CHAPTER XXVIII.

_THE HOLY CITY._

NEHEMIAH vii. 1-4; xi.

We have seen that though the two passages that deal with the sparsity

of the population of Jerusalem are separated in our Bibles by the

insertion of the section on the reading of The Law and the formation

of the covenant, they are, in fact, so closely related that, if we

skip the intermediate section, the one runs on into the other quite

smoothly, as by a continuous narrative;[246] that is to say, we may

pass from Nehemiah vii. 4 to Nehemiah xi. 1 without the slightest sign

of a junction of separate paragraphs. So naive and crude is the

chronicler's style, that he has left the raw edges of the narrative

jagged and untrimmed, and thereby he has helped us to see distinctly

how he has constructed his work. The foreign matter which he has

inserted in the great gash is quite different in style and contents

from that which precedes and follows it. This is marked with the Ezra

stamp, which indicates that in all probability it is founded on notes

left by the scribe; but the broken narrative in the midst of which it

appears is derived from Nehemiah, the first part consisting of

memoirs written by the statesman himself, and the second part being

an abbreviation of the continuation of Nehemiah's writing. The

beginning of this second part directly links it on to the first part,

for the word "and" has no sort of connection with the immediately

preceding Ezra section, while it exactly fits into the broken end of

the previous Nehemiah section; only with his characteristic

indifference to secular affairs, in comparison with matters touching

The Law and the temple worship, the chronicler abbreviates the

conclusion of Nehemiah's story. It is easy to see how he constructs

his book in this place. He has before him two documents--one written

by Nehemiah, the other written either by Ezra or by one of his close

associates. At first he follows Nehemiah, but suddenly he discovers

that he has reached the date when the Ezra record should come in.

Therefore, without any concern for the irregularity of style that he

is perpetrating, he suddenly breaks off Nehemiah's narrative to insert

the Ezra material, at the end of which he simply goes back to the

Nehemiah document, and resumes it exactly where he has left it, except

that now, after introducing it in the language of the original writer,

he compresses the fragment, so that the composition passes over into

the third person. It is not to be supposed that this is done

arbitrarily or for no good reason. The chronicler here intends to tell

his story in chronological order. He shows that the course of events

referred to at the opening of the seventh chapter really was broken by

the occurrences the record of which then follows. The interruptions in

the narrative just correspond to the real interruptions in the

historical facts. History is not a smooth-flowing river; its course is

repeatedly broken by rocks and shoals, and sometimes entirely

deflected by impassable cliffs. In the earlier part of the narrative

we read of Nehemiah's anxiety on account of the sparsity of the

population of Jerusalem; but before he was able to carry out any plans

for the increase of the number of inhabitants the time of the great

autumn festivals was upon him, and the people were eager to take

advantage of the public holidays that then fell due in order to induce

Ezra to read to them the wonderful book he had brought up from Babylon

years before, and of which he had not yet divulged the contents. This

was not waste time as regards Nehemiah's project. Though the civil

governor stood in the background during the course of the great

religious movement, he heartily seconded the clerical leaders of it in

their efforts to enlighten and encourage the people, and he was the

first to seal the covenant which was its fruit. Then the people who

had been instructed in the principles of their faith and consecrated

to its lofty requirements were fitted to take their places as citizens

of the Holy City.

[246] Pages 271-273.

The "population question" which troubled Nehemiah at this time is so

exactly opposite to that which gives concern to students of social

problems in our own day, that we need to look into the circumstances

in which it emerged in order to understand its bearings. The powerful

suction of great towns, depleting the rural districts and gorging the

urban, is a source of the greatest anxiety to all who seriously

contemplate the state of modern society; and consequently one of the

most pressing questions of the day is how to scatter the people over

the land. Even in new countries the same serious condition is

experienced--in Australia, for instance, where the crowding of the

people into Melbourne is rapidly piling up the very difficulties

sanguine men hoped the colonies would escape. If we only had these

modern facts to draw upon, we might conclude that a centripetal

movement of population was inevitable. That it is not altogether a

novelty we may learn from the venerable story of the Tower of Babel,

from which we may also gather that it is God's will that men should

spread abroad and replenish the earth.

It is one of the advantages of the study of history that it lifts us

out of our narrow grooves and reveals to us an immense variety of

modes of life, and this is not the least of the many elements of

profit that come to us from the historical embodiment of revelation as

we have it in the Bible. The width of vision that we may thus attain

to will have a double effect. It will save us from being wedded to a

fixed policy under all circumstances; and it will deliver us from the

despair into which we should settle down, if we did not see that what

looks to us like a hopeless and interminable drift in the wrong

direction is not the permanent course of human development. It is

necessary to consider that if the dangers of a growing population are

serious, those of a dwindling population are much more grave.

