some few other places, taken by surprise at his sudden assault. Then,
while in an unguarded state because of this very success, he was ambushed
by the quaestor, lost a large portion of his army, and withdrew into
Numidia. His misfortune had happened to occur when he was without the
protection of the bull's head, and he therefore ascribed his defeat to
that fact and made preparations to take the field again. Meantime his
opponents anticipated him by invading his domain. While the rest were
besieging Cirta, the quaestor with the cavalry proceeded against him,
overcame him in a few cavalry battles, and won over the other
quaestor. After these experiences Sextius, who had secured some fresh
reinforcements, risked battle again, conquered the quaestor in his
turn, and shut up Laelius, who was overrunning the country, within his
fortifications. He deceived Cornificius, who came to the defence of his
colleague, making him believe that the latter had been captured, and
after thus throwing him into a state of dejection defeated him. So
Cornificius met his death in battle, and Laelius, who made a sally with
the intention of taking the enemy in the rear, was also slain.
[-22-] When this had been accomplished, Sextius occupied Africa and
governed both provinces without interference, until Caesar according to
the covenant made by him with Antony and Lepidus took possession of the
office and assigned Gaius Fuficius Fango to take charge of the people;
then the governor voluntarily gave up the provinces. When the battle with
Brutus and Cassius had been fought, Caesar and Antony redistributed the
world, Caesar taking Numidia for his share of Libya, and Antony Africa.
Lepidus, as I have stated,[43] had power among the three only in name,
and often was not recorded in the documents even to this extent. When,
therefore, this occurred Fulvia bade Sextius resume his rule of Africa.
He was at this time still in Libya, making the winter season his plea,
but in reality his lingering there was due to his certain knowledge that
there would be some kind of upheaval. As he could not persuade Fango to
give up the country, he associated himself with the natives, who detested
their ruler; he had done evil in his office, for he was one of that
mercenary force, many of whose members, as has been stated in my
narrative,[44] had been elected even into the senate. At this turn of
affairs Fango retired into Numidia, where he accorded harsh treatment to
the people of Cirta because they despised him on seeing his condition.
There was also one Arabio who was a prince among the barbarians dwelling
close at hand, who had first helped Laelius and later attached himself
to Sextius: him he ejected from his kingdom, when he refused to make
an alliance with him. Arabio fled to Sextius and Fango demanded his
surrender. When his request was refused, he grew angry, invaded Africa
and did some damage to the country: but Sextius took the field against
him, and he was defeated in conflicts that were slight but numerous;
consequently he retired again into Numidia. Sextius went after him and
was in hopes of soon vanquishing him, especially with the aid of Arabio's
horse, but he became suspicious of the latter and treacherously murdered
him, after which he accomplished for the time being nothing further. For
the cavalry, enraged at Arabio's death, left the Romans in the lurch and
most of them took the side of Fango. [-23-] After these skirmishes they
concluded friendship, agreeing that the cause for war between them had
been removed. Later Fango watched until Sextius, trusting in the truce,
was free from fear, and invaded Africa. Then they joined battle with each
other, and at first both sides conquered and were beaten. The one leader
prevailed through the Numidian horsemen and the other through his citizen
infantry, so that they plundered each other's camps, and neither knew
anything about his fellow-soldiers. When as they retired they ascertained
what had happened, they came to blows again, the Numidians were routed,
and Fango temporarily fled to the mountains. During the night some
hartbeestes ran across the hills, and thinking that the enemy's cavalry
were at hand he committed suicide. Thus Sextius gained possession of
nearly everything without trouble, and subdued Zama, which held out
longest, by famine. Thereafter he governed both the provinces again until
such time as Lepidus was sent. Against him he made no demonstration,
either because he thought the step had the approval of Antony, or because
he was far inferior to him in troops.
[B.C. 40 (_a. u._ 714)]
He remained quiet, pretending that the necessity was a favor to himself.
In this way Lepidus took charge of both provinces.
