CHIDIOCK TITCHBOURNE.

I have already drawn a picture of Jewish history in our country; the

present is a companion-piece, exhibiting a Roman Catholic one.

The domestic history of our country awakens our feelings far more than

the public. In the one, we recognise ourselves as men; in the other, we

are nothing but politicians. The domestic history is, indeed, entirely

involved in the fate of the public; and our opinions are regulated

according to the different countries, and by the different ages we live

in; yet systems of politics, and modes of faith, are, for the

individual, but the chance occurrences of human life, usually found in

the cradle and laid in the grave: it is only the herd of mankind, or

their artful leaders, who fight and curse one another with so much

sincerity. Amidst these intestine struggles, or, perhaps, when they have

ceased, and our hearts are calm, we perceive the eternal force of nature

acting on humanity; then the heroic virtues and private sufferings of

persons engaged in an opposite cause, and acting on different principles

than our own, appeal to our sympathy, and even excite our admiration. A

philosopher, born a Roman Catholic, assuredly could commemorate many a

pathetic history of some heroic Huguenot; while we, with the same

feeling in our heart, discover a romantic and chivalrous band of

Catholics.

Chidiock Titchbourne is a name which appears in the conspiracy of

Anthony Babington against Elizabeth, and the history of this

accomplished young man may enter into the romance of real life. Having

discovered two interesting domestic documents relative to him, I am

desirous of preserving a name and a character which have such claims on

our sympathy.

There is an interesting historical novel, entitled "The Jesuit," whose

story is founded on this conspiracy; remarkable for being the production

of a lady, without, if I recollect rightly, a single adventure of love.

Of the fourteen characters implicated in this conspiracy, few were of

the stamp of men ordinarily engaged in dark assassinations. Hume has

told the story with his usual grace: the fuller narrative may be found

in Camden; but the tale may yet receive from the character of Chidiock

Titchbourne, a more interesting close.

Some youths, worthy of ranking with the heroes, rather than with the

traitors of England, had been practised on by the subtilty of Ballard, a

disguised Jesuit of great intrepidity and talents, whom Camden calls "a

silken priest in a soldier's habit:" for this versatile intriguer

changed into all shapes, and took up all names: yet, with all the arts

of a political Jesuit, he found himself entrapped in the nets of that

more crafty one, the subdolous Walsingham. Ballard had opened himself to

Babington, a Catholic; a youth of large fortune, the graces of whose

person were only inferior to those of his mind. In his travels, his

generous temper had been touched by some confidential friends of the

Scottish Mary; and the youth, susceptible of ambition, had been

recommended to that queen; and an intercourse of letters took place,

which seemed as deeply tinctured with love as with loyalty. The

intimates of Babington were youths of congenial tempers and studies;

and, in their exalted imaginations, they could only view in the

imprisoned Mary of Scotland a sovereign, a saint, and a woman. But

friendship the most tender, if not the most sublime ever recorded,

prevailed among this band of self-devoted victims; and the Damon and

Pythias of antiquity were here out-numbered.

But these conspirators were surely more adapted for lovers than for

politicians. The most romantic incidents are interwoven in this dark

conspiracy. Some of the letters to Mary were conveyed by a secret

messenger, really in the pay of Walsingham; others were lodged in a

concealed place, covered by a loosened stone, in the wall of the queen's

prison. All were transcribed by Walsingham before they reached Mary.

Even the spies of that singular statesman were the companions or the

servants of the arch-conspirator Ballard; for the minister seems only to

have humoured his taste in assisting him through this extravagant plot.

Yet, as if a plot of so loose a texture was not quite perilous enough,

the extraordinary incident of a picture, representing the secret

conspirators in person, was probably considered as the highest stroke of

political intrigue! The accomplished Babington had portrayed the

conspirators, himself standing in the midst of them, that the imprisoned

queen might thus have some kind of personal acquaintance with them.

