December the 25th. I have not resumed my pen, because there has
really been nothing worth writing about, but what you would see in the
newspapers. There is, as yet, no certainty what will be the aspect
of our affairs with France. Either the Envoys have not written to
the government, or their communications are hushed up. This last is
suspected, because so many arrivals have happened from Bordeaux and
Havre. The letters from American correspondents in France have been
always to Boston: and the experience we had last summer of their
adroitness in counterfeiting this kind of intelligence, inspires doubts
as to their late paragraphs. A letter is certainly received here by an
individual, from Talleyrand, which says our Envoys have been heard, that
their pretensions are high, that possibly no arrangement may take place,
but that there will be no declaration of war by France. It is said that
Bournonville has written that he has hopes of an accommodation (three
audiences having then, November, been had), and to be himself a member
of a new diplomatic mission to this country. On the whole, I am entirely
suspended as to what is to be expected. The Representatives have been
several days in debate on the bill for foreign intercourse. A motion has
been made to reduce it to what it was before the extension of 1796. The
debate will probably have good effects, in several ways, on the public
mind, but the advocates for the reformation expect to lose the question.
They find themselves deceived in the expectation entertained in the
beginning of the session, that they had a majority. They now think the
majority is on the other side by two or three, and there are moreover
two or three of them absent. Blount’s affair is to come on next. In the
mean time, the Senate have before them a bill for regulating proceedings
in impeachment. This will be made the occasion of offering a clause for
the introduction of juries into these trials. (Compare the paragraph
in the constitution which says, that all crimes, except in cases of
impeachment, shall be by jury, with the eighth amendment, which says,
that in all criminal prosecutions, the trial shall be by jury.) There is
no expectation of carrying this; because the division in the Senate is
of two to one, but it will draw forth the principles of the parties, and
concur in accumulating proofs on which side all the sound principles are
to be found.
Very acrimonious altercations are going on between the Spanish Minister
and the executive, and at the Natchez something worse than mere
altercation. If hostilities have not begun there, it has not been
for want of endeavors to bring them on, by our agents. Marshall,
of Kentucky, this day proposed in Senate some amendments to the
constitution. They were barely read just as we were adjourning, and not
a word of explanation given. As far as I caught them in my ear,
they went only to modifications of the elections of President and
Vice-President, by authorizing voters to add the office for which they
name each, and giving to the Senate the decision of a disputed election
of President, and to the Representatives that of Vice-President. But
I am apprehensive I caught the thing imperfectly, and probably
incorrectly. Perhaps this occasion may be taken of proposing again the
Virginia amendments, as also to condemn elections by the legislatures,
themselves to transfer the power of trying impeachments from the Senate
to some better constituted court, &c. &c.
Good tobacco here is thirteen dollars, flour eight dollars and fifty
cents, wheat one dollar and fifty cents, but dull, because only the
millers buy. The river, however, is nearly open, and the merchants will
now come to market and give a spur to the price. But the competition
will not be what it has been. Bankruptcies thicken, and the height of
them has by no means yet come on. It is thought this, winter will be
very trying.
Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
January 28. I enclose Marshall’s propositions. They have been this
day postponed to the 1st of June, chiefly by the vote of the
anti-republicans, under the acknowledged fear that other amendments
would be also proposed, and that this is not the time for agitating the
public mind. T. J.
LETTER CCXXI.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 8, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, February 8, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 25th ultimo; since which yours of the 21st has
been received. Bache had put five hundred copies of Monroe’s book on
board a vessel, which was stopped by the early and unexpected freezing
of the river. He tried in vain to get them carried by fifties at a time,
by the stage. The river is now open here, the vessels are falling down,
and if they can get through the ice below, the one with Bache’s packet
will soon be at Richmond. It is surmised here that Scipio is written by
C. Lee. Articles of impeachment were yesterday given in against Blount.
But many great preliminary questions will arise. Must not a formal law
settle the oath of the Senators, form of pleadings, process against
person or goods, &c. May he not appear by attorney? Must he not be tried
by a jury? Is a Senator impeachable? Is an ex-Senator impeachable? You
will readily conceive that these questions, to be settled by twenty-nine
lawyers, are not likely to come to speedy issue. A very disagreeable
question of privilege has suspended all other proceedings for some days.
You will see this in the newspapers. The question of arming vessels came
on, on Monday last; that morning, the President sent in an inflammatory
message about a vessel taken and burnt by a French privateer, near
Charleston. Of this he had been possessed some time, and it had been
through all the newspapers. It seemed to come in now apropos for
spurring on the disposition to arm. However, the question has not come
on. In the mean time the general spirit, even of the merchants, is
becoming adverse to it. In New Hampshire and Rhode Island they are
unanimously against arming; so in Baltimore. This place is becoming more
so. Boston divided and desponding. I know nothing of New York; but I
think there is no danger of the question being carried, unless something
favorable to it is received from our Envoys. From them we hear nothing.
