received. Since that, too, a great change has taken place in the
appearance of our political atmosphere. The merchants, as before,
continue, a respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming. The
French decree operated on them as a sedative, producing more alarm than
resentment: on the Representatives, differently. It excited indignation
highly in the war party, though I do not know that it had added any
new friends, to that side of the question. We still hoped a majority
of about four: but the insane message which you will see in the public
papers has had great effect. Exultation on the one side, and a certainty
of victory; while the other is petrified with astonishment. Our Evans,
though his soul is wrapt up in the sentiments of this message, yet
afraid to give a vote openly for it, is going off to-morrow, as is said.
Those who count, say there are still two members of the other side who
will come over to that of peace. If so, the members will be for war
measures, fifty-two, against them fifty-three; if all are present except
Evans. The question is, what is to be attempted, supposing we have a
majority: I suggest two things: 1. As the President declares he has
withdrawn the executive prohibition to arm, that Congress should pass a
legislative one. If that should fail in the Senate, it would heap
coals of fire on their heads. 2. As, to do nothing and to gain time is
everything with us, I propose, that they shall come to a resolution of
adjournment, ‘in order to go home and consult their constituents on the
great crisis of American affairs now existing.’ Besides gaining time
enough by this, to allow the descent on England to have its effect here
as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the whole body of the
people from the state of inattention in which they are; it will require
every member to call for the sense of his district by petition or
instruction; it will show the people with which side of the House their
safety as well as their rights rest, by showing them which is for
war and which for peace; and their representatives will return here
invigorated by the avowed support of the American people. I do not
know, however, whether this will be approved, as there has been little
consultation on the subject. We see a new instance of the inefficiency
of constitutional guards.
We had relied with great security on that provision, which requires two
thirds of the legislature to declare war. But this is completely eluded
by a majority’s taking such measures as will be sure to produce war.
I wrote you in my last, that an attempt was to be made on that day in
Senate, to declare the inexpediency of renewing our treaties. But the
measure is put off under the hope of its being attempted under better
auspices. To return to the subject of war, it is quite impossible, when
we consider all the existing circumstances, to find any reason in its
favor resulting from views either of interest or honor, and plausible
enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially, when it would
be undertaken by a majority of one or two only. Whatever then be our
stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other views. And those
so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and afterwards at
the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present themselves
as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree of
impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation,
a separation of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the
eastward of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have written so far,
two days before the departure of the post. Should any thing more occur
to-day or to-morrow, it shall be added. Adieu affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXVIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, March 29, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, March 29, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 21st. Yours of the 12th, therein acknowledged,
is the last received. The measure I suggested in mine, of adjourning for
consultation with their constituents, was not brought forward; but on
Tuesday three resolutions were moved, which you will see in the public
papers. They were offered in committee to prevent their being suppressed
by the previous question, and in the committee on the state of the
Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of the committee and
not sitting again, to get rid of them. They were taken by surprise,
not expecting to be called to vote on such a proposition as ‘that it
is inexpedient to resort to war against the French republic’. After
spending the first day in seeking on every side some hole to get out
at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up their resource.
Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the proposition.
Mr. Harper and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics against France,
selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the worst
picture they could present. The latter, on this, as in the affair of
Lyon and Griswold, went far beyond that moderation he has on other
occasions recommended. We know not how it will go. Some think the
resolution will be lost, some, that it will be carried; but neither way,
by a majority of more than, one or two. The decision of the Executive,
of two thirds of the Senate, and half the House of Representatives, is
too much for the other half of that House. We therefore fear it will be
borne down, and are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In fact, the
question of war and peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile. If
we could but gain this season, we should be saved. The affairs of Europe
would of themselves save us. Besides this, there can be no doubt that a
revolution of opinion in Massachusetts and Connecticut is working. Two
whig presses have been set up in each of those States. There has
been for some days a rumor, that a treaty of alliance, offensive and
defensive with Great Britain, has arrived. Some circumstances have
occasioned it to be listened to; to wit, the arrival of Mr. King’s
secretary, which is affirmed, the departure of Mr. Liston’s secretary,
which I know is to take place on Wednesday next, the high tone of the
executive measures at the last, and present session, calculated to raise
things to the unison of such a compact, and supported so desperately in
both Houses in opposition to the pacific wishes of the people, and
at the risk of their approbation at the ensuing election. Langdon
yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current report. Tracy, in reply,
declared he knew of no such thing, did not believe it, nor would be its
advocate.
