occasion that the struggle between them was clearly tremendous. Heaven,
as it is ever accustomed to give indications before most remarkable
events, foretold to them accurately both in Rome and in Macedonia all the
results that would come from it. In the City the sun at one time appeared
diminished and grew extremely small, and again showed itself now huge,
now tripled in form, and once shone forth at night. Thunderbolts
descended on many spots, and most significantly upon the altar of Jupiter
Victor; flashes darted hither and thither; notes of trumpets, clashing of
arms, and cries of camps were heard by night from the gardens of Caesar
and of Antony, located close together beside the Tiber. Moreover a dog
dragged the body of a dog to the temple of Ceres, where he dug the earth
with his paws and buried it. A child was born with hands that had ten
fingers, and a mule gave birth to a prodigy of two species. The front
part of it resembled a horse, and the rest a mule. The chariot of Minerva
while returning to the Capitol from a horse-race was dashed to pieces,
and the statue of Jupiter at Albanum sent forth blood at the very time
of the Feriae from its right shoulder and right hand. These were advance
indications to them from Heaven, and the rivers also in their land gave
out entirely or began to flow backward. And any chance deeds of men
seemed to point to the same end. During the Feriae the prefect of the city
celebrated the festival of Latiaris,[34] which neither belonged to him
nor was ordinarily observed at that time, and the plebeian aediles
offered to Ceres contests in armor in place of the horse-race. This was
what took place in Rome, where certain oracles also both before the
events and pertaining to them were recited, tending to the downfall
of the democracy. In Macedonia, to which Pangeaum and the territory
surrounding it are regarded as belonging, bees in swarms pervaded the
camp of Cassius, and in the course of its purification some one set the
garland upon his head wrong end foremost, and a boy while carrying
a Victory in some procession, such as the soldiers inaugurate, fell
down.[35] But the thing which most of all portended destruction to them,
so that it became plain even to their enemies, was that many vultures and
many other birds, too, that devour corpses gathered only above the heads
of the conspirators, gazing down upon them and squawking and screeching
with terrible and bloodcurdling notes.
[-41-] To that party these signs brought evil, while the others, so far
as we know, were visited by no omen, but saw some such, visions as the
following in dreams. A Thessalian dreamed that the former Caesar had
bidden him tell Caesar that the battle would occur on the second day
after that one, and that he should resume some of the insignia which his
predecessor wore while dictator: Caesar therefore immediately put his
father's ring on his finger and wore it often afterward. That was the
vision which that man saw, whereas the physician who attended Caesar
thought that Minerva enjoined him to lead his patient, though still in
poor health, from his tent and place him in line of battle: and by this
act he was saved. In most cases safety is the lot of such as remain in
the camp and of those in the fortifications, while danger accompanies
those who proceed into the midst of weapons and battles; but this was
reversed in the case of Caesar. It was quite visibly the result of his
leaving the rampart and mingling with the fighting men that he survived,
although from sickness he stood with difficulty even without his arms.