[B.C. 42 (_a. u_. 712)]
[-24-] About this same period that the above was taking place, and after
the battle the scene of which was laid at Philippi, Mark Antony came
to the mainland of Asia and there by visiting some points himself and
sending deputies elsewhere he levied contributions upon the cities
and sold the positions of authority. Meanwhile he fell in love with
Cleopatra, whom he had seen in Cilicia, and no longer gave a thought to
honor but was a slave of the fair Egyptian and tarried to enjoy her love.
This caused him to do many absurd things, one of which was to drag her
brothers from the temple of Artemis at Ephesus and put them to death.
Finally, leaving Plancus in the province of Asia and Saxa in Syria, he
started for Egypt. Many disturbances resulted from this action of his:
the Aradii, islanders, would not yield any obedience to the messengers
sent by him to them after the money and also killed some of them, and the
Parthians, who had previously been restless, now assailed the Romans more
than ever. Their leaders were Labienus and Pacorus the latter the son of
King Orodes, and the former a child of Titus Labienus. I will narrate how
he came among the Parthians and what he did in conjunction with Pacorus.
He was by chance an ally of Brutus and Cassius and had been sent to
Orodes before the battle to secure some help: he was detained by him a
long time (over three lines starting at line beginning "constant ill
treatment"): and his presence ignored, because the king hesitated to
conclude the alliance with him yet feared to refuse.
[B.C. 41 (_a. u._ 713)]
Subsequently, when news of the defeat was brought and it appeared to be
the intention of the victors to spare no one who had resisted them, he
remained among the barbarians, choosing to live with them rather than
perish at home. This Labienus, accordingly, as soon as he perceived
Antony's relaxation, his passion, and his journeying into Egypt,
persuaded the Parthian monarch to make an attempt upon the Romans. He
said that their armies had been partly ruined, partly damaged, and that
the remainder of the warriors were in revolt and would again be at war.
Therefore he advised the king to subjugate Syria and the adjoining
districts, while Caesar was detained in Italy and with Sextus, and Antony
abandoned himself to love in Egypt. He promised that he would act as
leader in the war, and announced that in this way he could detach many of
the provinces, inasmuch as they were hostile to the Romans owing to the
latter's constant ill treatment of them.
[-25-] By such words Labienus persuaded Orodes to wage war and the king
entrusted to him a large force and his son Pacorus, and with them invaded
Phoenicia. They marched to Apamea and were repulsed from the wall, but
won over the garrisons in the country without resistance. These had
belonged to the troops that followed Brutus and Cassius. Antony had
incorporated them in his own forces and at this time had assigned them to
garrison Syria because they knew the country. So Labienus easily won over
these men, since they were well acquainted with, him, all except Saxa,
their temporary leader. He was a brother of the general and was quaestor,
and hence he alone refused to join the Parthian invaders. Saxa the
general was conquered in a set battle through the numbers and ability
of the cavalry, and when later by night he made a dash from his
entrenchments to get away, he was pursued. His flight was due to his fear
that his associates might take up with the cause of Labienus, who labored
to prevail upon them by shooting various pamphlets into the camp.
Labienus took possession of these men and slew the greater part, then
captured Apamea, which no longer resisted when Saxa had fled into
Antioch, since he was believed to be dead; he later captured Antioch,
which the fugitive had abandoned, and at last, pursuing him in his flight
into Cilicia, seized the man himself and killed him. [-26-] Upon his
death Pacorus made himself master of Syria and subjugated all of it
except Tyre. This city the Romans that survived and the natives who sided
with them had occupied in advance, and neither persuasion nor force
(for Pacorus had no fleet) could prevail against them. They accordingly
remained secure from capture. The rest Pacorus gained and then invaded
Palestine, where he removed from office Hyrcanus, to whom the affairs of
the district had been entrusted by the Romans, and set up his brother
Aristobulus[45] as ruler instead because of the enmity existing between
them. Meantime Labienus had occupied Cilicia and had obtained the
allegiance of the cities of the mainland except Stratonicea; Plancus in
fear of him had crossed over to the islands: most of these towns he took
without conflict, but Mylasa and Alabanda with great peril. These cities
had accepted garrisons from him, but murdered them on the occasion of
a festival and revolted. For this he himself punished the people of
Alabanda when he had captured it, and razed to the ground Mylasa,
abandoned by the dwellers there. Stratonicea he besieged for a long time,
but was unable to capture it in any way.