An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come forward with a
petition, to aid with the weight of their body the feeble band of peace.
They have, with some effort, got a petition signed by a few of their
society; the main body of their society refuse it. M’Lay’s peace motion
in the Assembly of Pennsylvania was rejected with an unanimity of the
Quaker vote, and it seems to be well understood, that their attachment
to England is stronger than to their principles or their country. The
revolution war was a first proof of this. Mr. White, from the federal
city, is here, soliciting money for the buildings at Washington. A
bill for two hundred thousand dollars has passed the House of
Representatives, and is before the Senate, where its fate is entirely
uncertain. He has become perfectly satisfied that Mr. Adams is radically
against the government’s being there. Goodhue (his oracle) openly said
in committee, in presence of White, that he knew the government was
obliged to go there, but they would not be obliged to stay there. Mr.
Adams said to White, that it would be better that the President should
rent a common house there, to live in; that no President would live in
the one now building. This harmonizes with Goodhue’s idea of a short
residence. I wrote this in the morning, but need not part with it till
night. If any thing occurs in the day, it shall be added. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXIX.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 5, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, April 5, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 29th ultimo; since which I have no letter from
you. These acknowledgments regularly made and attended to will show
whether any of my letters are intercepted, and the impression of my seal
on wax (which shall be constant hereafter) will discover whether they
are opened by the way. The nature of some of my communications furnishes
ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The bill for the federal
buildings labors hard in Senate, though, to lessen opposition, the
Maryland Senator himself proposed to reduce the two hundred thousand
dollars to one third of that sum. Sedgwick and Hill-house violently
oppose it. I conjecture that the votes will be either thirteen for and
fifteen against it, or fourteen and fourteen. Every member declares he
means to go there, but though charged with an intention to come
away again, not one of them disavow it. This will engender incurable
distrust. The debate on Mr. Sprigg’s resolutions has been interrupted
by a motion to call for papers. This was carried by a great majority.
In this case, there appeared a separate squad, to wit, the Pinckney
interest, which is a distinct thing, and will be seen sometimes to lurch
the President. It is in truth the Hamilton party, whereof Pinckney is
only made the stalking-horse. The papers have been sent in and read, and
it is now under debate in both Houses, whether they shall be published.
I write in the morning, and if determined in the course of the day in
favor of publication, I will add in the evening a general idea of their
character. Private letters from France, by a late vessel which sailed
from Havre, February the 5th, assure us that France, classing us in her
measures with the Swedes and Danes, has no more notion of declaring
war against us than them. You will see a letter in Bache’s paper of
yesterday, which came addressed to me. Still the fate of Spring’s
resolutions seems in perfect _equilibrio_. You will see in Fenno, two
numbers of a paper signed Marcellus. They promise much mischief, and are
ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to Hamilton. You must, my
dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion. You know the ingenuity
of his talents; and there is not a person but yourself who can foil him.
For Heaven’s sake, then, take up your pen, and do not desert the public
cause altogether. Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted
the publication of the communications from our Envoys. The House
of Representatives decided against the publication by a majority of
seventy-five to twenty-four. The Senate adjourned, over to-morrow (good
Friday), to Saturday morning: but as the papers cannot be printed within
that time, perhaps the vote of the House of Representatives may induce
the Senate to reconsider theirs. For this reason, I think it my duty to
be silent on them. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXX.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 6, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, April 6, 1798.
