narrows, not
advancing any farther: he in turn started out as if to come to close
quarters or even make them retire. When they neither made a corresponding
advance nor turned about, but remained in position and further made
their array extremely dense, he became doubtful what to do. Therefore he
ordered the sailors to let their oars rest in the water and waited for a
time: then suddenly at a given signal led forward both the wings and bent
around in the hope chiefly of surrounding the enemy, or otherwise of at
least breaking their formation. Antony was afraid of this movement of his
to wheel about and surround them, and hence adopted so far as he could
corresponding tactics, which brought him, though reluctantly, into close
combat. [-32-] So they attacked and began the conflict, both sides
uttering many exhortations in their own ranks as to both artifice and
zeal, and hearing many from the men on shore that shouted to them. The
struggle was not of a similar nature on the two sides, but Caesar's
followers having smaller and swifter ships went with a rush, and when
they rammed were fenced about on all sides to avoid being wounded. If
they sank any boat, well: if not, they would back water before a close
engagement could be begun, and would either ram the same vessels suddenly
again, or would let some go and turn their attention to others; and
having damaged them slightly, to whatever degree the limited time would
allow, they would proceed against others and then still others, in
order that their assault upon any vessel might be so far as possible
unexpected. Since they dreaded the defence of the enemy from a distance
and likewise the battle at close quarters, they delayed neither in the
approach nor in the encounter, but running up suddenly with the object of
arriving before the opposing archers could work, they would inflict some
wounds and cause a disturbance merely, so as to escape being held, and
then retire out of range. The enemy tried to strike the approaching
ships with many stones and arrows flying thick and fast, and to cast the
grapnels upon the assailants. And in case they could reach them, they got
the better of it, but if they missed, their boats would be pierced and
they begin to sink, or else in their endeavor to avoid this calamity they
would waste time and lay themselves open to attack on the part of some
others. For when two or three at once fell upon the same ship, part
would do all the damage they could and the rest suffer the brunt of the
injuries. On the one side the pilots and the rowers endured the most
annoyance and fatigue, and on the other the marines: and the one side
resembled cavalry, now making a charge, now withdrawing, on account of
the manoeuvres on their part in assaulting and backing water, and the
other was like heavy-armed men guarding against the approach of foes and
trying as much as possible to hold them. As a result they gained mutual
advantages: the one party fell unobserved upon the lines of oars
projecting from the ships and shattered the blades, whereas the other
party with rocks and engines from above tried to sink them. There
were also certain disadvantages: the one party could not injure those
approaching it, and the other party, if it failed to sink some vessels by
its ramming, was hemmed in and found no longer an equal contest.
[-33-] The battle was an even one for a long time and neither antagonist
could get the upper hand, but the outcome of it was finally like this.
Cleopatra, riding at anchor behind the warriors, could not endure the
long, obscure uncertainty and delay, but harassed with worry (which was
due to her being a woman and an Egyptian) at the struggle which for so
long continued doubtful, and at the fearful expectancy on both sides,
suddenly herself started to flee and raised the signal for the remainder
of her subjects. So, as they at once raised their sails and sped out to
sea, while a wind of some force had by chance arisen, Antony thought they
were fleeing not at the bidding of Cleopatra, but through fear because
they felt themselves vanquished, and followed them. When this took place
the rest of the soldiers became both discouraged and confused, and rather
wishing themselves to escape likewise kept raising their sails, and the
others kept throwing the towers and the furnishings into the sea in order
to lighten the vessels and make good their departure. While they were
occupied in this way their adversaries fell upon them, not pursuing the
fugitives, because they themselves were without sails and prepared only
for a naval battle, and many contended with one ship, both from afar
and alongside. Then on the part of both alike the conflict became most
diverse and fierce. Caesar's men damaged the lower parts of the ships all
around, crushed the oars, knocked off the rudders, and climbed on the
decks, where they took hold of some and pulled them down, pushed off
others, and fought with still others, since they were now equal to them
in numbers. Antony's soldiers pushed them back with boathooks, cut them
down with axes, threw down upon them rocks and other masses of material
made ready for just this purpose, repulsed those that tried to climb up,
and joined issue with such as came close enough.
And one viewing the business might have compared it, likening small
things to great, to walls or many thickset islands being besieged by sea.
Thus the one party strove to scale the boats like some land or fortress
and eagerly brought to bear everything that contributed to this result.
The others tried to repel them, devising every means that is commonly
used in such, a case.
