consequently the beginning of their quarrel was concerned with them.
Caesar for his part wished to distribute the territory to all such as had
made the campaign with himself and Antony, according to the compact
made with them after the victory, that by so doing he might win their
good-will: the others demanded to receive the assignment that appertained
to their party and settle the cities themselves, in order that they might
get the power of these settlements on their side. It seemed to both to
be the simplest method to grant the land of the unarmed to those who
had participated in the conflict. Contrary to their expectation great
disturbance resulted and the matter took the aspect of a war. For at
first Caesar was for taking from the possessors and giving to the veterans
all of Italy (except what some old campaigner had received as a gift or
bought from the government and was now holding), together with the bands
of slaves and other wealth. The persons deprived of their property were
terribly enraged against him, and caused a change of policy. Fulvia and
the consul now hoped to find more power in the cause of the others, the
oppressed, and consequently neglected those who were to receive the
fields, but turned their attention to that party which was of greater
numbers and was animated by a righteous indignation at the deprivation
they were suffering. Next they took some of them individually, aided and
united them, so that the men who were before afraid of Caesar now that
they had got leaders became courageous and no longer gave up any of their
property: they thought that Marcus, too, would approve their course.
[-7-] Among these, therefore, Lucius and Fulvia secured a following, and
still made no assault upon the adherents of Caesar. Their attitude was not
that there was no need for the soldiers to receive allotments, but
they maintained that the goods of their adversaries in the combat were
sufficient for them; especially they pointed out lands and furniture,
some still being held intact, others that had been sold, of which they
declared the former ought to be given to the men outright and in the
second case the price realized should be presented to them. If even this
did not satisfy them, they tried to secure the affection of them all by
holding out hopes in Asia. In this way it quickly came about that Caesar,
who had forcibly robbed the possessors of any property and caused
troubles and dangers on account of it to all alike, found himself
disliked by both parties; whereas the other two, since they took nothing
from anybody and showed those who were to receive the gifts a way to the
fulfillment of the pledges from already existing assets and without a
combat, won over each of the bodies of men. As a result of this and
through the famine which was trying them greatly at this time, because
the sea off Sicily was in control of Sextus, and the Ionian Gulf was
in the grasp of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Caesar found himself in a
considerable dilemma. For Domitius was one of the assassins, and, having
escaped from the battle fought at Philippi, he had got together a small
fleet, had made himself for a time master of the Gulf, and was doing the
greatest damage to the cause of his opponents.
[-8-] There was not only this to trouble Caesar greatly but also the fact
that in the disputes which had been inaugurated between the ex-soldiers
and the senators as well as the rest of the multitude that possessed
lands,--and these proved very numerous because the contestants were
struggling for the greatest interests,--he could not attach himself to
either side without danger. It was impossible for him to please both. The
one side wished to run riot, the other to be unharmed: the one side to
get the other's property, the other to hold what belonged to it. As
often as he gave the preference to the interests of this party or that,
according as he found it necessary, he incurred the hatred of the others:
and he did not meet with so much gratitude for the favors he conferred as
with anger for what he failed to yield. Those benefited took all that was
given them as their due and regarded it as no kindness, and the opposite
party was wrathful because robbed of their own belongings. And as a
result he continued to offend either this group or the other, at one
time reproached with being a friend of the people and again with being
a friend of the army. He could make no headway, and further learned by
actual experience that arms had no power to hold those injured friendly
toward him, and that it was possible for all such as would not submit to
perish by the use of weapons, but out of the question for any one to be
forced to love a person whom he will not. After this, though reluctantly,
he stopped taking anything from the senators; previously he used to deem
it his right to distribute everything that was theirs, asking seriously:
"From what source else shall we pay the prizes of war to those who have
served?"--as if any one had commanded him to wage war or to make such
great promises. He also kept his hands off the valuables,--whatever
costly objects women had for dowries, or others had less in value than
the land individually given to the old soldiers. [-9-] When this was done
the senate and the rest, finding nothing taken from them, became fairly
resigned to his rule, but the veterans were indignant, regarding his
sparingness and the honor shown to the others to be their own dishonor
and loss, since they were to receive less. They killed not a few of the
centurions and the other intimates of Caesar who tried to restrain
them from mutiny, and came very near compassing their leader's own
destruction, using every plausible excuse possible for their anger. They
did not cease their irritation till the land that belonged to their
relatives and the fathers and sons of those fallen in battle but was held
by somebody else was granted to these three classes freely. This measure
caused the soldier element to become somewhat more conciliatory, but that
very thing produced vexation again among the people. The two used to come
in conflict and there was continual fighting amongst them, so that many
were wounded and killed on both sides alike. The one party was superior
by being equipped with weapons and having experience in wars, and the
other by its numbers and the ability to pelt opponents from the roofs.