[-42-] The engagement was of the following nature. No arrangement had
been made as to when they should enter battle, yet as if by some compact
they all armed themselves at dawn, advanced into the square intervening
between them quite leisurely, as though they were competitors in games,
and there were quietly marshaled. When they stood opposed advice was
given partly to the entire bodies and partly to individuals of both
forces by the generals and lieutenants and subalterns. They made many
suggestions touching the immediate danger and many adapted to the future,
words such as men would speak who were to encounter danger on the moment
and were endeavoring to anticipate troubles to come. For the most part
the speeches were very similar, inasmuch as on both sides alike there
were Romans together with allies. Still, there was a difference. The
officers of Brutus offered their men the prizes of liberty and democracy,
of freedom from tyrants and freedom from masters; they pointed out to
them the excellencies of equality in government, and all the unfairness
of monarchy that they themselves had experienced or had heard in other
cases; they called to the attention of the soldiers the separate details
of each system and besought them to strive for the one, and to take care
not to endure the other. The opposing officers urged their army to take
vengeance on the assassins, to possess the property of their antagonists,
to be filled with a desire to rule all of their race, and (the clause
which inspired them most) they promised to give them five thousand
denarii apiece. [-43-] Thereupon they first sent around their
watchwords,--the followers of Brutus using "Liberty," and the others
whatever happened to be given out,--and then one trumpeter on each side
sounded the first note, followed by the blare of the remainder. Those in
front sounded the "at rest" and the "ready" signal on their trumpets in
a kind of circular spot, and then the rest came in who were to rouse
the spirit of the soldier and incite them to the onset. Then there was
suddenly a great silence, and after waiting a little the leaders issued a
clear command and the lines on both sides joined in a shout. After that
with a yell the heavy-armed dashed their spears against their shields and
hurled the former at each other, while the slingers and the archers sent
their stones and missiles. Then the two bodies of cavalry trotted forward
and the contingents shielded with breastplates following behind joined in
hand to hand combat. [-44-] They did a great deal of pushing and a great
deal of stabbing, looking carefully at first to see how they should wound
others and not be wounded themselves; they desired both to kill their
antagonists and to save themselves. Later, when their charge grew fiercer
and their spirit flamed up, they rushed together without stopping to
consider, and paid no more attention to their own safety, but would even
sacrifice themselves in their eagerness to destroy their adversaries.
Some threw away their shields and seizing hold of those arrayed opposite
them either strangled[36] them in their helmets and struck them from the
rear, or snatched away their defence in front and delivered a stroke on
their breasts. Others took hold of their swords and then ran their
own into the bodies of the men opposite, who had been made as good as
unarmed. And some by exposing some part of their bodies to be wounded
could use the rest more readily. Some clutched each other in an embrace
that prevented the possibility of striking, but they perished in the
intertwining of swords and bodies. Some died of one blow, others of many,
and neither had any perception of their wounds, dying too soon to feel
pain, nor lamented their taking off, because they did not reach the point
of expressing grief. One who killed another thought in the excessive joy
of the moment that he could never die. Whoever fell lost consciousness
and had no knowledge of his state. [-45-] Both sides remained stubbornly
in their places and neither side retired or pursued, but there, just as
they were, they wounded and were wounded, slew and were slain, until late
in the day. And if all had contested with all, as may happen under such
circumstances, or if Brutus had been arrayed against Antony and Cassius
against Caesar, they would have proved equally matched. As it was, Brutus
forced the invalid Caesar from his path, while Antony overruled Cassius,
who was by no means his equal in warfare. At this juncture, because not
all were conquering the other side at once, but both parties were in turn
defeated and victorious, the results[37] were practically the same. Both
had conquered and had been defeated, each had routed their adversaries
and had been routed, pursuits and flights had fallen to the lot of both
alike and the camps on both sides had been captured. As they were many
they occupied a large expanse of plain, so that they could not see each
other distinctly. In the battle each one could recognize only what was
opposite him, and when the rout took place each side fled the opposite
way to its own fortifications, situated at a distance from each
other, without stopping to look back. Because of this fact and of the
immeasurable quantity of dust that rose they were ignorant of the
termination of the battle, and those who had conquered thought they had
been victorious over everything, and those who were defeated deemed they
had been worsted everywhere. They did not learn what had happened until
the ramparts had been laid in ruins, and the victors on each side on
retiring to their own head-quarters encountered each other.
[-46-] So far, then, as the battle was concerned, both sides both
conquered thus and were defeated. At this time they did not resume the
conflict, but as soon as they had retired and beheld each other and
recognized what had taken place, they both withdrew, not venturing
anything further. They had beaten and had proved inferior to each other.
