who had made the campaign with Pompey and in the retreat had arrived
at Tyre, continued to spend his time there, incognito. On 'Change. Now
Sextus was governing the Syrians, for Caesar, since he was quaestor and
also a relative of his, had entrusted to his care all Roman interests
in that quarter on the occasion of his own march from Egypt against
Pharnaces. So Bassus at first remained quiet, satisfied to be allowed to
live: when, however, some similar persons had associated themselves with
him and he had attracted to his enterprise various soldiers of Sextus
who at various times came there to garrison the city, and likewise many
alarming reports kept coming in from Africa about Caesar, he was no longer
pleased with existing circumstances but raised a rebellion, his aim being
either to help the followers of Scipio and Cato and the Pompeians or to
clothe himself in some authority. Sextus discovered him before he had
finished his preparations, but he explained that he was collecting this
body as an auxiliary force for Mithridates of Pergamum against Bosporus;
his story was believed, and he was released. So after this he forged an
epistle, which he pretended had been sent to him by Scipio, in which he
announced that Caesar had been defeated and had perished in Africa and
stated that the governorship of Syria had been assigned to him. His next
step was to use the forces he had in readiness for occupying Tyre and
from there he approached the camp of Sextus. In the attack on the latter
which followed Bassus was defeated and wounded. Consequently, after this
experience, he no longer employed violent tactics, but sent messages to
his opponent's soldiers, and in some way or other so prevailed over some
of them that they took upon themselves the murder of Sextus.
[-27-] The latter out of the way the usurper gained possession of all his
army except some few. The soldiers wintering in Apamea withdrew before
he reached them toward Cilicia, and were pursued but were not won over.
Bassus returned to Syria, where he was named commander, and he conquered
Apamea so as to have it as a base for warfare. He enlisted not only the
free but the slave fighting population, gathered money, and accumulated
arms. While he was thus engaged one Gaius Antistius invested the position
he was holding, and the two had a nearly even struggle in which neither
party succeeded in gaining any great advantage. Thereupon they parted,
without any definite truce, to await the bringing up of allies. The
troops of Antistius were increased by such persons in the vicinity as
favored Caesar and soldiers that had been sent by him from Rome, those of
Bassus by Alchaudonius the Arabian. The latter was the leader who had
formerly made an arrangement with Lucullus, as I mentioned,[31] and
later joined with the Parthian against Crassus. On this occasion he was
summoned by both sides, but entered the space between the city and the
camps and before making any answer auctioned off his services; and as
Bassus offered more money he assisted him, and in the battle wrought
great havoc with his arrows. The Parthians themselves, too, came at the
invitation of Bassus, but on account of the winter failed to remain with
him for any considerable time, and hence did not accomplish anything of
importance. This commander, then, had his own way for a time, but was
later again held in check by Marcius Crispus[32] and Lucius Staius
Murcus.
[-28-] Things were in this condition among them when Cassius came on the
scene and at once conciliated all the cities through the reputation of
what he had done in his quaestorship and his other fame, and attached the
legions of Bassus and of the rest without additional labor. While he
was encamped in one spot with all of them a great downpour from the sky
suddenly occurred, during which wild swine rushed into the camp through
all the gates at once, overturning and mixing up everything there. Some,
accordingly, inferred from this that his power was only temporary and
that disaster was subsequently coming. Having secured possession of Syria
he set out into Judea on learning that the followers of Caesar left behind
in Egypt were approaching. Without effort he enlisted both them and the
Jews in his undertaking. Next he sent away without harming in the least
Bassus and Crispus and such others as did not care to share the campaign
with him; for Staius he preserved the rank with which he had come there
and besides entrusted to him the fleet.
Thus did Cassius in brief time become strong: and he sent a despatch to
Caesar about reconciliation and to the senate about the situation, couched
in similar language to that of Brutus. Therefore the senate confirmed his
governorship of Syria and voted for the war with Dolabella. [-29-] The
latter had been appointed to govern Syria and had started out while
consul, but he proceeded only slowly through Macedonia and Thrace into
the province of Asia and delayed there also. While he was still there
he received news of the decree, and did not go forward into Syria but
remained where he was, treating Trebonius in such a way as to make him
believe most strongly that Dolabella was his friend. Trebonius had his
free permission to take food for his soldiers and to live on intimate
terms with him. When his dupe became in this way imbued with confidence
and ceased to be on his guard, Dolabella by night suddenly seized Smyrna,
where the other was, slew him, and hurled his head at Caesar's image, and
thereafter occupied all of Asia. When the Romans at home heard of this
they declared war against him; for as yet Caesar had neither conquered
Antony nor obtained a hold upon affairs in the City. The citizens also
gave notice to Dolabella's followers of a definite day before which they
must leave off friendship with him, in order to avoid being regarded also
in the light of enemies. And they instructed the consuls to carry on
opposition to him and the entire war as soon as they should have brought
their temporary business to a successful conclusion (not knowing yet that
Cassius held Syria). But in order that he should not gain still greater
power in the interval they gave the governors of the neighboring
provinces charge of the matter. Later they learned the news about
Cassius, and before anything whatever had been done by his opponents at
home they passed the vote that I cited. [-30-] Dolabella, accordingly,
after becoming in this way master of Asia came into Cilicia while Cassius
was in Palestine, took over the people of Tarsus with their consent,
conquered a few of Cassius's guards who were at Aegeae, and invaded Syria.