In satisfaction of the defections mentioned he continued to levy money
and rob the temples; and he named himself imperator and Parthicus,--the
latter being quite the opposite of the Roman custom, in that he took his
title from those he had led against his countrymen: whereas regularly
it would imply that he had conquered the Parthians instead of citizens.
[-28-] Antony kept hearing of these operations as he did of whatever else
was being done, such as matters in Italy, of which he was not in the
least ignorant; but in each instance he failed to make a timely defence,
for owing to passion and drunkenness he devoted no thought either to his
allies or to his enemies. While he had been classed as a subordinate and
was pursuing high prizes, he gave strict attention to his task: when,
however, he attained power, he no longer gave painstaking care to any
single matter but joined in the wanton life of Cleopatra and the rest of
the Egyptians until he was entirely undone.
[B.C. 40 (_a. u_. 714)]
Rather late he was at last forced to bestir himself and sailed to Tyre
with the announcement that he was going to aid it, but on seeing that the
remainder of the country had been occupied before his coming, he deserted
the inhabitants on the pretext that he had to wage war against Sextus. On
the other hand he excused his dilatoriness with regard to the latter by
bringing forward the activity of the Parthians. So on account of Sextus
he gave no assistance to his allies and on account of his allies no
assistance to Italy, but coasted along the mainland as far as Asia and
crossed into Greece. There, after meeting his mother and wife, he made
Caesar his enemy and cemented a friendship with Sextus. After this he went
over to Italy and got possession of Sipontum but besieged Brundusium,
which refused to come to terms with him.
[-28-] While he was thus engaged, Caesar, who had already arrived from
Gaul, had collected his forces and had sent Publius Servilius Rullus to
Brundusium, and Agrippa against Sipontum. The latter took the city by
storm, but Servilius was suddenly attacked by Antony who destroyed many
and won over many others. The two leaders had thus broken out into open
war and proceeded to send about to the cities and to the veterans, or to
any place whence they thought they could get any aid. All Italy was again
thrown into turmoil and Rome especially; some were already choosing one
side or the other, and others were hesitating. While the chief figures
themselves and those who were to follow their fortunes were in a quiver
of excitement, Fulvia died in Sicyon,--the city where she was staying.
Antony was really responsible for her death through his passion for
Cleopatra and the latter's lewdness. But at any rate, when this news was
announced, both sides laid down their arms and effected a reconciliation,
either because Fulvia had actually been the original cause of their
variance or because they chose to make her death an excuse in view of the
fear with which each inspired the other and the equality of their forces
and hopes. The arrangement made allotted to Caesar Sardinia, Dalmatia,
Spain and Gaul, and to Antony all the districts that belonged to the
Romans across the Ionian Sea, both in Europe and in Asia. The provinces
in Libya were held by Lepidus, and Sicily by Sextus.
[-29-] The government they divided anew in this way and the war against
Sextus they made a common duty, although Antony through messengers had
taken oaths before him against Caesar. And it was chiefly for this reason
that Caesar had schooled himself to receive under a general amnesty all
those who had gone over to the enemy in the war with Lucius, Antony's
brother, some among them, Domitius particularly, who had been of the
assassins, as well as all those whose names had been posted on the
tablets or had in any way coöperated with Brutus and Cassius and later
embraced the cause of Antony. So great is the irony to be found in
factions and wars; for those in power decide nothing according to
justice, but determine on friend and foe as their temporary needs and
advantages demand. Therefore they regard the same men now as enemies, now
as useful helpers, according to the occasion.
[-30-] When they had reached this agreement in the camp outside
Brundusium, they entertained each other, Caesar in a soldierly, Roman
fashion, and Antony with Asiatic and Egyptian manners. As it appeared
that they had become reconciled, the soldiers who were at that time
following Caesar surrounded Antony and demanded of him the money which
they had promised them before the battle of Philippi. It was for this
he had been sent into Asia, to collect as much as possible. And when he
failed to give them anything, they would certainly have done him some
harm, if Caesar had not restrained them by feeding them with new hopes.