Owing to this a number of houses were burned down, and to those dwelling
in the city rent was entirely remitted to the extent of five hundred
denarii, while for those in the rest of Italy it was reduced a fourth for
one year. For they used to fight in all the cities alike, wherever they
fell in with each other.
[-10-] When this took place constantly and soldiers sent ahead by Caesar
into Spain made a kind of uprising at Placentia and did not come to
order until they received money from the people there, and they were
furthermore hindered from crossing the Alps by Calenus and Ventidius,
who held Farther Gaul, Caesar became afraid that he might meet with some
disaster and began to wish to be reconciled with Fulvia and the consul.
He could not accomplish anything by sending messages personally and with
only his own authorization, and so went to the veterans and through them
attempted to negotiate a settlement. Elated at this they took charge of
those who had lost their land, and Lucius went about in every direction
uniting them and detaching them from Caesar, while Fulvia occupied
Praeneste, had senators and knights for her associates, and was wont to
conduct all her deliberations with their help, even sending orders to
whatever points required it. Why should any one be surprised at this,
when she was girt with a sword, and used to pass the watchwords to the
soldiers, yes, often harangued them,--an additional means of giving
offence to Caesar? [-11-] The latter, however, had no way to overthrow
them, being far inferior to them not only in troops, but in good-will on
the part of the population; for he caused many distress, whereas they
filled every one with hope. He had often privately through friends
proposed reconciliation to them, and when he accomplished nothing, he
sent envoys from the number of the veterans to them. He expected by
this stroke pretty surely to obtain his request, to adjust present
difficulties, and to gain a strength equal to theirs for the future. And
even though he should fail of these aims, he expected that not he but
they would bear the responsibility for their quarrel. This actually took
place. When he effected nothing even through the soldiers, he despatched
senators, showing them the covenants made between himself and Antony, and
offering the envoys as arbitrators of the differences. But his opponents
in the first place made many counter-propositions, demands with which
Caesar was sure not to comply, and again, in respect to everything that
they did said they were doing it by the orders of Mark Antony. So that
when nothing was gained in this way either, he betook himself once more
to the veterans. [-12-] Thereupon these assembled in Rome in great
numbers, with the avowed intention of making some communication to the
people and the senate. But instead of troubling themselves about this
errand they collected on the Capitol and commanded that the compacts
which Antony and Caesar made be read to them. They ratified these
agreements and voted that they should be made arbitrators of the
differences existing. After recording these acts on tablets and sealing
them they delivered them to the vestal virgins to keep. To Caesar, who was
present, and to the other party by an embassy they gave orders to meet
for adjudication at Gabii on a stated day. Caesar showed his readiness to
submit to arbitration, and the others promised to put in an appearance,
but out of fear or else perhaps disdain did not come. (For they were wont
to make fun of the warriors, calling them among other names _senatus
caligatus_ on account of their use of military boots.) So they condemned
Lucius and Fulvia as guilty of some injustice, and gave precedence to the
cause of Caesar. After this, when the latter's adversaries had deliberated
again and again, they took up the war once more and did not make ready
for it in any quiet fashion. Chief among their measures was to secure
money from sources, even from temples. They took away all the votive
offerings that could be turned into bullion, those deposited in Rome
itself as well as those in the rest of Italy that was under their
control. Both money and soldiers came to them also from Gallia Togata,
which had been included by this time in the domain of Italy, to the end
that no one else, under the plea that it was a single district, should
keep soldiers south of the Alps.