Yet it seems reasonably believed that the executive has heard, and that
it is something which would not promote their views of arming. For every
action of theirs shows they are panting to come to blows. Giles has
arrived.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXII.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 15, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, February 15, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a word from our Envoys.
This long silence (if they have been silent) proves things are not
going on very roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves their
information, if made public, would check the disposition to arm. I had
flattered myself, from the progress of the public sentiment against
arming, that the same progress had taken place in the legislature. But
I am assured by those who have better opportunities of forming a good
judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at all, it will
not be by more than a majority of two: and particularly, that there will
not be more than four votes against it from the five eastern states, or
five votes at the utmost. You will have perceived that Dayton has gone
over completely. He expects to be appointed Secretary of War in the
room of M’Henry, who it is said will retire. He has been told, as report
goes, that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint him.
The desire of inspiring them with more, seems the only way to account
for the eclat which he chooses to give to his conversion. You will have
seen the disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon: if they would have
accepted even of a commitment to the Serjeant it might have been
had. But to get rid of his vote was the most material object. These
proceedings must degrade the General Government, and lead the people
to lean more on their State governments, which have been sunk under the
early popularity of the former. This day the question of the jury in
cases of impeachment comes on. There is no doubt how it will go. The
general division of the Senate is twenty-two and ten; and under the
probable prospect of what it will for ever be, I see nothing in the
mode of proceeding by impeachment but the most formidable weapon for the
purposes of dominant faction that ever was contrived. It would be the
most effectual one of getting rid of any man whom they consider as
dangerous to their views, and I do not know that we could count on one
third in an emergency. All depends then on the House of Representatives,
who are the impeachers; and there the majorities are of one, two, or
three only; and these sometimes one way and sometimes another: in a
question of pure party they have the majority, and we do not know what
circumstances may turn up to increase that majority temporarily, it not
permanently. I know of no solid purpose of punishment which the
courts of law are not equal to, and history shows, that, in England,
impeachment has been an engine more of passion than justice. A great
ball is to be given here on the 22nd, and in other great towns of the
Union. This is, at least, very indelicate, and probably excites uneasy
sensations in some. I see in it, however, this useful deduction,
that the birth-days which have been kept, have been, not those of the
President, but of the General. I enclose, with the newspapers, the two
acts of parliament passed on the subject of our commerce, which
are interesting. The merchants here, say, that the effect of the
countervailing tonnage on American vessels, will throw them completely
out of employ as soon as there is peace. The eastern members say nothing
but among themselves. But it is said that it is working like grave
in their stomachs. Our only comfort is, that they have brought it on
themselves. My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself,
friendship and adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXIII.--TO GENERAL GATES, February 21, 1798
TO GENERAL GATES.
Philadelphia, February 21, 1798.
Dear General,
I received duly your welcome favor of the 15th, and had an opportunity
of immediately delivering the one it enclosed to General Kosciusko. I
see him often, and with great pleasure mixed with commiseration. He is
as pure a son of liberty as I have ever known, and of that liberty which
is to go to all, and not to the few or the rich alone. We are here under
great anxiety to hear from our Envoys.
*****
I agree with you that some of our merchants have been milking the cow:
yet the great mass of them have become deranged, they are daily falling
down by bankruptcies, and on the whole, the condition of our commerce
far less firm and really prosperous, than it would have been by the
regular operations and steady advances which a state of peace would have
occasioned. Were a war to take place, and throw our agriculture into
equal convulsions with our commerce, our business would be done at both
ends. But this I hope will not be. The good news from the Natchez has
cut off the fear of a breach in that quarter, where a crisis was brought
on which has astonished every one. How this mighty duel is to end
between Great Britain and France, is a momentous question. The sea which
divides them makes it a game of chance; but it is narrow, and all the
chances are not on one side. Should they make peace, still our fate is
problematical.