After this experience, to guard against further unruliness, they sent
those soldiers who were clearly disqualified by age into the colonies,
and then took up the war anew. For Sextus had come into Italy according
to the agreement made between himself and Antony, intending with the
latter's help to wage war against Caesar: when he learned that they had
settled their difficulties he himself went back into Sicily, but ordered
Menas, a freedman of his on whom he placed great reliance, to coast about
with a portion of the fleet and damage the interests of the other side.
He, accordingly, inflicted injury upon considerable of Etruria and
managed to capture alive Marcus Titius, the son of Titius who had been
proscribed and was then with Sextus; this son had gathered ships for
enterprises of his own and was blockading the province of Narbonensis.
Titius underwent no punishment, being preserved for his father's sake and
because his soldiers carried the name of Sextus on their shields: he did
not, however, recompense his benefactor fairly, but fought him to the
last ditch and finally slew him, so that his name is remembered among the
most prominent of his kind. Menas besides the exploits mentioned sailed
to Sardinia and had a conflict with Marcus Lurius, the governor there;
and at first he was routed, but later when the other was pursuing him
heedlessly he awaited the attack and contrary to expectations won a
victory in turn. Thereupon his enemy abandoned the island and he occupied
it. All the towns capitulated, save Caralis, which he took by siege:
it was there that many fugitives from the battle had taken refuge. He
released without ransom among others of the captives Helenus, a freedman
of Caesar in whom his master took especial delight: he thus laid up for
himself with that ruler a kindness long in advance by way of preparing a
refuge for himself, if he should ever need aught at Caesar's hands.
[-31-] He was occupied as above described. And the people in Rome refused
to remain quiet since Sardinia was in hostile hands, the coast was being
pillaged, and they had been cut off from importation of grain, while
famine and the great number of taxes of all sorts that were being imposed
and the "contributions," in addition, that were laid upon such as
possessed slaves irritated them greatly. As much as they were pleased
with the reconciliation of Antony and Caesar,--for thought that harmony
between these men meant peace for themselves,--they were equally or more
displeased at the war the two men were carrying on against Sextus. But
a short time previously they had brought the two rulers into the city
mounted on horses as if at a triumph, and had bestowed upon them the
triumphal robe precisely similar to that worn by persons celebrating, had
made them view the festivals from their chairs of state and had hastened
to espouse to Antony, when once her husband was dead, Octavia the sister
of Caesar, though she was then pregnant. Now, however, they changed their
behavior to a remarkable degree. At first forming in groups or gathering
at some spectacle they urged Antony and Caesar to secure peace, crying out
a great deal to this effect. When the men in power would not heed them,
they fell at odds with them and favored Sextus. They talked frequently in
his behalf, and at the horse-races honored by a loud clapping of hands
the statue of Neptune carried in the procession, evincing great pleasure
at it. When for some days it was not brought in, they took stones and
drove the officials from the Forum, threw down the images of Caesar and
Antony, and finally, on not accomplishing anything in this way even,
rushed violently upon them as if to kill them. Caesar, although his
followers were wounded, rent his clothes and betook himself to
supplicating them, whereas Antony presented a less yielding front. Hence,
because the wrath of the populace was aroused to the highest pitch and
it was feared that they would commit some violence, the two rulers were
forced unwillingly to make propositions of peace to Sextus.
[-32-] Meantime they removed the praetors and the consuls though it was
now near the close of the year, and appointed others instead, caring
little that these would have but a few days to hold office. (One of those
who at this time became consuls was Lucius Cornelius Balbus, of Gades,
who so much surpassed the men of his generation in wealth and munificence
that at his death he left a bequest of twenty-five denarii to each of the
Romans.) They not only did this, but when an aedile died on the last day
of the year, they chose another to fill out the closing hours. It was at
this same time that the so-called Julian supply of water was piped into
Rome and the festival that had been vowed for the successful completion
of the war against the assassins was held by the consuls. The duties
belonging to the so-called Septemviri were performed by the pontifices,
since none of the former was present: this was also done on many other
occasions.