From Antioch he was repulsed by the contingent guarding the place, but
gained Laodicea without a struggle on account of the friendship which its
inhabitants felt for the former Caesar. Upon this he spent some days in
acquiring new strength,--the fleet among other reinforcements came to
him speedily from Asia,--and crossed over into Aradus with the object
of getting both money and ships from the people also. There he was
intercepted with but few followers and ran into danger. He had escaped
from this when he encountered Cassius marching toward him, and gave
battle, which resulted in his own defeat. He was then shut up and
besieged in Laodicea, where he was entirely cut off from the land, to
be sure (Cassius being assisted by some Parthians among others), but
retained some power through the Asiatic ships and the Egyptian ones which
Cleopatra had sent him, and furthermore by means of the money which came
to him from her. So he carried on marauding expeditions until Staius got
together a fleet, and sailing into the harbor of Laodicea vanquished the
ships that moved out to meet him, and barred Dolabella from the sea also.
Then, prevented on both sides from bringing up supplies, he was led by
lack of necessaries to make a sortie. However, he was quickly hurled back
within the fortress, and seeing that it was being betrayed he feared
that he might be taken alive, and so despatched himself. His example was
followed by Marcus Octavius, his lieutenant. These were deemed worthy of
burial by Cassius, although they had cast out Trebonius unburied. The men
who had participated in the campaign with them and survived obtained both
safety and amnesty, in spite of having been regarded as enemies by the
Romans at home. Nor yet did the Laodiceans suffer any harm beyond being
obliged to contribute money. But for that matter no one else, though many
subsequently plotted against Cassius, was chastised.
[B.C. 42 (_a. u._ 712)]
[-31-] While this was going on the people of Tarsus had attempted to keep
from the passage through the Taurus Tillius Cimber, an assassin of Caesar
who was then governing Bithynia and was hurrying forward to help Cassius.
Out of fear, however, they abandoned the spot and at the time made a
truce with him, because they thought him strong, but afterward they
perceived the small number of his soldiers and neither took him into
their city nor furnished him provisions. He constructed a kind of fort
over against them and set out for Syria, believing it to be of more
importance to aid Cassius than himself to destroy their city. They then
made an attack upon this and got possession of it, after which they
started for Adana, a place on their borders always at variance with them,
giving as an excuse that it was following the cause of Cassius. The
latter, when he heard of it, first, while Dolabella was still alive sent
Lucius Rufus against them, but later came himself, to find that they had
already capitulated to Rufus without a struggle. Upon them he inflicted
no severe penalty save to take away all their money, private and public.
As a result, the people of Tarsus received praise from the triumvirate,
who now held sway in Rome, and were inspired with hope of obtaining some
return for their losses. Cleopatra also, on account of the detachment
she had sent to Dolabella, was granted the right to have her son called
King of Egypt. This son, whom she named Ptolemy, she also pretended was
sprung from Caesar, and she was therefore wont to address him as Caesarion.
[-32-] Cassius when he had settled matters in Syria and in Cilicia
came to meet Brutus in Asia. For when they learned of the union of the
triumvirs and what the latter were doing against them, they came
together there and made common cause more than ever. As they had a like
responsibility for the war and looked forward to a like danger and did
not even now recede from their position regarding the freedom of the
people, and as they were eager also to overthrow their opponents, three
in number and the authors of such deeds, they could plan and accomplish
everything in common with much greater zest. To be brief, they resolved
to enter Macedonia and to hinder the others from crossing over there, or
else to cross into Italy before the others started. Since the men were
said to be still settling affairs in Rome and it was thought likely that
they should have their hands full with Sextus, lying in wait near by,
they did not carry out their plans immediately. Instead, they went about
themselves and sent others in various directions, winning over such as
were not yet in accord with them, and gathering money and soldiers.