[-13-] Caesar, then, was making preparations, and Fulvia and Lucius were
gathering hoards of supplies and assembling forces. Meanwhile both sent
embassies and despatched soldiers and officers in every direction, and
each managed to seize some places beforehand and was repulsed from
others. The most of these transactions, and those connected with no great
or important occurrence, I shall pass over, and briefly relate the points
which are of chief value.
Caesar made an expedition against Nursia, among the Sabini, and routed the
garrison encamped before it but was repulsed from the city by Tisienus
Gallus. Accordingly, he went over into Umbria and laid siege to Sentinum,
but failed to capture it. Lucius had meanwhile been sending on one excuse
and another soldiers to his friends in Rome, and then coming suddenly on
the scene himself conquered the cavalry force that met him, hurled the
infantry back to the wall, and after that took the city, since those that
had been there for some days helped the defenders within by attacking the
besiegers. Lepidus, to whom had been entrusted the guarding of the place,
made no resistance by reason of his inherent slothfulness, nor did
Servilius the consul, who was too easy-going. On ascertaining this Caesar
left Quintus Salvidienus Rufus to look after the people of Sentinum, and
himself set out for Rome. Hearing of this movement Lucius withdrew in
advance, having had voted to him the privilege of going out on some war.
Indeed, he delivered an address in soldier's costume, which no one else
had done. Thus Caesar was received into the capital without striking a
blow, and when he did not capture the other by pursuit, he returned and
kept a more careful watch over the city. Meantime, as soon as Caesar had
left Sentinum, Gaius Furnius the guarder of the fortifications had issued
forth and pursued him a long distance, and Rufus unexpectedly attacked
the citizens within, captured the town, plundered, and burned it. The
inhabitants of Nursia came to terms--and suffered no ill treatment; when,
however, after burying those that had fallen in the battle which had
taken place between themselves and Caesar, they inscribed on their tombs
that they had died contending for liberty, an enormous fine was imposed
upon the people, so that they abandoned their city and entire country
together.
[-14-] While they were so engaged, Lucius on setting out from Rome after
his occupancy had proceeded toward Gaul: his road was blocked, however,
and so he turned aside to Perusia, an Etruscan city. There he was cut off
first by the lieutenants of Caesar and later by Caesar himself, and was
besieged. The investing of the place proved a long operation: the
situation is naturally a strong one and had been amply stocked with
provisions; and horsemen sent out by him before he was entirely hemmed
in harassed his antagonists greatly while many others, moreover, from
various sections vigorously defended him. Many attempts were made upon
the besieged individually and there was sharp fighting close to the
walls, until the followers of Lucius in spite of being generally
successful were nevertheless overcome by hunger. The leader and some
others obtained pardon, but most of the senators and knights were put
to death. And the story goes that they did not merely suffer death in a
simple form, but were led to the altar consecrated to the former Caesar
and there sacrificed,--three hundred[41] knights and many senators, among
them Tiberius Cannutius who formerly during his tribuneship had assembled
the populace for Caesar Octavianus. Of the people of Perusia and the rest
there captured the majority lost their lives, and the city itself, except
the temple of Vulcan and statue of Juno, was entirely destroyed by fire.
This piece of sculpture was preserved by some chance and was brought to
Rome in accordance with a vision that Caesar saw in a dream: there it
accorded those who desired to undertake the task permission to settle the
city again and place the deity on her original site,--only they did not
acquire more than seven and one-half stadia of the territory.