There was at least as much of chivalry as of Machiavelism in this

conspiracy. This very picture, before it was delivered to Mary, the

subtile Walsingham had copied, to exhibit to Elizabeth the faces of her

secret enemies. Houbraken, in his portrait of Walsingham, has introduced

in the vignette the incident of this picture being shown to Elizabeth; a

circumstance happily characteristic of the genius of this crafty and

vigilant statesman. Camden tells us that Babington had first inscribed

beneath the picture this verse:--

Hi mihi sunt comites, quos ipsa pericula ducunt.

These are my companions, whom the same dangers lead.

But as this verse was considered by some of less heated fancies as much

too open and intelligible, they put one more ambiguous:--

Quorsum hæc alio properantibus?

What are these things to men hastening to another purpose?

This extraordinary collection of personages must have occasioned many

alarms to Elizabeth, at the approach of any stranger, till the

conspiracy was suffered to be sufficiently matured to be ended. Once she

perceived in her walks a conspirator; and on that occasion erected her

"lion port," reprimanding her captain of the guards, loud enough to meet

the conspirator's ear, that "he had not a man in his company who wore a

sword."--"Am not I fairly guarded?" exclaimed Elizabeth.

It is in the progress of the trial that the history and the feelings of

these wondrous youths appear. In those times, when the government of the

country yet felt itself unsettled, and mercy did not sit in the

judgment-seat, even one of the judges could not refrain from being

affected at the presence of so gallant a band as the prisoners at the

bar: "Oh, Ballard, Ballard!" the judge exclaimed, "what hast thou done?

A sort (a company) of brave youths, otherwise endued with good gifts, by

thy inducement hast thou brought to their utter destruction and

confusion." The Jesuit himself commands our respect, although we refuse

him our esteem; for he felt some compunction at the tragical executions

which were to follow, and "wished all the blame might rest on him, could

the shedding of his blood be the saving of Babington's life!"

When this romantic band of friends were called on for their defence, the

most pathetic instances of domestic affection appeared. One had engaged

in this plot solely to try to save his friend, for he had no hopes of

it, nor any wish for its success; he had observed to his friend, that

the "haughty and ambitious mind of Anthony Babington would be the

destruction of himself and his friends;" nevertheless he was willing to

die with them! Another, to withdraw if possible one of those noble

youths from the conspiracy, although he had broken up housekeeping,

said, to employ his own language, "I called back my servants again

together, and began to keep house again more freshly than ever I did,

only because I was weary to see Tom Salusbury's straggling, and willing

to keep him about home." Having attempted to secrete his friend, this

gentleman observed, "I am condemned, because I suffered Salusbury to

escape, when I knew he was one of the conspirators. My case is hard and

lamentable; either to betray my friend, whom I love as myself, and to

discover Tom Salusbury, the best man in my country, of whom I only made

choice, or else to break my allegiance to my sovereign, and to undo

myself and my posterity for ever." Whatever the political casuist may

determine on this case, the social being carries his own manual in the

heart. The principle of the greatest of republics was to suffer nothing

to exist in competition with its own ambition; but the Roman history is

a history without fathers and brothers! Another of the conspirators

replied, "For flying away with my friend I fulfilled the part of a

friend." When the judge observed, that, to perform his friendship he had

broken his allegiance to his sovereign, he bowed his head and confessed,

"Therein I have offended." Another, asked why he had fled into the

woods, where he was discovered among some of the conspirators, proudly

(or tenderly) replied, "For company!"

When the sentence of condemnation had passed, then broke forth among

this noble band that spirit of honour, which surely had never been

witnessed at the bar among so many criminals. Their great minds seemed

to have reconciled them to the most barbarous of deaths; but as their

estates as traitors might be forfeited to the queen, their sole anxiety

was now for their families and their creditors. One in the most pathetic

terms recommends to her majesty's protection a beloved wife; another a

destitute sister; but not among the least urgent of their supplications,

was one that their creditors might not be injured by their untimely end.

The statement of their affairs is curious and simple. "If mercy be not

to be had," exclaimed one, "I beseech you, my good lords, this; I owe

some sums of money, but not very much, and I have more owing to me; I

beseech that my debts may be paid with that which is owing to me."