Nehemiah was in a position to see the positive advantages of city

life, and he regarded it as his business to make the most of them for

the benefit of his fellow-countrymen. We have seen that each of the

three great expeditions from Babylon up to Jerusalem had its separate

and distinctive purpose. The aim of the first, under Zerubbabel and

Jeshua, was the rebuilding of the temple; the object of the second,

under Ezra, was the establishment of The Law; and the end of the

third, under Nehemiah, was the fortification and strengthening of the

city. This end was before the patriotic statesman's mind from the very

first moment when he was startled and grieved at hearing the report of

the ruinous condition of the walls of Jerusalem which his brother

brought to him in the palace at Susa. We may be sure that with so

practical a man it was more than a sentimental reverence for venerated

sites that led Nehemiah to undertake the great work of fortifying the

city of his fathers' sepulchres. He had something else in view than to

construct a huge mausoleum. His aim had too much to do with the living

present to resemble that of Rizpah guarding the corpses of her sons

from the hovering vultures. Nehemiah believed in the future of

Jerusalem, and therefore he would not permit her to remain a city of

ruins, unguarded, and a prey to every chance comer. He saw that she

had a great destiny yet to fulfil, and that she must be made strong if

ever she was to accomplish it. It is to the credit of his keen

discernment that he perceived this essential condition of the firm

establishment of Israel as a distinctive people in the land of

Palestine. Ezra was too literary, too abstract, too much of an

idealist to see it, and therefore he struggled on with his teaching

and exhorting till he was simply silenced by the unlooked-for logic of

facts. Nehemiah perfectly comprehended this logic, and knew how to

turn it to the advantage of his own cause.

The fierce antagonism of the Samaritans is an indirect confirmation of

the wisdom of Nehemiah's plans. Sanballat and his associates saw

clearly enough that, if Jerusalem were to become strong again, the

metropolitan pre-eminence--which had shifted from this city to Samaria

after the Babylonian conquest--would revert to its old seat among the

hills of Judah and Benjamin. Now this pre-eminence was of vital

importance to the destinies of Israel. It was not possible for the

people in those early days to remain separate and compact, and to work

out their own peculiar mission, without a strong and safe centre. We

have seen Judaism blossoming again as a distinctive phenomenon in the

later history of the Jews, after the destruction of Jerusalem by the

Romans. But this most wonderful fact in ethnology is indirectly due to

the work of Ezra and Nehemiah. The readiness to intermarry with

foreigners shown by the contemporaries of the two great reformers

proves conclusively that, unless the most stringent measures had been

taken for the preservation of its distinctive life, Israel would have

melted away into the general mass of amalgamated races that made up

the Chaldæan and Persian empires. The military protection of Jerusalem

enabled her citizens to maintain an independent position in defiance

of the hostile criticism of her neighbours, and the civil importance

of the city helped to give moral weight to her example in the eyes of

the scattered Jewish population outside her walls. Then the worship at

the temple was a vital element in the newly modelled religious

organisation, and it was absolutely essential that this should be

placed beyond the danger of being tampered with by foreign influences,

and at the same time that it should be adequately supported by a

sufficient number of resident Jews. Something like the motive that

induces the Pope to desire the restoration of the temporal power of

the Papacy--perfectly wise and reasonable from his point of

view--would urge the leaders of Judaism to secure as far as possible

the political independence of the centre of their religion.

It is to be observed that Nehemiah desired an increase of the

population for the immediate purpose of strengthening the garrison of

Jerusalem. The city had been little better than "a lodge in a garden

of cucumbers" till her new governor had put forth stupendous efforts

which resulted in converting her into a fortress. Now the fortress

required to be manned. Everything indicates anxiety about the means of

defence. Nehemiah placed two men at the head of this vital

function--his own brother Hanani, whose concern about the city had

been evinced in his report of its condition to Nehemiah at Susa, and

Hananiah the commandant of the citadel. This Hananiah was known to be

"faithful"--a great point while traitors in the highest places were

intriguing with the enemy. He was also exceptionally God-fearing,

described as one who "feared God above many"--another point recognised

by Nehemiah as of supreme importance in a military officer. Here we

have an anticipation of the Puritan spirit which required the

Cromwellian soldiers to be men of sterling religious character.

Nehemiah would have had no hesitation if he had been placed in the

dilemma of the Athenians when they were called to choose between

Aristides the good and Themistocles the clever. With him--much as

brains were needed, and he showed this in his own sleepless

astuteness--integrity and religion were the first requisites for an

office of responsibility.

