The year 1566 was a remarkable period in the domestic annals of our
great Elizabeth; then, for a moment, broke forth a noble struggle
between the freedom of the subject and the dignity of the sovereign.
One of the popular grievances of her glorious reign was the maiden state
in which the queen persisted to live, notwithstanding such frequent
remonstrances and exhortations. The nation in a moment might be thrown
into the danger of a disputed succession; and it became necessary to
allay that ferment which existed among all parties, while each was
fixing on its own favourite, hereafter to ascend the throne. The birth
of James I. this year, re-animated the partisans of Mary of Scotland;
and men of the most opposite parties in England unanimously joined in
the popular cry for the marriage of Elizabeth, or a settlement of the
succession. This was a subject most painful to the thoughts of
Elizabeth; she started from it with horror, and she was practising every
imaginable artifice to evade it.
The real cause of this repugnance has been passed over by our
historians. Camden, however, hints at it, when he places among other
popular rumours of the day, that "men cursed Huic, the queen's
physician, for dissuading her from marriage, for I know not what female
infirmity." The queen's physician thus incurred the odium of the nation
for the integrity of his conduct: he well knew how precious was her
life![81]
This fact, once known, throws a new light over her conduct; the
ambiguous expressions which she constantly employs, when she alludes to
her marriage in her speeches, and in private conversations, are no
longer mysterious. She was always declaring, that she knew her subjects
did not love her so little, as to wish to bury her before her time; even
in the letter I shall now give, we find this remarkable
expression:--urging her to marriage, she said, was "asking nothing less
than wishing her to dig her grave before she was dead." Conscious of the
danger of her life by marriage, she had early declared when she ascended
the throne, that "she would live and die a maiden queen:" but she
afterwards discovered the political evil resulting from her unfortunate
situation. Her conduct was admirable; her great genius turned even her
weakness into strength, and proved how well she deserved the character
which she had already obtained from an enlightened enemy--the great
Sixtus V., who observed of her, _Ch'era un gran cervello di
Principessa_! She had a princely head-piece! Elizabeth allowed her
ministers to pledge her royal word to the commons, as often as they
found necessary, for her resolution to marry; she kept all Europe at her
feet, with the hopes and fears of her choice; she gave ready
encouragements, perhaps allowed her agents to promote even invitations,
to the offers of marriage she received from crowned heads; and all the
coquetries and cajolings, so often and so fully recorded, with which she
freely honoured individuals, made her empire an empire of love, where
love, however, could never appear. All these were merely political
artifices, to conceal her secret resolution, which was, not to marry.
At the birth of James I. as Camden says, "the sharp and hot spirits
broke out, accusing the queen that she was neglecting her country and
posterity." All "these humours," observes Hume, "broke out with great
vehemence, in a new session of parliament, held after six prorogations."
The peers united with the commoners. The queen had an empty exchequer,
and was at their mercy. It was a moment of high ferment. Some of the
boldest, and some of the most British spirits were at work; and they,
with the malice or wisdom of opposition, combined the supply with the
succession; one was not to be had without the other.
This was a moment of great hope and anxiety with the French court; they
were flattering themselves that her reign was touching a crisis; and La
Mothe Fenelon, then the French ambassador at the court of Elizabeth,
appears to have been busied in collecting hourly information of the warm
debates in the commons, and what passed in their interviews with the
queen. We may rather be astonished where he procured so much secret
intelligence: he sometimes complains that he is not able to acquire it
as fast as Catherine de Medicis and her son Charles IX. wished. There
must have been Englishmen at our court who were serving as French spies.
In a private collection, which consists of two or three hundred original
letters of Charles IX., Catherine de Medicis, Henry III., and Mary of
Scotland, &c., I find two despatches of this French ambassador, entirely
relating to the present occurrence. What renders them more curious is,
that the debates on the question of the succession are imperfectly given
in Sir Symonds D'Ewes's journals; the only resource open to us. Sir
Symonds complains of the negligence of the clerk of the commons, who
indeed seems to have exerted his negligence, whenever it was found most
agreeable to the court party.