Another prayed for a pardon; the judge complimented him, that "he was

one who might have done good service to his country," but declares he

cannot obtain it.--"Then," said the prisoner, "I beseech that six

angels, which such an one hath of mine, may be delivered to my brother

to pay my debts."--"How much are thy debts?" demanded the judge. He

answered, "The same six angels will discharge it."

That nothing might be wanting to complete the catastrophe of their sad

story, our sympathy must accompany them to their tragical end, and to

their last words. These heroic yet affectionate youths had a trial

there, intolerable to their social feelings. The terrific process of

executing traitors was the remains of feudal barbarism, and has only

been abolished very recently. I must not refrain from painting this

scene of blood; the duty of an historian must be severer than his taste,

and I record in the note a scene of this nature.[78] The present one was

full of horrors. Ballard was first executed, and snatched alive from

the gallows to be embowelled: Babington looked on with an undaunted

countenance, steadily gazing on that variety of tortures which he

himself was in a moment to pass through; the others averted their faces,

fervently praying. When the executioner began his tremendous office on

Babington, the spirit of this haughty and heroic man cried out amidst

the agony, _Parce mihi, Domine Jesu!_ Spare me, Lord Jesus! There were

two days of execution; it was on the first that the noblest of these

youths suffered; and the pity which such criminals had excited among the

spectators evidently weakened the sense of their political crime; the

solemnity, not the barbarity, of the punishment affects the populace

with right feelings. Elizabeth, an enlightened politician, commanded

that on the second day the odious part of the sentence against traitors

should not commence till after their death.

One of these _generosi adolescentuli_, youths of generous blood, was

CHIDIOCK TITCHBOURNE, of Southampton, the more intimate friend of

Babington. He had refused to connect himself with the assassination of

Elizabeth, but his reluctant consent was inferred from his silence. His

address to the populace breathes all the carelessness of life, in one

who knew all its value. Proud of his ancient descent from a family which

had existed before the Conquest till now without a stain, he paints the

thoughtless happiness of his days with his beloved friend, when any

object rather than matters of state engaged their pursuits; the hours of

misery were only first known the day he entered into the conspiracy. How

feelingly he passes into the domestic scene, amidst his wife, his child,

and his sisters! and even his servants! Well might he cry, more in

tenderness than in reproach, "Friendship hath brought me to this!"

"Countrymen, and my dear friends, you expect I should speak

something; I am a bad orator, and my text is worse: It were in

vain to enter into the discourse of the whole matter for which

I am brought hither, for that it hath been revealed heretofore;

let me be a warning to all young gentlemen, especially

_generosis adolescentulis_. I had a friend, a dear friend, of

whom I made no small account, _whose friendship hath brought me

to this_; he told me the whole matter, I cannot deny, as they

had laid it down to be done; but I always thought it impious,

and denied to be a dealer in it; but the regard of my friend

caused me to be a man in whom the old proverb was verified; I

was silent, and so consented. Before this thing chanced, we

lived together in most nourishing estate: Of whom went report

in the _Strand_, _Fleet-street_, and elsewhere about _London_,

but of _Babington and Titchbourne_? No threshold was of force

to brave our entry. Thus we lived, and wanted nothing we could

wish for; and God knows what less in my head than _matters of

state_. Now give me leave to declare the miseries I sustained

after I was acquainted with the action, wherein I may justly

compare my estate to that of Adam's, who could not abstain _one

thing forbidden_, to enjoy all other things the world could

afford; the terror of conscience awaited me. After I considered

the dangers whereinto I was fallen, I went to Sir John Peters

in Essex, and appointed my horses should meet me at London,

intending to go down into the country. I came to London, and

then heard that all was bewrayed; whereupon, like Adam, we fled

into the woods to hide ourselves. My dear countrymen, my

sorrows may be your joy, yet mix your smiles with tears, and

pity my case; _I am descended from a house, from two hundred

years before the Conquest, never stained till this my

misfortune. I have a wife and one child; my wife Agnes, my dear

wife, and there's my grief--and six sisters left in my hand--my

poor servants, I know, their master being taken, were

dispersed; for all which I do most heartily grieve_. I expected

some favour, though I deserved nothing less, that the remainder

of my years might in some sort have recompensed my former

guilt; which seeing I have missed, let me now meditate on the

joys I hope to enjoy."