[-33-] Besides these events which took place that year Caesar gave a
public funeral to his pedagogue Sphaerus, who had been freed by him. Also
he put to death Salvidienus Rufus, suspected of plotting against him.
This man was of most obscure origin, and while he was a shepherd a flame
had issued from his head. He had been so greatly advanced by Caesar that
he was made consul without even being a member of the senate, and his
brother who died before him had been laid to rest across the Tiber, a
bridge being constructed for this very purpose. But nothing human is
lasting, and he was finally accused in the senate by Caesar himself and
executed as an enemy of his and of the entire people; thanksgivings
were offered for his downfall and furthermore the care of the city was
committed to the triumvirs with the customary admonition, "that it should
suffer no harm."
[B.C. 41 (_a. u_. 713)]
In the year previous to this men belonging to the order of knights had
slaughtered wild beasts at the horse-race which came in the course of
the Ludi Apollinares, and an intercalary day was inserted, contrary to
custom, in order that the market held every nine days should not fall
on the first day of the following year,--something which was strictly
forbidden from very early times. Naturally the day had to be subtracted
again later, in order that the calendar should run according to the
system devised by the former Caesar. The domain of Attalus and of
Deiotarus, who had both died in Gaul, was given to a certain Castor. Also
the so-called Lex Falcidia, which has the greatest force even still
in regard to the succession to inheritances, was enacted by Publius
Falcidius, a tribune: its terms are that if an heir feels oppressed in
any way, he may secure at least a fourth, of the property left behind by
surrendering the rest.
[B.C. 39 (_a. u_. 715)]
[-34-] These were the events of the two years; the next season, when
Lucius Marcius and Gaius Sabinus held the consulship, the acts of the
triumvirs from the time they had formed a close combination received
ratification at the hands of the senate, and certain further taxes were
imposed by them, because the expenditures proved far greater than had
been allowed for in the time of the former Caesar. For they were expending
vast sums, especially upon the soldiers, and were ashamed of being the
only ones to lay out money contrary to custom. Then I might mention that
Caesar now for the first time shaved his beard, and held a magnificent
entertainment himself besides granting all the other citizens a festival
at public expense. He also kept his chin smooth afterward, like the rest;
he was already beginning to conceive a passion for Livia, and for this
reason divorced at once Scribonia, who had borne him a daughter. Hence,
as the expenditures grew far greater than before, and the revenues were
not anywhere sufficient but at this time came in in even smaller amounts
by reason of the factional disputes, they introduced certain new taxes;
and they enrolled in the senate as many persons as possible, not only
from among the allies or soldiers, or sons of freedmen, but even slaves.
At any rate one Maximus, when about to become quaestor, was recognized by
his master and taken away. And he incurred no injury through having dared
to stand for the office: but another who had been caught serving as a
praetor, was hurled down the rocks of the Capitol, having been
first freed, that there might be some legal justification for his
punishment[46].
[-35-] The expedition which Antony was getting in readiness against the
Parthians afforded them some excuse for the mass of prospective senators.
The same plea permitted them to extend all the offices for a number of
years and that of consul to eight full years, rewarding some of those who
had coöperated with them, and bringing others to trial. They chose not
two annual consuls, as had been the custom, but now for the first time
several, and on the very day of the elections. Formerly, to be sure, some
had held office after others who had neither died nor been removed for
disenfranchisement or in any other way: but those persons had become
officials as suited those who had been elected for the entire year,
whereas now no magistrate was chosen to serve for a year, but first one,
then another would be appointed for different divisions of the entire
time. Also the men first to enter upon office were accustomed to hold the
title of the consulship through the entire year as is now done: the rest
were accorded the same title by the dwellers in the capital themselves
and by the people in the rest of Italy during each period of their office
(as is also now the custom), but those in outside nations knew few or
none of them and therefore called them lesser consuls.