Previous to the warm debates in the commons, of which the present
despatch furnishes a lively picture, on Saturday, 12th October, 1566, at
a meeting of the lords of the council, held in the queen's apartment,
the Duke of Norfolk, in the name of the whole nobility, addressed
Elizabeth, urging her to settle the suspended points of the succession,
and of her marriage, which had been promised in the last parliament. The
queen was greatly angered on the occasion; she would not suffer their
urgency on those points, and spoke with great animation. "Hitherto you
have had no opportunity to complain of me; I have well governed the
country in peace, and if a late war of little consequence has broken
out, which might have occasioned my subjects to complain of me, with me
it has not originated, but with yourselves, as truly I believe. Lay your
hands on your hearts, and blame yourselves. In respect to the choice of
the succession, not one of ye shall have it; that choice I reserve to
myself alone. I will not be buried while I am living, as my sister was.
Do I not well know, how during the life of my sister every one hastened
to me at Hatfield; I am at present inclined to see no such travellers,
nor desire on this your advice in any way.[82] In regard to my marriage,
you may see enough, that I am not distant from it, and in what respects
the welfare of the kingdom: go each of you, and do your own duty."
_27th October, 1566._
"Sire,
"By my last despatch of the 21st instant,[83] among other matters, I
informed your majesty of what was said on Saturday the 19th as well in
parliament, as in the chamber of the queen, respecting the circumstance
of the succession to this crown; since which I have learned other
particulars, which occurred a little before, and which I will not now
omit to relate, before I mention what afterwards happened.
"On Wednesday, the 16th of the present month, the comptroller of the
queen's household[84] moved, in the lower house of parliament, where the
deputies of towns and counties meet, to obtain a subsidy;[85] taking
into consideration, among other things, that the queen had emptied the
exchequer, as well in the late wars, as in the maintenance of her ships
at sea, for the protection of her kingdom, and her subjects; and which
expenditure has been so excessive, that it could no further be supported
without the aid of her good subjects, whose duty it was to offer money
to her majesty, even before she required it, in consideration that,
hitherto, she had been to them a benignant and courteous mistress.
"The comptroller having finished, one of the deputies, a country
gentleman, rose in reply. He said, that he saw no occasion, nor any
pressing necessity, which ought to move her majesty to ask for money of
her subjects. And, in regard to the wars, which it was said had
exhausted her treasury, she had undertaken them for herself, as she had
thought proper; not for the defence of her kingdom, nor for the
advantage of her subjects; but there was one thing which seemed to him
more urgent, and far more necessary to examine concerning this
campaign; which was, how the money raised by the late subsidy had been
spent; and that every one who had had the handling of it should produce
their accounts, that it might be known if the monies had been well or
ill spent.
"On this, rises one named Mr. _Basche_,[86] purveyor of the marine, and
also a member of the said parliament; who shows that it was most
necessary that the commons should vote the said subsidies to her
majesty, who had not only been at vast charges, and was so daily, to
maintain a great number of ships, but also in building new ones;
repeating what the comptroller of the household had said, that they
ought not to wait till the queen asked for supplies, but should make a
voluntary offer of their services.
"Another country gentleman rises and replies, that the said _Basche_ had
certainly his reasons to speak for the queen in the present case, since
a great deal of her majesty's monies for the providing of ships passed
through his hands; and the more he consumed, the greater was his profit.
According to his notion, there were but too many purveyors in this
kingdom, whose noses had grown so long, that they stretched from London
to the west.[87] It was certainly proper to know if all they levied by
their commission for the present campaign was entirely employed to the
queen's profit. Nothing further was debated on that day.
"The Friday following when the subject of the subsidy was renewed, one
of the gentlemen-deputies showed, that the queen having prayed[88] for
the last subsidy, had promised, and pledged her faith to her subjects,
that after that one she never more would raise a single penny on them;
and promised even to free them from the wine-duty, of which promise they
ought to press for the performance; adding, that it was far more
necessary for this kingdom to speak concerning an heir or successor to
their crown, and of her marriage, than of a subsidy.