Titchbourne had addressed a letter to his "dear wife Agnes," the night

before he suffered, which I discovered among the Harleian MSS.[79] It

overflows with the most natural feeling, and contains some touches of

expression, all sweetness and tenderness, which mark the Shakspearean

era. The same MS. has also preserved a more precious gem, in a small

poem, composed at the same time, which indicates his genius, fertile in

imagery, and fraught with the melancholy philosophy of a fine and

wounded spirit. The unhappy close of the life of such a noble youth,

with all the prodigality of his feelings, and the cultivation of his

intellect, may still excite that sympathy in the _generosis

adolescentulis_, which Chidiock Titchbourne would have felt for them!

"A letter written by CHEDIOCK TICHEBURNE the night before he

suffered death, vnto his wife, dated of anno 1586.

"To the most loving wife alive, I commend me vnto her, and

desire God to blesse her with all happiness, pray for her dead

husband, and be of good comforte, for I hope in Jesus Christ

this morning to see the face of my maker and redeemer in the

most joyful throne of his glorious kingdome. Commend me to all

my friends, and desire them to pray for me, and in all charitie

to pardon me, if I have offended them. Commend me to my six

sisters poore desolate soules, advise them to serue God, for

without him no goodness is to be expected: were it possible, my

little sister Babb: the darlinge of my race might be bred by

her, God would rewarde her; but I do her wrong I confesse, that

hath by my desolate negligence too little for herselfe, to add

a further charge vnto her. Deere wife forgive me, that have by

these means so much impoverished her fortunes; patience and

pardon good wife I craue--make of these our necessities a

vertue, and lay no further burthen on my neck than hath

alreadie been. There be certain debts that I owe, and because I

know not the order of the lawe, piteous it hath taken from me

all, forfeited by my course of offence to her majestie, I

cannot aduise thee to benefit me herein, but if there fall out

wherewithal, let them be discharged for God's sake. I will not

that you trouble yourselfe with the performance of these

matters, my own heart, but make it known to my uncles, and

desire them, for the honour of God and ease of their soule, to

take care of them as they may, and especially care of my

sisters bringing up the burthen is now laide on them. Now,

Sweet-cheek, what is left to bestow on thee, a small joynture,

a small recompense for thy deservinge, these legacies

followinge to be thine owne. God of his infinite goodness give

thee grace alwaies to remain his true and faithfull servant,

that through the merits of his bitter and blessed passion thou

maist become in good time of his kingdom with the blessed women

in heaven. May the Holy Ghost comfort thee with all necessaries

for the wealth of thy soul in the world to come, where, until

it shall please almighty God I meete thee, farewell lovinge

wife, farewell the dearest to me on all the earth, farewell!

"By the hand from the heart of thy most faithful louinge

husband,

"CHIDEOCK TICHEBURN."

"VERSES,

"Made by CHEDIOCK TICHBORNE of himselfe in the Tower, the night

before he suffered death, who was executed in Lincoln's Inn

Fields for treason. 1586.

My prime of youth is but a frost of cares,

My feast of joy is but a dish of pain,

My crop of corn is but a field of tares,

And all my goodes is but vain hope of gain.

The day is fled, and yet I saw no sun,

And now I live, and now my life is done!

My spring is past, and yet it hath not sprung,

The fruit is dead, and yet the leaves are green,

My youth is past, and yet I am but young,

I saw the world, and yet I was not seen;

My thread is cut, and yet it is not spun,

And now I live, and now my life is done!

I sought for death, and found it in the wombe,

I lookt for life, and yet it was a shade,

I trade the ground, and knew it was my tombe,

And now I dye, and now I am but made.

The glass is full, and yet my glass is run;

And now I live, and now my life is done![80]

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