This was shown first by the fact that the entire ramparts of Caesar
and Antony and everything within them had been captured. (That proved
practically the truth of the dream, for if Caesar had remained in his
place, he would certainly have perished with the rest.) It was shown
again in the fate of Cassius. He came away safe from the battle, but
stripped of his fortifications he had fled to a different spot, and
suspecting that Brutus, too, had been defeated and that several of the
victors were hastening to attack him he made haste to die. He had sent a
certain centurion to view the situation and report to him where Brutus
was and what he was doing. This man fell in with some horsemen whom
Brutus had dispatched to seek his colleague, turned back with them and
proceeded leisurely, with the idea that there was hurry, because no
danger presented itself. Cassius, seeing them afar off, suspected they
were enemies and ordered Pindarus, a freedman, to kill him. The centurion
on learning that his leader's death was due to his dilatoriness slew
himself upon his body.
[-47-] Brutus immediately sent the body of Cassius secretly to Thasos. He
shrank from burying it upon the ground, for fear the army would be filled
with grief and dejection at sight of the preparations. The remainder
of his friend's soldiers he took under his charge, consoled them in a
speech, won their devotion by a gift of money to make up for what they
had lost, and then transferred his position to their enclosure, which
was more suitable. From there he started out to harass his opponents in
various ways, especially by assaulting their camp at night. He had no
intention of joining issue with them again in a set battle, but had great
hopes of overcoming them without danger by the lapse of time. Hence he
tried regularly to startle them in various ways and disturb them by
night, and once by diverting the course of the river he washed away
considerable of their wall. Caesar and Antony were getting short of both
food and money, and consequently gave their soldiers nothing to replace
what had been seized and carried off. Furthermore, the force that was
sailing to them in transports from Brundusium had been destroyed by
Staius. Yet they could not safely transfer their position to any other
quarter nor return to Italy, and so, even as late as this, they set all
their hopes upon their weapons,--hopes not merely of victory but even
of preservation. They were eager to meet the danger before the naval
disaster became noised abroad among their opponents and their own men.
[-48-] As Brutus evinced an unwillingness to meet them in open fight,
they somehow cast pamphlets over his palisade, challenging his soldiers
either to embrace their cause (promises being attached) or to come into
conflict if they had the least particle of strength. During this delay
some of the Celtic force deserted from their side to Brutus, and Amyntas,
the general of Deiotarus, and Rhascuporis deserted to them. The latter,
as some say, immediately returned home. Brutus was afraid, when this
happened, that there might be further similar rebellion and decided to
join issue with them. And since there were many captives in his camp, and
he neither had any way to guard them during the progress of the battle,
and could not trust them to refrain from doing mischief, he despatched
the majority of them, contrary to his own inclination, being a slave in
this matter to necessity; but he was the more ready to do it because of
the fact that his opponents had killed such of his soldiers as had been
taken alive. After doing this he armed his men for battle. When the
opposing ranks were arrayed, two eagles that flew above the heads of the
two armies battled together and indicated to the combatants the outcome
of the war. The eagle on the side of Brutus was beaten and fled: and
similarly his heavy-armed force, after a contest for the most part even,
was defeated, and then when many had fallen his cavalry, though it fought
nobly, gave way. Thereupon the victors pursued them, as they fled, this
way and that, but neither killed nor captured any one; and then they kept
watch of the separate contingents during the night and did not allow them
to unite again.
[-49-] Brutus, who had reached in flight a steep and lofty spot,
undertook to break through in some way to the camp. In this he was
unsuccessful, and on learning that some of his soldiers had made terms
with the victors he had no further hope, but despairing of safety and
disdaining capture he himself also took refuge in death. He uttered aloud
this sentence of Heracles:
"Unhappy Virtue, thou wert but a name, while I,
Deeming thy godhead real, followed thee on,
Who wert but Fortune's slave." [38]
Then he called one of the bystanders to kill him. His body received
burial by Antony,--all but his head, which was sent to Rome: but as the
ships encountered a storm during the voyage across from Dyrrachium that
was thrown into the sea. At his death the mass of his soldiers, on
amnesty being proclaimed for them, immediately transferred their
allegiance. Portia perished by swallowing red-hot charcoal. Most of the
prominent men who had held any offices or belonged to the assassins or
the proscribed, straightway killed themselves, or, like Favonius, were
captured and destroyed: the remainder at this time escaped to the sea and
thereafter joined Sextus.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
48
The following is contained in the Forty-eighth of Dio's Rome:
How Caesar contended with Fulvia and Lucius Antonius (chapters 1-16).