"The next day, which was Saturday the 19th, they all began, with the
exception of a single voice, a loud outcry for the succession. Amidst
these confused voices and cries, one of the council prayed them to have
a little patience, and with time they should be satisfied; but that, at
this moment, other matters pressed,--it was necessary to satisfy the
queen about a subsidy. 'No! no!' cried the deputies, 'we are expressly
charged not to grant anything until the queen resolvedly answers that
which we now ask: and we require you to inform her majesty of our
intention, which is such as we are commanded to by all the towns and
subjects of this kingdom, whose deputies we are. We further require an
act, or acknowledgment, of our having delivered this remonstrance, that
we may satisfy our respective towns and counties that we have performed
our charge.' They alleged for an excuse, that if they had omitted any
part of this, _their heads would answer for it_. We shall see what will
come of this.[89]
"Tuesday the 22nd, the principal lords, and the bishops of London, York,
Winchester, and Durham, went together, after dinner, from the parliament
to the queen, whom they found in her private apartment. There, after
those who were present had retired, and they remained alone with her,
the great treasurer having the precedence in age, spoke first in the
name of all. He opened, by saying, that the commons had required them to
unite in one sentiment and agreement, to solicit her majesty to give her
answer as she had promised, to appoint a successor to the crown;
declaring it was necessity that compelled them to urge this point, that
they might provide against the dangers which might happen to the
kingdom, if they continued without the security they asked. This had
been the custom of her royal predecessors, to provide long beforehand
for the succession, to preserve the peace of the kingdom; that the
commons were all of one opinion, and so resolved to settle the
succession before they would speak about a subsidy, or any other matter
whatever; that, hitherto, nothing but the most trivial discussions had
passed in parliament, and so great an assembly was only wasting their
time, and saw themselves entirety useless. They, however, supplicated
her majesty, that she would be pleased to declare her will on this
point, or at once to put an end to the parliament, so that every one
might retire to his home.
"The Duke of Norfolk then spoke, and, after him, every one of the other
lords, according to his rank, holding the same language in strict
conformity with that of the great treasurer.
"The queen returned no softer answer than she had on the preceding
Saturday, to another party of the same company; saying that 'The commons
were very rebellious, and that they had not dared to have attempted such
things during the life of her father: that it was not for them to impede
her affairs, and that it did not become a subject to compel the
sovereign. What they asked was nothing less than wishing her to dig her
grave before she was dead.' Addressing herself to the lords, she said,
'My lords, do what you will; as for myself, I shall do nothing but
according to my pleasure. All the resolutions which you may make can
have no force without my consent and authority; besides, what you desire
is an affair of much too great importance to be declared to a knot of
hare-brains.[90] I will take counsel with men who understand justice and
the laws, as I am deliberating to do: I will choose half-a-dozen of the
most able I can find in my kingdom for consultation, and after having
their advice, I will then discover to you my will.' On this she
dismissed them in great anger.
"By this, sire, your majesty may perceive that this queen is every day
trying new inventions to escape from this passage (that is, on fixing
her marriage, or the succession). She thinks that the Duke of Norfolk is
principally the cause of this insisting,[91] which one person and the
other stand to; and is so angried against him, that, if she can find any
decent pretext to arrest him, I think she will not fail to do it; and he
himself, as I understand, has already very little doubt of this.[92]
The duke told the earl of Northumberland, that the queen remained
steadfast to her own opinion, and would take no other advice than her
own, and would do everything herself."
The storms in our parliament do not necessarily end in political
shipwrecks, whenever the head of the government is an Elizabeth. She,
indeed, sent down a prohibition to the house from all debate on the
subject. But when she discovered a spirit in the commons, and language
as bold as her own royal style, she knew how to revoke the exasperating
prohibition. She even charmed them by the manner; for the commons
returned her "prayers and thanks," and accompanied them with a subsidy.
Her majesty found by experience, that the present, like other passions,
was more easily calmed and quieted by following than resisting, observes
Sir Symonds D'Ewes.
The wisdom of Elizabeth, however, did not weaken her intrepidity. The
struggle was glorious for both parties; but how she escaped through the
storm which her mysterious conduct had at once raised and quelled, the
sweetness and the sharpness, the commendation and the reprimand of her
noble speech in closing the parliament, are told by Hume with the usual
felicity of his narrative.[93]