[B.C. 40 (_a. u._ 714)]
[-15-] When that city had been captured during the consulship of Gnaeus
Calvinus and Asinius Pollio,--the former holding office the second
time,--other posts in Italy partly perforce and partly voluntarily
capitulated to Caesar. For this reason Fulvia with her children made her
escape to her husband, and many of the other foremost men made their
way some to him and some to Sextus in Sicily. Julia, the mother of the
Antonii, went there at first and was received by Sextus with extreme
kindness; later she was sent by him to her son Marcus, carrying
propositions of friendship and with envoys whom she was to conduct to his
presence. In this company which at that time turned its steps away from
Italy to Antony was also Tiberius Claudius Nero. He was holding a kind of
fort in Campania, and when Caesar's party got the upper hand set out with
his wife Livia Drusilla and with his son Tiberius Claudius Nero. This
episode illustrated remarkably the whimsicality of fate. This Livia who
then fled from Caesar later on was married to him, and this Tiberius who
then escaped with his parents succeeded him in the office of emperor.
[-16-] All this was later. At that time the inhabitants of Rome resumed
the garb of peace, which they had taken off without any decree, under
compulsion from the people; they gave themselves up to merrymaking,
conveyed Caesar in his triumphal robe into the city and honored him with
a laurel crown, so that he enjoyed this decoration as often as the
celebrators of triumphs were accustomed to use it. Caesar, when Italy
had been subdued and the Ionian Gulf had been cleared,--for Domitius
despairing of continuing to prevail any longer by himself had sailed away
to Antony,--made preparations to proceed against Sextus. When, however,
he ascertained his power and the fact that he had been in communication
with Antony through the latter's mother and through envoys, he feared
that he might get embroiled with both at once; therefore preferring
Sextus as more trustworthy or else as stronger than Antony he sent him
his mother Mucia and married the sister of his father-in-law, Lucius
Scribonius Libo, in the hope that by the aid of his kindness and his
kinship he might make him a friend.
[B.C. 44 (_a. u._ 710)]
[-17-] Sextus, after he had originally left Spain according to his
compact with Lepidus and not much later had been appointed admiral, was
removed from his office by Caesar. For all that he held on to his fleet
and had the courage to sail to Italy; but Caesar's adherents were already
securing control of the country and he learned that he had been numbered
among the assassins of Caesar's father.
[B.C. 43 (_a. u._ 711)]
Therefore he kept away from the mainland but sailed about among the
islands, maintaining a sharp watch on what was going on and supplying
himself with food without resort to crimes. As he had not taken part in
the murder he expected to be restored by Caesar himself. When, however,
his name was exposed on the tablet and he knew that the edict of
proscription was in force against him also, he despaired of getting back
through Caesar and put himself in readiness for war. He had triremes
built, received the deserters, made an alliance with the pirates, and
took under his protection the exiles. By these means in a short time he
became powerful and was master of the sea off Italy, so that he made
descents upon the harbors, cut loose the boats, and engaged in pillage.
As matters went well with him and his activity supplied him with soldiers
and money, he sailed to Sicily, where he seized Mylae and Tyndaris without
effort but was repulsed from Messana by Pompeius Bithynicus, then
governor of Sicily. Instead of retiring altogether from the place, he
overran the country, prevented the importation of provisions, gained the
ascendancy over those who came to the rescue,--filling some with fear
of suffering a similar hardship, and damaging others by some form of
ambuscade,--won over the quaestor together with the funds, and finally
obtained Messana and also Bithynicus, by an agreement that the latter
should enjoy equal authority with him. The governor suffered no harm, at
least for the time being: the others had their arms and money taken from
them. His next step was to win over Syracuse and some other cities,
from which he gathered more soldiers and collected a very strong fleet.
Quintus Cornificius also sent him quite a force from Africa.
[-18-] While he was thus growing strong, Caesar for a time took no action
in the matter, both because he despised him and because the business in
hand kept him occupied.