How Sextus Pompey occupied Sicily (chapters 17-23).
How the Parthians occupied the country to the edge of the Hellespont
(chapters 24-26).
How Caesar and Antony reached an agreement with Sextus (chapters 27-38).
How Publius Ventidius conquered the Parthians and recovered Asia
(chapters 39-42).
How Caesar began to make war upon Sextus (chapters 43-48).
About Baiae (chapters 49-54).
Duration of time five years, in which there were the following
magistrates here enumerated:
L. Antonius M. F. Pietas, P. Servilius P. F. Isauricus consul (II).(B.C.
41 = a. u. 713.)
Cn. Domitius M. F Calvinus [consul] (II), C. Asinius|| Cn. F. Pollio.
(B.C. 40 = a. u. 714.)
L. Marcius L. F. Censorinus, C. Calvisius||[39] C. F. Sabinus. (B.C. 39 =
a. u. 715.)
Appius Claudius C. F. Pulcher, C. Norbanus C. F. Flaccus. (B.C. 38 = a.
u. 716.)
M. Vipsanius L. F. Agrippa, L. Caninius L. F. Gallus. (B.C. 37 = a. u.
717.)
(_BOOK 48, BOISSEVAIN_.)
[B.C. 42(_a. u_.712)]
[-1-] So perished Brutus and Cassius, slain by the swords with which they
had despatched Caesar. The rest also who had shared in the plot against
him were all except a very few destroyed, some previously, some at this
time, and some subsequently. Justice and the Divine Will seemed to sweep
onward and lead forward to such a fate the men who had killed their
benefactor, one who had attained such eminence in both excellence and
good fortune. Caesar and Antony for the moment secured an advantage over
Lepidus, because he had not shared the victory with them; yet they
were destined ere long to turn their arms against each other. It is a
difficult matter for three men or two that are equal in rank and have
come into power over such vast interests as a result of war to be of one
accord. Hence, whatever they had gained for a time while in harmony for
the purpose of the overthrow of their adversaries they now began to
set up as prizes in their rivalry with each other. They immediately
redistributed the empire, so that Spain and Numidia fell to Caesar, Gaul
and Africa to Antony; they further agreed that in case Lepidus showed any
vexation at this Africa should be evacuated for him. [-2-] This was all
they could allot between them, since Sextus was still occupying Sardinia
and Sicily, and other regions outside of Italy were in a state of
turmoil. About the peninsula itself I need say nothing, for it has always
remained a kind of choice exception in such divisions: and not even now
did they talk as if they were struggling to obtain it, but to defend it.
So, leaving these other regions to be common property, Antony took it
upon himself to settle affairs of nations that had fought against them
and to collect the money which had been offered to the soldiers in
advance: Caesar was charged with curtailing the power of Lepidus, if he
should make any hostile move, with conducting the war against Sextus, and
with assigning to those of his campaigners who had passed the age limit
the land which he had promised them; and these he forthwith dismissed.
Furthermore he sent with Antony two legions of his followers, and his
colleague sent word that he would give him in return an equal number
of those stationed at that tune in Italy. After making these compacts
separately, putting them in writing, and sealing them, they exchanged the
documents, to the end that if any transgression were committed, it might
be proved from the very records. Thereupon Antony set out for Asia and
Caesar for Italy. [-3-] Sickness attacked the latter violently on the
journey and during the voyage, giving rise in Rome to an expectation of
his death. They did not believe, however, that he was lingering so
much by reason of ill health as because he was devising some harm, and
consequently they expected to fall victims to every possible persecution.
Yet they voted to these men many honors for their victory, such as would
have been given assuredly to the others, had they conquered; in such
crises it is ever the case that all trample on the loser and honor the
victor; and in particular they decided, though against their will, to
celebrate thanksgivings during practically the entire year. This
Caesar ordered them outright to do in gratitude for vengeance upon the
assassins. At any rate during his delay all sorts of stories were
current, and all sorts of behavior resulted. For example, some spread a
report that he was dead, and aroused delight in many breasts: others
said he was planning some evil, and filled numerous persons with fear.