The countervailing acts of Great Britain, now laid before Congress,
threaten, in the opinion of merchants, the entire loss of our navigation
to England. It makes a difference, from the present state of things, of
five hundred guineas on a vessel of three hundred and fifty tons. If,
as the newspapers have told us, France has renewed her _Arrêt_ of
1789, laying a duty of seven livres a hundred on all tobacco brought in
foreign bottoms (even our own), and should extend it to rice and other
commodities, we are done, as navigators, to that country also. In fact,
I apprehend that those two great nations will think it their interest
not to permit us to be navigators. France had thought otherwise, and had
shown an equal desire to encourage our navigation as her own, while
she hoped its weight would at least not be thrown into the scale of
her enemies. She sees now that that is not to be relied on, and
will probably use her own means, and those of the nations under her
influence, to exclude us from the ocean. How far it may lessen our
happiness to be rendered merely agricultural, how far that state is more
friendly to principles of virtue and liberty, are questions yet to be
solved. Kosciusko has been disappointed by the sudden peace between
France and Austria. A ray of hope seemed to gleam on his mind for a
moment, that the extension of the revolutionary spirit through Italy and
Germany, might so have occupied the remnants of monarchy there, as that
his country might have risen again. I sincerely rejoice to find that you
preserve your health so well. That you may so go on to the end of
the chapter, and that it may be a long one, I sincerely pray. Make
my friendly salutations acceptable to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself
assurances of the great and constant esteem and respect of, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXIV.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 22, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, February 22, 1798.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 12th is received. I wrote you last on the 15th, but the
letter getting misplaced, will only go by this post. We still hear
nothing from our Envoys. Whether the executive hear, we know not. But if
war were to be apprehended, it is impossible our Envoys should not find
means of putting us on our guard, or that the executive should hold back
their information. No news, therefore, is good news. The countervailing
act, which I sent you by the last post, will, confessedly, put American
bottoms out of employ in our trade with Great Britain. So say well
informed merchants. Indeed, it seems probable, when we consider that
hitherto, with the advantage of our foreign tonnage, our vessels could
only share with the British, and the countervailing duties will, it is
said, make a difference of five hundred guineas to our prejudice on a
ship of three hundred and fifty tons. Still the eastern men say nothing.
Every appearance and consideration render it probable, that on the
restoration of peace, both France and Britain will consider it their
interest to exclude us from the ocean, by such peaceable means as are in
their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may be thought just and
politic to give to our native capitalists the monopoly of our internal
commerce. This may at once relieve us from the dangers of wars abroad
and British thraldom at home. The news from the Natchez, of the delivery
of the posts, which you will see in the papers, is to be relied on. We
have escaped a dangerous crisis there. The great contest between Israel
and Morgan, of which you will see the papers full, is to be decided this
day. It is snowing fast at this time, and the most sloppy walking I ever
saw. This will be to the disadvantage of the party which has the most
invalids. Whether the event will be known this evening, I am uncertain.
I rather presume not, and, therefore, that you will not learn it till
next post.
You will see in the papers, the ground on which the introduction of the
jury into the trial by impeachment was advocated by Mr. Tazewell, and
the fate of the question. Reader’s motion, which I enclosed you,
will probably be amended and established, so as to declare a Senator
unimpeachable, absolutely; and yesterday an opinion was declared, that
not only officers of the State governments, but every private citizen
of the United States, are impeachable. Whether they will think this the
time to make the declaration, I know not; but if they bring it on, I
think there will be not more than two votes north of the Potomac against
the universality of the impeaching power. The system of the Senate may
be inferred from their transactions heretofore, and from the following
declaration made to me personally by their oracle.* ‘No republic Can
ever be of any duration without a Senate, and a Senate deeply and
strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular storms
and passions. The only fault in the constitution of our Senate is, that
their term of office is not durable enough. Hitherto they have done
well, but probably they will be forced to give way in time.’ I suppose
their having done well hitherto, alluded to the stand they made on the
British treaty. This declaration may be considered as their text: that
they consider themselves as the bulwarks of the government, and will be
rendering that the more secure, in proportion as they can assume greater
powers. The foreign intercourse bill is set for to-day: but the parties
are so equal on that in the House of Representatives, that they seem
mutually to fear the encounter.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and the family. To
yourself, friendly adieus.
Th: Jefferson.
[* Here, in the margin of the copy filed, is written by the
author, in pencil, ‘Mr, Adams.’]
LETTER CCXXV.--TO JAMES MADISON, March 2, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, March 2, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you last on the 22nd ultimo; since which I have received
yours without date, but probably of April the 18th or 19th. An arrival
to the eastward brings us some news, which you will see detailed in the
papers. The new partition of Europe is sketched, but how far authentic
we know not. It has some probability in its favor. The French appear
busy in their preparations for the invasion of England; nor is there any
appearance of movements on the part of Russia and Prussia which might
divert them from it.