[-34-] As the fight continued equal, Caesar, at a loss what he should do,
sent for fire from the camp. Previously he had wished to avoid using
it, in order to gain possession of the money. Now he saw that it was
impossible for him to win in any other way, and had recourse to this, as
the only thing that would assist him. Thus another form of battle was
brought about. The assailants would approach their victims from many
directions at once, shoot blazing missiles at them, and hurl torches
fastened to javelins from their hands, and with the aid of engines threw
pots full of charcoal and pitch upon some boats from a distance. The
defenders tried to ward these off individually and when any of them flew
past and caught the timbers and at once started a great flame, as must be
the case in a ship, they used first the drinking-water which they carried
on board and extinguished some conflagrations: when that was gone they
dipped up the sea-water. And in case they could use great quantities of
it at once, they would stop the fire by main force: but they were unable
to do this everywhere, for they did not have many buckets or large ones,
and in their confusion brought them up half full, so that far from doing
any service they only quickened the flame. For salt water poured on
a fire in small quantities makes it burn up brightly. As they found
themselves getting the worst of it in this, they heaped on the blaze
their thick mantles and the corpses. For a time these checked the fire
and it seemed to abate; later, especially as the wind came upon it in
great gusts, it shot up more brilliant than ever and was increased by the
fuel. While only a part of a ship was burning, others stood by it and the
men would leap into it and hew down some parts and carry away others.
These detached parts some threw into the sea and others upon their
opponents, in case they could do them any damage. Others were constantly
going to the sound portion of the vessel and now more than ever they used
the grappling irons and the long spears with the purpose of attaching
some hostile ship to theirs and transferring themselves to it; or, if
that was out of the question, they tried to set it on fire likewise.
[-35-] But the hostile fleet was guarding against this very attempt and
none of it came near enough; and as the fire spread to the encircling
walls and descended to the flooring, the most terrible of fates
confronted them. Some, and particularly the sailors, perished by the
smoke before the flame approached them, while others were roasted in the
midst of it as though in ovens. Others were cooked in their armor, which
became red-hot. There were still others, who, before suffering such a
death, or when they were half burned, threw off their armor and were
wounded by the men shooting from a distance, or again were choked by
leaping into the sea, or were struck by their opponents and drowned, or
were mangled by sea-monsters. The only ones to obtain an endurable death,
considering the sufferings round about, were such as killed one another
or themselves before any calamity befell them. These did not have to
submit to torture, and as corpses had the burning ships for their funeral
pyre. The Caesarians, who saw this, at first so long as any of the foe
were still able to defend themselves would not come near; but when the
fire began to consume the ships and the men so far from being able to do
any harm to an enemy could not even help themselves, they eagerly sailed
up to them to see if they could in any way gain possession of the money,
and they endeavored to extinguish the fire which they themselves had
caused. As a result many of them also perished in the course of their
plundering in the flame.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
51
The following is contained in the Fifty-first of Dio's Rome:
How Caesar after his victory at Actium transacted business requiring
immediate attention (chapters 1-4).
About Antony and Cleopatra and their movements after the defeat (chapters
5-8).
How Antony, defeated in Egypt, killed himself (chapters 9-14).
How Caesar subdued Egypt (chapters 15-18).
How Caesar came to Rome and conducted a triumph (chapters 19-21).
How the Curia Julia was dedicated (chapter 22).
How Moesia was reduced (chapters 23-27).
Duration of time the remainder of the consulships of Caesar (3rd) and M.
Valerius Corvinus Messala, together with two additional years, in which
there were the following magistrates here enumerated:
Caesar (IV), M. Licinius M.F. Crassus. (B.C. 30 = a. u. 724.)
Caesar (V), Sextus Apuleius Sexti F. (B.C. 29 = a. u. 725.)
(_BOOK 51, BOISSEVAIN_.)
[B.C. 31 (_a. u_. 723)]
[-1-] Such was the naval battle which occurred between them on the second
of September. I have not elsewhere used a like expression, not being in
the habit of giving precise dates, but I do it here because then for
the first time Caesar alone held the entire power. Consequently the
enumeration of the years of his supremacy starts from precisely that day.
And before it had gone he set up as an offering to Apollo of Actium a
trireme, a four-banked ship, and so on up to one of ten banks, from the
captive vessels; and he built a larger temple. He also instituted a
quinquennial musical and gymnastic contest involving horseracing,--a
"sacred" festival, as they call all which include distribution of
food,--and entitled it Actia. Further, by gathering some settlers and
ousting others who dwelt nearby from their homes, he founded a city on
the site of the camp and named it Nicopolis.[67] On the spot where he
had had his tent he laid a foundation of square stones, and put there a
shrine of Apollo open to the sky, adorning it with the captured beaks.