[-33-] In this way nearly all the rest, even those who had before paid no
attention to them, at once made agreements with them; but Ariobarzanes,
the Rhodians, and the Lycians, though they did not oppose them, were
still unwilling to form an alliance with them. These were therefore
suspected by Brutus and Cassius of favoring their antagonists, since they
had been well treated by the former Caesar, and fear was entertained by
the two leaders lest when they themselves departed this group should
cause some turmoil and lead the rest to revolt. Hence they determined to
turn first in the direction of these doubtful parties, hoping that since
they were far stronger in point of weapons and were willing to bestow
favors ungrudgingly they might soon either persuade or force them to
join. The Rhodians, who had so great an opinion of their seamanship that
they anticipated Cassius by sailing to the mainland and displayed to his
army the fetters they were bringing with the idea that they were going to
capture many alive, were yet conquered by him, first in a naval battle
near Myndus and later close to Rhodes itself. The commanding officer was
Staius, who overcame their skill by the number and size of his ships.
Thereupon Cassius himself crossed over to their island, where he met with
no resistance, possessing, as he did, their goodwill because of the stay
he had made there in the interests of his education. And he did them no
hurt except to appropriate their ships and money and holy and sacred
vessels,--all save the chariot of the Sun. Afterward he arrested and
killed Ariobarzanes.
[-34-] Brutus overcame in battle the public army of the Lycians which
confronted him near the borders, and entering the citadel at the same
time as the fugitives captured it at a single stroke; the majority of
the cities he brought to his side, but Xanthus he shut up in a state of
siege. Suddenly the inhabitants made a sortie, and themselves rushed
in with them, and once inside arrows and javelins at once rendered his
position very dangerous. He would, indeed, have perished utterly, had
not his soldiers pushed their way through the very fire and unexpectedly
attacked the assailants, who were light-armed. These they hurled back
within the walls and themselves rushed in with them, and once inside cast
some of the fire on several houses, terrifying those who saw what was
being done, and giving those at a distance the impression that they had
simply captured everything. The result was that the natives of their own
accord helped set fire to the rest, and most of them slew one another.
Next Brutus came to Patara and invited the people to conclude friendship;
but they would not obey, for the slaves and the poorer portion of the
free population, who had received in advance for their services the
former freedom, the latter remission of debts, prevented any compact
being made. So at first he sent them the captive Xanthians, to whom many
of them were related by marriage, in the hope that through these he might
bring them to terms. When they yielded none the more, in spite of his
giving to each man gratuitously his own kin, he erected a kind of
salesroom in a safe spot under the very wall, where he led each one of
the prominent men past and auctioned him off, to see if by this means at
least he could gain the Patareans. They were as little inclined as ever
to make concessions, whereupon he sold a few and let the rest go. When
those within saw this, they no longer were stubborn, but forthwith
attached themselves to his cause, regarding him as an upright man; and
they were punished only in a pecuniary way. The people of Myra took the
same action when after capturing their general at the harbor he then
released him. Similarly in a short time he secured control of the rest.
[-35-] When both had effected this they came again into Asia; and all the
suspicious facts they had heard from slanderous talk which will arise
under such conditions they brought up in common, one case at a time,
and, after they were settled, hastened into Macedonia. They had been
anticipated by Gaius Norbanus and Decidius Saxa, who had crossed over
into Ionium before Staius reached there, had occupied the whole country
as far as Pangaeum, and had encamped near Philippi. This city is located
close beside Mount Pangaeum and close beside Symbolon. Symbolon is a
name they give the place for the reason that the mountain mentioned
corresponds (_symballei_) to another that rises in the interior; and it
is between Neapolis and Philippi. The former was near the sea, across
from Thasos, while the latter has been built within the mountains on the
plain. Saxa and Norbanus happened to have occupied the shortest path
across, therefore Brutus and Cassius did not even try to get through that
way, but went around by a longer path,--the so-called Crenides.[33]
Here, too, they encountered a guard, but overpowered it, got inside the
mountains, approached the city along the high ground, and there encamped
each one apart,--if we are to follow the story. As a matter of fact they
bivouacked in one spot. In order that the soldiers might preserve better
discipline and be easier to manage, the camp was made up of two separate
divisions: but as all of it, including the intervening space, was
surrounded by a ditch and a rampart, the entire circuit belonged to both,
and from it they derived safety in common. [-36-] They were far superior
in numbers to their adversaries then present and by that means got
possession of Symbolon, having first ejected the inhabitants. In this way
they were able to bring provisions from the sea, over a shorter stretch
of country, and had only to make a descent from the plain to get them.