Dear Sir,
So much of the communications from our Envoys has got abroad, and so
partially, that there can now be no ground for reconsideration with the
Senate. I may therefore, consistently with duty do what every member of
the body is doing. Still, I would rather you would use the communication
with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first impressions
from them are very disagreeable and confused. Reflection, however, and
analysis resolve them into this. Mr. Adams’s speech to Congress in May
is deemed such a national affront, that no explanation on other
topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary, is wiped away by
humiliating disavowals or acknowledgments. This working hard with
our Envoys, and indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort
of authority, submission to a heavy amercement (upwards of a million
sterling) was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative, which
might be admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through
informal agents; and both the alternatives bringing the Envoys to their
_ne plus_, they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial
characters, but to address a letter directly to the government, to
bring forward their pretensions. This letter had not yet, however,
been prepared. There were interwoven with these overtures some base
propositions on the part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to
sell his interest and influence with the Directory towards soothing
difficulties with them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand
pounds sterling); and the arguments to which his agent resorted to
induce compliance with this demand were very unworthy of a great nation
(could they be imputed to them), and calculated to excite disgust and
indignation in Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans
particularly, whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment
to France and hatred to the federal party, and not the love of their
country, to be their first passion. No difficulty was expressed
towards an adjustment of all differences and misunderstandings, or even
ultimately a payment for spoliations, if the insult from our executive
should be first wiped away. Observe, that I state all this from only
a single hearing of the papers, and therefore it may not be rigorously
correct. The little slanderous imputation before mentioned, has been the
bait which hurried the opposite party into this publication. The first
impressions with the people will be disagreeable, but the last and
permanent one will be, that the speech in May is now the only obstacle
to accommodation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place. And
how much will be added to this by the speech of November, is yet to be
learned. It is evident however, on reflection, that these papers do not
offer one motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is their effect
on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear, that, to wipe off
the imputation of being French partisans, they will go over to the war
measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems, indeed, as
if they were afraid they should not be able to get into war till Great
Britain shall be blown up, and the prudence of our countrymen from that
circumstance, have, influence enough to prevent it. The most artful
misrepresentations of the contents of these papers were published
yesterday, and produced such a shock in the republican mind, as had
never been seen since our independence. We are to dread the effects of
this dismay till their fuller information. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXXI.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 12, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, April 12, 1798.
Dear Sir, I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th instant; since
which I have received yours of the 2nd. I send you, in a separate
package, the instructions to our Envoys and their communications. You
will find that my representation of their contents from memory,
was substantially just. The public mind appears still in a state of
astonishment. There never was a moment in which the aid of an able pen
was so important to place things in their just attitude. On this depend
the inchoate movement in the eastern mind, and the fate of the elections
in that quarter, now beginning and to continue through the summer. I
would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occasion. But be
assured that a well digested analysis of these papers would now decide
the future turn of things, which are at this moment on the creen. The
merchants here are meeting under the auspices of Fitzsimmons, to address
the President and approve his propositions. Nothing will be spared on
that side. Sprigg’s first resolution against the expediency of war,
proper at the time it was moved, is now postponed as improper, because
to declare that, after we have understood it has been proposed to us
to try peace, would imply an acquiescence under that proposition. All.
therefore, which the advocates of peace can now attempt, is to prevent
war measures externally, consenting to every rational measure of
internal defence and preparation. Great expenses will be incurred;
and it will be left to those whose measures render them necessary, to
provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping all payments of
interest, and of a land-tax. These will probably not be opposed. The
only question will be, how to modify the land-tax. On this there may
be a great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make it a new
source of patronage and expense. If this business is taken up, it will
lengthen our session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on the
beginning of May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual routes,
and not by the Eastern-shore, on account of the advance of the season.
Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXXII.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 26, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON,
Philadelphia, April 26, 1798.
Dear Sir,
*****
The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) passed by a majority of
about four to three in the House of Representatives: all restrictions
on the objects for which the vessels should be used were struck out. The
bill for establishing a department of Secretary of the Navy was tried
yesterday, on its passage to the third reading, and prevailed by
forty-seven against forty-one. It will be read the third time to-day.
The provisional army of twenty thousand men will meet some difficulty.
It would surely be rejected if our members were all here. Giles,
Clopton, Cabell, and Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He
received here news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone
over to the war-party. In this state of things they will carry what they
please. One of the war-party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared
some time ago they would pass a citizen-bill, an alien-bill, and a
sedition-bill: accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid a motion on the
table of the House of Representatives for modifying the citizen-law.
Their threats pointed at Gallatin, and it is believed they will endeavor
to reach him by this bill. Yesterday Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of
the Senate a motion for giving power to send away suspected aliens. This
is understood to be meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not
stop there when it gets into a course of execution. There is now
only wanting, to accomplish the whole declaration before mentioned, a
sedition-bill, which we shall certainly soon see proposed. The object
of that, is the suppression of the whig presses. Bache’s has been
particularly named. That paper and also Carey’s totter for want of
subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to procure them, for if
these papers fall, republicanism will be entirely brow-beaten. Carey’s
paper comes out three times a week, at five dollars. The meeting of the
people which was called at New York, did nothing. It was found that the
majority would be against the address. They therefore chose to circulate
it individually. The committee of Ways and Means have voted a land-tax.