Therefore some hid their property and took care to protect themselves,
and others considered in what way they might make their escape. Others,
and the majority, not being able to apprehend anything clearly by reason
of their excessive fear, prepared to meet a certain doom. The confident
element was extremely small, and its numbers few. In the light of the
former frequent and diverse destruction of both persons and possessions
they expected that anything similar or still worse might happen, because
now they had been utterly vanquished. Wherefore Caesar, in dread that
they might take some rebellious step, especially since Lepidus was there,
forwarded a letter to the senate urging its members to be of good cheer,
and further promising that he would do everything in a mild and humane
way, after the manner of his father.
[B.C. 41 (_a. u_.713)]
[-4-] This was what then took place. The succeeding year Publius
Servilius and Lucius Antonius nominally became consuls, but in reality it
was the latter and Fulvia. She, the mother-in-law of Caesar and wife of
Antony, had no respect for Lepidus because of his slothfulness, and
herself managed affairs, so that neither the senate nor the people dared
transact any business contrary to her pleasure. Actually, when Lucius
himself was anxious to have a triumph over certain peoples dwelling in
the Alps, on the ground that he had conquered them, for a time Fulvia
opposed him and no one would grant it; but when her favor was courted and
she permitted it, all voted for the measure: therefore it was nominally
Antonius ... over the people whom he said he had vanquished (in reality
he had done nothing deserving a triumph nor had any command at all in
those regions),--but in truth Fulvia ...[40] and had the procession. And
she assumed a far prouder bearing over the affair than did he, because
she had a truer cause; to give any one authority to hold a triumph was
greater than to celebrate it by securing the privilege from another.
Except that Lucius donned the triumphal apparel, mounted the chariot, and
performed the other rites customary in such cases, Fulvia herself seemed
to be giving the spectacle, employing him as her assistant. It took
place on the first day of the year, and Lucius, just as Marius had done,
exulted in the circumstance that he held it on the first day of the month
that he began to be consul. Moreover he exalted himself even above his
predecessor, saying that he had voluntarily laid aside the decorations of
the procession and had assembled the senate in his street dress, whereas
Marius had done it unwillingly. He added that the latter had received a
crown from almost nobody, whereas he obtained many, and particularly from
the people, tribe by tribe, as had never been the case with any former
triumphator. (It was done by the aid of Fulvia and by the money which he
had secretly given some persons to spend.)
[-5-] It was in this year that Caesar arrived in Rome, and, after taking
the usual steps to celebrate the victory, turned his attention to the
administration and despatch of business. For Lepidus through fear of him
and out of his general weakness of heart had not rebelled; and Lucius and
Fulvia, on the supposition that they were relatives and sharers in his
supremacy were quiet,--at least at first. As time went on they became at
variance, the persons just mentioned because they did not get a share in
the portion of lands to be assigned which belonged to Antony, and Caesar
because he did not get back his troops from the other two. Hence their
kinship by marriage was dissolved and they were brought to open warfare.
Caesar would not endure the domineering ways of his mother-in-law, and,
choosing to appear to be at odds with her rather than with Antonius, sent
back her daughter, whom he declared on oath to be still a virgin. In
pursuing such a course he was careless whether it should be thought
that the woman had remained a virgin in his house so long a time for
common-place reasons, or whether it should seem that he had planned the
situation considerably in advance, as a measure of preparation for the
future. After this action there was no longer any friendship between
them. Lucius together with Fulvia attempted to get control of affairs,
pretending to be doing this in behalf of Marcus, and would yield to Caesar
on no point: therefore on account of his devotion to his brother he took
the additional title of Pietas. Caesar naturally found no fault with
Marcus, not wishing to alienate him while he was attending to the nations
in Asia, but reproached and resisted the pair, giving out that they were
behaving in all respects contrary to their brother's desire and were
eager for individual supremacy.