For Norbanus and Saxa did not venture to offer them battle with their
entire force, though they did send out horsemen to make sorties, wherever
opportunity offered. Accomplishing nothing, however, they were rather
careful to keep their camp well guarded than to expose it to danger,
and sent in haste for Caesar and Antony. These leaders on learning that
Cassius and Brutus were for some time busy with the Rhodians and the
Lycians had thought that their adversaries would have more fighting on
their hands there, and so instead of hastening had sent Saxa and Norbanus
forward into Macedonia. On finding out that their representatives were
caught they bestowed praise on the Lycians and Rhodians, promising to
make them a present of money, and they themselves at once set out from
the city. Both, however, encountered a delay of some time,--Antony near
Brundusium, because blocked by Staius, and Caesar near Rhegium, having
first turned aside to meet Sextus, held Sicily and was making an attempt
on Italy. [-37-] When it seemed to them to be impossible to dislodge him,
and the case of Cassius and Brutus appeared to be more urgent, they left
a small part of their army to garrison Italy and with the major portion
safely crossed the Ionian sea. Caesar fell sick and was left behind at
Dyrrachium, while Antony marched for Philippi. For a time he was a source
of some strength to his soldiers, but after laying an ambush for some of
the opposite party that were gathering grain and failing in his attempt
he was no longer of good courage himself. Caesar heard of it and feared
either possible outcome, that his colleague should be defeated in a
separate attack or again that he should conquer: in the former event he
felt that Brutus and Cassius would attain power, and in the latter that
Antony would have it all himself; therefore he made haste though still
unwell. At this action the followers of Antony also took courage. And
since it did not seem safe for them to refuse to encamp together, they
brought the three divisions together to one spot and into one stronghold.
While the opposing forces were facing each other sallies and excursions
took place on both sides, as chance dictated. For some time, however, no
ordered battle was joined, although Caesar and Antony were exceedingly
anxious to bring on a conflict. Their forces stronger than those of their
adversaries, but they were not so abundantly supplied with provisions,
because their fleet was away fighting Sextus and they were therefore not
masters of the sea.
[-38-] Hence these men for the reasons specified and because of Sextus,
who held Sicily and was making an attempt on Italy, were excited by
the fear that while they delayed he might capture Italy and come
into Macedonia. Cassius and Brutus had no particular aversion to a
battle,--they had the advantage in the number of soldiers, though the
latter were deficient in strength,--but some reflection on their own
condition and that of their opponents showed them that allies were being
added to their own numbers every day and that they had abundant food by
the help of the ships; consequently they put off action in the hope of
gaining their ends without danger and loss of men. Because they were
lovers of the people in no pretended sense and were contending with
citizens, they consulted the interests of the latter no less than those
of their own associates, and desired to afford preservation and liberty
to both alike. For some time, therefore, they waited, not wishing to
provoke a contest with them. The troops, however, being composed mostly
of subject nations, were oppressed by the delay and despised
their antagonists who, apparently out of fear, offered within the
fortifications the sacrifice of purification, which regularly precedes
struggles. Hence they urged a battle and spread a report that if there
should be more delay, they would abandon the camp and disperse; and at
this the leaders, though against their will, went to meet the foe.
[-39-] You might not unnaturally guess that this struggle proved
tremendous and surpassed all previous civil conflicts of the Romans.
This was not because these contestants excelled those of the old days in
either the number or the valor of the warriors, for far larger masses
and braver men than they had fought on many fields, but because on this
occasion they contended for liberty and for democracy as never before.
And they came to blows with one another again later just as they had
previously. But the subsequent struggles they carried on to see to whom
they should belong: on this occasion the one side was trying to bring
them into subjection to sovereignty, the other side into a state of
autonomy. Hence the people never attained again to the absolute right
of free speech, in spite of being vanquished by no foreign nation (the
subject population and the allied nations then present on both sides were
merely a kind of complement of the citizen army): but the people at once
gained the mastery over and fell into subjection to itself; it defeated
itself and was defeated; and in that effort it exhausted the democratic
element and strengthened the monarchical. I do not say that the people's
defeat at that time was not beneficial. (What else can one say regarding
those who fought on both sides than that the Romans were conquered and
Caesar was victorious?) They were no longer capable of concord in the
established form of government; for it is impossible for an unadulterated
democracy that has grown to acquire domains of such vast size to have
the faculty of moderation. After undertaking many similar conflicts
repeatedly, one after another, they would certainly some day have been
either enslaved or ruined.