An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in the House, and
probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage of interest on the public
debt will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect. In the mean
time, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming on as Senator from
New York. There have been so much contrivance and combination in that,
as to show there is some great object in hand. Troup, the district judge
of New York, resigns towards the close of the session of their Assembly.
The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then Senator, to succeed Troup, is not
made by the President till after the Assembly had risen. Otherwise,
they would have chosen the Senator in place of Hobart. Jay then names
Hamilton Senator, but not till a day or two before his own election as
Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should
be in time to affect his own election. We shall see in what all this
is to end; but surely in something. The popular movement in the Eastern
States is checked, as we expected, and war addresses are showering in
from New Jersey and the great trading towns. However, we still trust
that a nearer view of war and a land-tax will oblige the great mass of
the people to attend. At present, the war-hawks talk of septembrizing,
deportation, and the examples for quelling sedition set by the French
executive. All the firmness of the human mind is now in a state of
requisition.
Salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself, friendship and adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXXIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, May 3, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, May 3, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 26th; since which yours of the 22nd of April
has been received, acknowledging mine of the 12th; so that all appear to
have been received to that date. The spirit kindled up in the towns is
wonderful. These and New Jersey are pouring in their addresses, offering
life and fortune. Even these addresses are not the worst things. For
indiscreet declarations and expressions of passion may be pardoned to a
multitude acting from the impulse of the moment. But we cannot expect
a foreign nation to show that apathy to the answers of the President,
which are more thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever chance for peace
might have been left us after the publication of the despatches, is
completely lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone, but his own
fellow-citizens, against whom his threats are uttered. In Fenno, of
yesterday, you will see one, wherein he says to the address from
Newark, ‘The delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so
many citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as by
the citizens at large’; evidently alluding to those letters from the
Representatives to their constituents, which they have been in the habit
of seeking after and publishing: while those sent by the tory part
of the House to their constituents, are ten times more numerous, and
replete with the most atrocious falsehoods and calumnies. What new
law they will propose on this subject, has not yet leaked out. The
citizen-bill sleeps. The alien-bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet
been brought in. That proposed by the House of Representatives has been
so moderated, that it will not answer the passionate purposes of the war
gentlemen. Whether, therefore, the Senate will push their bolder plan, I
know not. The provisional army does not go down so smoothly in the House
as it did in the Senate. They are whittling away some of its choice
ingredients; particularly that of transferring their own constitutional
discretion over the raising of armies to the President. A committee of
the Representatives have struck out his discretion, and hang the
raising of the men on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or
declaration of war. Were all our members here, the bill would not pass.
But it will, probably, as the House now is. Its expense is differently
estimated, from five to eight millions of dollars a year. Their purposes
before voted, require two millions above all the other taxes, which,
therefore, are voted to be raised on lands, houses, and slaves. The
provisional army will be additional to this. The threatening appearances
from the alien-bills have so alarmed the French who are among us, that
they are going off. A ship, chartered by themselves for this purpose,
will sail within about a fortnight for France, with as many as she can
carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in truth been the
principal object aimed at by the law.
Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is
believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us two or
three republicans more than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is
re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate. He very
soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather the sequel which was feared
than what actually appeared. He comes out on a different plan in
his Titus Manlius, if that be really his. The appointments to the
Mississippi were so abominable that the Senate could not swallow them.
They referred them to a committee to inquire into characters, and the
President withdrew the nomination.
*****
As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to
rise in about three weeks. However, I do not venture to order my horses.
My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate
friendship, and adieu,
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. Perhaps the President’s expression before quoted, may look to the
sedition-bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put
the printing-presses under the imprimatur of the executive. Bache is
thought a main object of it. Cabot, of Massachusetts, is appointed
Secretary of the Navy. T. J.
LETTER CCXXXIV.--TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR, May 9, 1798
TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR.
Philadelphia, May 9, 1798.
Dear Sir,