The danger of the times is further indicated by the new rule with

regard to the opening of the gates. Oriental custom would have

permitted this at dawn. Nehemiah would not allow it before the full

daytime, "until the sun be hot." Levites were to mount guard by

day--an indication of the partially ecclesiastical character of the

civil government. The city was a sort of extended temple, and its

citizens constituted a Church watched over by the clergy. At night the

citizens themselves were to guard the walls, as more watchers would be

needed during the hours of darkness to protect the city against an

assault by surprise. Now these facts point to serious danger and

arduous toil. Naturally many men would shrink from the yoke of

citizenship under such circumstances. It was so much pleasanter, so

much easier, so much quieter for people to live in the outlying towns

and villages, near to their own farms and vineyards. Therefore it was

necessary to take a tenth of the rural population in order to increase

that of the town. The chronicler expressly notes that "the rulers of

the people" were already dwelling in Jerusalem. These men realised

their responsibility. The officers were to the fore; the men who

needed to be urged to their duty were the privates. No doubt there was

more to attract the upper classes to the capital, while their

agricultural occupations would naturally draw many of the poorer

people into the country, and we must not altogether condemn the latter

as less patriotic than the former. We cannot judge the relative merits

of people who act differently till we know their several

circumstances. Still it remains true that it is often the man with the

one talent who buries his charge, because with him the sense of

personal insignificance becomes a temptation to the neglect of duty.

Hence arises one of the most serious dangers to a democracy. When this

danger is not mastered, the management of public affairs falls into

the hands of self-seeking politicians, who are ready to wreck the

state for their private advantage. It is most essential, therefore,

that a public conscience should be aroused and that people should

realise their duty to their community--to the town in which they

live, the country to which they belong.

Nehemiah's simple expedient succeeded, and praise was earned by those

Jews who yielded to the sacred decision of the lot and abandoned their

pleasant rustic retreats to take up the more trying posts of sentinels

in a garrison. According to his custom, the chronicler proceeds to

show us how the people were organised. His many names have long ceased

to convey the living interest that must have clustered round them when

the families they represented were still able to recognise their

ancestors in the roll of honour. But incidentally he imports into his

register a note about the Great King's concern for the temple worship,

from which we learn that Artaxerxes made special provision for the

support of the choristers, and that he entertained a Jewish

representative in his court to keep him informed on the condition of

the distant city. Thus we have another indication of the royal

patronage which was behind the whole movement for the restoration of

the Jews. Nevertheless the piteous plaint of the Jews on their great

fast day shows us that their servitude galled them sorely. Men who

could utter that cry would not be bribed into a state of cheerful

satisfaction by the kindness of their master in subscribing to their

choir fund, although doubtless the contribution was made in a spirit

of well-meaning generosity. The ideal City of God had not yet

appeared, and the hint of the dependence of Jerusalem on royal

patronage is a significant reminder of the sad fact. It never did

appear, even in the brightest days of the earthly Jerusalem. But God

was teaching His people through the history of that unhappy city how

high the true ideal must be, and so preparing them for the heavenly

city, the New Jerusalem.

Now we may take the high ideal that was slowly emerging throughout the

ages, and see how God intends to have it realised in the City of God

which, from the days of Saint Augustine, we have learnt to look for in

the Church of Christ. The two leading thoughts connected with the Holy

City in the phase of her history that is now passing under our notice

are singularly applicable to the Christian community.

First, _the characteristic life of the city_. Enclosed within walls

the city gained a peculiar character and performed a distinctive

mission of her own. Our Lord was not satisfied to rescue stray sheep

on the mountains only to brand them with His mark and then turn them

out again to graze in solitude. He drew them as a flock after Himself,

and His disciples gathered them into the fold of Church fellowship.

This is of as vital importance to the cause of Christianity as the

civic organisation of Jerusalem was to that of Judaism. The Christian

City of God stands out before the world on her lofty foundation, the

Rock of Ages--a beacon of separation from sin, a testimony to the

grace of God, a centre for the confession of faith, a home for social

worship, a rallying point for the forces of holy warfare, a sanctuary

for the helpless and oppressed.

Second, _the public duty of a citizenship_. The reluctance of

Christians to accept the responsibilities of Church membership may be

compared to the backwardness of the Jews to dwell in their metropolis.

Like Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah, the City of God to-day is an

outpost in the battle-field, a fortress surrounded by the enemy's

territory. It is traitorous to retire to the calm cultivation of one's

private garden-plot in the hour of stress and strain when the citadel

is threatened on all sides. It is the plain duty of the people of God

to mount guard and take their turn as watchmen on the walls of the

Holy City.

May we carry the analogy one step further? The king of Persia, though

his realm stretched from the Tigris to the Ægean, could not give much

effectual help to the true City of God. But the Divine King of kings

sends her constant supplies, and she too, like Jerusalem, has her

Representative at court, One who ever lives to make intercession for

her.

The Expositor's Bible: Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther · 第 28 / 35 章