[B.C. 42 (_a. u._ 712)]
But when owing to the famine the deaths in the City became numerous and
Sextus commenced to make attempts on Italy also, Caesar began to have a
small fleet equipped and sent Salvidienus Rufus with a large force ahead
to Rhegium. Rufus managed to repel Sextus from Italy and when the latter
retired into Sicily he undertook to manufacture boats of leather, similar
to those adapted to ocean sailing. He made a framework of light rods for
the interior and stretched on the outside an uncured oxhide, making an
affair like an oval shield. For this he got laughed at and decided that
it would be dangerous for him to try to use them in crossing the strait,
so he let them go and ventured to undertake the passage with the fleet
that had been equipped and had arrived. He was not able, however, to
accomplish his purpose, for the number and size of his ships were no
match for the skill and daring of the enemy. This took place in the
course of Caesar's expedition into Macedonia, and he himself was an
eye-witness of the battle; the result filled him with chagrin, most of
all because he had been defeated in this their first encounter. For this
reason he no longer ventured, although the major part of his fleet had
been preserved, to cross over by main force: he frequently tried to
effect it secretly, feeling that if he could once set foot on the island,
he could certainly conquer it with his infantry; after a time, since the
vigilant guard kept in every quarter prevented him from gaining anything,
he ordered others to attend to the blockade of Sicily and he himself went
to meet Antony at Brundusium. whence with the aid of the ships he crossed
the Ionian Gulf. [-19-] Upon his departure Sextus occupied all of the
island and put to death Bithynicus on the charge that the latter had
plotted against him. He also produced a triumphal spectacle and had a
naval battle of the captives in the strait close to Rhegium itself, so
that his opponents could look on; in this combat he had wooden boats
contend with others of leather, in the intention of making fun of Rufus.
After this he built more ships and dominated the sea all round about,
acquiring some renown, in which he took pride, based on the assumption
that he was the son of Neptune, and that his father had once ruled the
whole sea. So he fared as long as the resistance of Cassius and Brutus
held out. When they had perished, Lucius Staius and others took refuge
with him. He was at first glad to receive this ally and incorporated the
troops that Staius led in his own force: subsequently, seeing that the
new accession was an active and high-spirited man, he executed him on a
charge of treachery. Then he acquired the other's fleet and the mass of
slaves who kept arriving from Italy and gained tremendous strength. So
many persons, in fact, deserted that the vestal virgins prayed in the
name of the sacrifices that their desertions might be restrained.
[B.C. 40 (_a. u_. 714)]
[-20-] For these reasons and because he gave the exiles a refuge, was
negotiating friendship with Antony, and plundering a great portion of
Italy, Caesar felt a wish to become reconciled with him. When he failed
of that he ordered Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa to wage war against him, and
himself set out for Gaul. Sextus when he heard of that kept watch of
Agrippa, who was busy superintending the Ludi Apollinares. This person
was praetor at the time, holding a brilliant position in many ways because
he was such an intimate friend of Caesar, and for two days he had been
conducting the horse-race and enjoyed the so-called "Troy contest,"
carried on by children of the nobility, which added to his glory. While
he was so engaged Sextus crossed over into Italy and remained there
carrying on marauding expeditions until Agrippa arrived. Then, after
leaving a garrison at certain points, he sailed back again.--Caesar had
formerly tried, as has been described, to get possession of Gaul through
others, but had not been able on account of Calenus and the rest who
followed Antony's fortunes. But now he occupied it in person, for he
found Calenus dead of a disease and acquired his army without difficulty.
Meanwhile, seeing that Lepidus was vexed at being deprived of the office
that belonged to him, he sent him to Africa; for he proposed, by being
the sole bestower of that position, instead of allowing Antony to share
in the appointment, to gain in a greater degree Lepidus's attachment.
[B.C. 44 (_a. u_. 710)]
[-21-] As I have remarked, [42] the Romans had two provinces in that part
of Libya. The governors, before the union of the three men, were Titus
Sextius over the Numidian region, and Cornificius with Decimus Laelius
over the rest; the former was friendly to Antony, the latter two to
Caesar. For a time Sextius waited in the expectation that the others,
who had a far larger force, would invade his domain, and prepared to
withstand them there. When they delayed, he began to disdain them; and
he was further elated by a cow, as they say, that uttered human speech
bidding him lay hold of the prize before him, and by a dream in which a
bull that had been buried in the city of Tucca seemed to urge him to dig
up its head and carry it about on a spear-shaft, since by this means he
should conquer. Without hesitation, then, especially when he found the
bull in the spot where the dream said it was, he invaded Africa first
himself.
[B.C. 43 (_a. u_. 711)]