The late birth-night has certainly sown tares among the exclusive
federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the chaff. The sincerely
Adamites did not go. The Washingtonians went religiously, and took
the secession of the others in high dudgeon. The one sect threatens to
desert the levees, the other the parties. The whigs went in number, to
encourage the idea that the birth-nights hitherto kept had been for the
General and not the President, and of course that time would bring an
end to them. Goodhue, Tracy, Sedgwick, &c. did not attend; but the three
Secretaries and Attorney General did.
We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom of a disposition to
repeal the stamp act. Petitions for that purpose had come from Rhode
Island and Virginia, and had been committed to rest with the Ways
and Means. Mr. Harper, the chairman, in order to enter on the law for
amending it, observed it would be necessary first to put the petitions
for repeal out of the way, and moved an immediate decision on this. The
Rhode-Islanders begged and prayed for a postponement; that not knowing
that this was the next question to be called up, they were not at all
prepared: but Harper would show no mercy; not a moment’s delay would be
allowed. It was taken up, and, on question without debate, determined in
favor of the petitions by a majority of ten. Astonished and confounded,
when an order to bring in a bill for revisal was named, they began in
turn to beg for time; two weeks, one week, three days, one day; not a
moment would be yielded. They made three attempts for adjournment. But
the majority appeared to grow. It was decided, by a majority of sixteen,
that the bill should be brought in. It was brought in the next day, and
on the day after passed and was sent up to the Senate, who instantly
sent it back rejected by a vote of fifteen to twelve. Rhode Island and
New Hampshire voted for the repeal in Senate. The act will therefore go
into operation July the 1st, but probably without amendments. However,
I am persuaded it will be shortlived. It has already excited great
commotion in Vermont, and grumblings in Connecticut. But they are so
priest-ridden, that nothing is to be expected from them, but the most
bigoted passive obedience.
No news yet from our commissioners; but their silence is admitted to
augur peace. There is no talk yet of the time of adjourning, though it
is admitted we have nothing to do, but what could be done in a
fortnight or three weeks. When the spring opens, and we hear from our
commissioners, we shall probably draw pretty rapidly to a conclusion.
A friend of mine here wishes to get a copy of Mazzei’s ‘Recherches
Historiques et Politiques.’ Where are they?
Salutations and adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, March 15, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, March 15, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 2nd instant. Yours of the 4th is now at hand.
The public papers will give you the news of Europe. The French decree
making the vessel friendly or enemy, according to the hands by which
the cargo was manufactured, has produced a great sensation among the
merchants here. Its operation is not yet perhaps well understood; but
probably it will put our shipping out of competition, because British
bottoms, which can come under convoy, will alone be trusted with return
cargoes. Ours, losing this benefit, would need a higher freight out, in
which, therefore, they will be underbid by the British. They must then
retire from the competition. Some no doubt will try other channels of
commerce, and return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be
salutary. A very well informed merchant, too, (a Scotchman, entirely in
the English trade) told me, bethought it would have another good effect,
by checking and withdrawing our extensive commerce and navigation (the
fruit of our natural position) within those bounds to which peace must
necessarily bring them. That this being done by degrees, will probably
prevent those numerous failures produced generally by a peace coming on
suddenly. Notwithstanding this decree, the sentiments of the merchants
become more and more cooled and settled down against arming. Yet it
is believed the Representatives do not cool; and though we think the
question against arming will be carried, yet probably by a majority
of only four or five. Their plan is to have convoys furnished for our
vessels going to Europe, and smaller vessels for the coasting defence.
On this condition, they will agree to fortify southern harbors and build
some galleys. It has been concluded among them, that if war takes place,
Wolcott is to be retained in office, that the President must give up
M’Henry, and as to Pickering they are divided, the eastern men being
determined to retain him, their middle and southern brethren wishing
to get rid of him. They have talked of General Pinckney as successor
to M’Henry. This information is certain. However, I hope we shall avoid
war, and save them the trouble of a change of ministry. The President
has nominated John Quincy Adams Commissioner Plenipotentiary to renew
the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell made a great stand against it, on the
general ground that we should let our treaties drop, and remain without
any. He could only get eight votes against twenty. A trial will be made
today in another form, which he thinks will give ten or eleven against
sixteen or seventeen, declaring the renewal inexpedient. In this case,
notwithstanding the nomination has been confirmed, it is supposed the
President would perhaps not act under it, on the probability that more
than the third would be against the ratification. I believe, however,
that he would act, and that a third could not be got to oppose the
ratification. It is acknowledged we have nothing to do but to decide the
question about arming. Yet not a word is said about adjourning; and some
even talk of continuing the session permanently; others talk of July and
August. An effort, however, will soon be made for an early adjournment.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison; to yourself an affectionate
adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXVII.--TO JAMES MADISON, March 21, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, March 21, 1798.
Dear Sir,