I saw the first of Mr. Martin’s letters, I turned to the newspapers
of the day, and found Logan’s speech, as translated by a common Indian
interpreter. The version I had used, had been made by General Gibson.
Finding from Mr. Martin’s style, that his object was not merely truth,
but to gratify party passions, I never read another of his letters. I
determined to do my duty by searching into the truth, and publishing it
to the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do at a proper season.
I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any acquaintance with
me, have voluntarily sent me information on the subject. Party passions
are indeed high. Nobody has more reason to know it than myself. I
receive daily bitter proofs of it from people who never saw me, nor know
any thing of me but through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the
passions are boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of
the contagion, is so far below the point of ordinary conversation, that
he finds himself insulated in every society. However, the fever will
not last. War, land-tax, and stamp-tax are sedatives which must cool its
ardor. They will bring on reflection, and that, with information, is
all which our countrymen need, to bring themselves and their affairs to
rights. They are essentially republicans. They retain unadulterated
the principles of ‘75, and those who are conscious of no change in
themselves have nothing to fear in the long run. It is our duty still to
endeavor to avoid war: but if it shall actually take place, no matter
by whom brought on, we must defend ourselves. If our house be on fire,
without inquiring whether it was fired from within or without, we must
try to extinguish it. In that, I have no doubt, we shall act as one man.
But if we can ward off actual war till the crisis of England is over, I
shall hope we may escape it altogether.
I am, with much esteem, Dear Sir, your must obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXXV.--TO JAMES MADISON, May 31, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, May 31, 1798.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 24th; since which yours of the 20th has been
received. I must begin by correcting two errors in my last. It was false
arithmetic to say, that two measures therein mentioned to have been
carried by majorities of eleven, would have failed if the fourteen
absentees (wherein a majority of six is ours) had been present. Six
coming over from the other side would have turned the scale, and this
was the idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake. The second
error was in the version of Mr. Adams’s expression, which I stated to
you. His real expression was, ‘that he would not unbrace a single nerve
for any treaty France could offer; such was their entire want of faith,
morality, &c.’
The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels found
hovering on our coast, was passed in two days by the lower House,
without a single alteration; and the Ganges, a twenty-gun sloop, fell
down the river instantly to go on a cruise. She has since been ordered
to New York, to convoy a vessel from that to this port. The alien-bill
will be ready to-day, probably, for its third reading in the Senate.
It has been considerably modified, particularly by a proviso saving the
rights of treaties. Still, it is a most detestable thing. I was glad, in
yesterday’s discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands, that laws of
the United States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation, and
that the legislature is the only power which can control a treaty. Both
points are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass
the House of Representatives; the majority there being very decisive,
consolidated, and bold enough to do any thing. I have no doubt from the
hints dropped, they will pass a bill to declare the French treaty void.
I question if they will think a declaration of war prudent, as it might
alarm, and all its effects are answered by the act authorizing captures.
A bill is brought in for suspending all communication with the dominions
of France, which will no doubt pass. It is suspected they mean to borrow
money of individuals in London, on the credit of our land-tax, and
perhaps the guarantee of Great Britain. The land-tax was yesterday
debated, and a majority of six struck out the thirteenth section of the
classification of houses, and taxed them by a different scale from the
lands. Instead of this, is to be proposed a valuation of the houses
and lands together. Macon yesterday laid a motion on the table for
adjourning on the 14th. Some think they do not mean to adjourn; others,
that they wait first the return of the Envoys, for whom it is now avowed
the brig Sophia was sent. It is expected she would bring them off about
the middle of this month. They may, therefore, be expected here about
the second week of July. Whatever be their decision as to adjournment,
I think it probable my next letter will convey orders for my horses, and
that I shall leave this place from the 20th to the 25th of June: for
I have no expectation they will actually adjourn sooner. Volney and a
ship-load of others sail on Sunday next. Another ship-load will go off
in about three weeks. It is natural to expect they go under irritations
calculated to fan the flame. Not so Volney. He is most thoroughly
impressed with the importance of preventing war, whether considered
with reference to the interests of the two countries, of the cause of
republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. But an eagerness to render
this prevention impossible, leaves me without any hope. Some of those
who have insisted that it was long since war on the part of France, are
candid enough to admit that it is now begun on our part also. I enclose
for your perusal a poem on the alien-bill, written by Mr. Marshall. I
do this, as well for your amusement, as to get you to take care of
this copy for me till I return; for it will be lost by lending it, if
I retain it here, as the publication was suppressed after the sale of
a few copies, of which I was fortunate enough to get one. Your locks
hinges, &c. shall be immediately attended to.
My respectful salutations and friendship to Mrs. Madison, to the family,
and to yourself. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. The President, it is said, has refused an Exequatur to the Consul
General of France, Dupont. T. J.
LETTER CCXXXVI.--TO JOHN TAYLOR, June 1, 1798
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN TAYLOR.
Philadelphia, June 1, 1798.
*****
Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the patent, which gave
me an opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, with you,
of public proceedings, and that it was not unwise now to estimate the
separate mass of Virginia and North Carolina, with a view to their
separate existence. It is true that we are completely under the saddle
of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that they ride us very hard,
cruelly insulting our feelings, as well as exhausting our strength and
subsistence. Their natural friends, the three other eastern States,
join them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to divide
certain other parts of the Union so as to make use of them to govern the
whole. This is not new, it is the old practice of despots; to use a part
of the people to keep the rest in order. And those who have once got an
ascendency, and possessed themselves of all the resources of the nation,
their revenues and offices, have immense means for retaining their
advantage. But our present situation is not a natural one. The
republicans, through every part of the Union, say, that it was the
irresistible influence and popularity of General Washington played
off by the cunning of Hamilton, which turned the government over to
anti-republican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by the people
into anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his successor in this
state, and very untoward events since, improved with great artifice,
have produced on the public mind the impressions we see. But still I
repeat it, this is not the natural state. Time alone would bring
round an order of things more correspondent to the sentiments of our
constituents. But are there no events impending, which will do it within
a few months? The crisis with England, the public and authentic avowal
of sentiments hostile to the leading principles of our constitution, the
prospect of a war, in which we shall stand alone, land-tax, stamp-tax,
increase of public debt, &c. Be this as it may, in every free and
deliberating society, there must, from the nature of man, be opposite
parties, and violent dissensions and discords; and one of these, for
the most part, must prevail over the other for a longer or shorter time.
Perhaps this party division is necessary to induce each to watch and
delate to the people the proceedings of the other. But if on a temporary
superiority of the one party, the other is to resort to a scission of
the Union, no federal government can ever exist. If to rid ourselves of
the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut, we break the Union,
will the evil stop there? Suppose the New England States alone cut off,
will our natures be changed? Are we not men still to the south of
that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately, we shall see a
Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy,
and the public mind will be distracted with the same party-spirit.
What a game too will the one party have in their hands, by eternally
threatening the other, that unless they do so and so, they will join
their northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to Virginia and North
Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the
representatives of these two States, and they will end by breaking into
their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who
will not quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed,
from the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town-meeting or a
vestry; seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather
keep our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our
bickerings transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such
narrow limits, and their population so full, that their numbers will
ever be the minority, and they are marked, like the Jews, with such a
perversity of character, as to constitute, from that circumstance, the
natural division of our parties. A little patience, and we shall see
the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people
recovering their true sight, restoring their government to its true
principles. It is true, that in the mean time, we are suffering deeply
in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war, and long oppressions
of enormous public debt. But who can say what would be the evils of a
scission, and when and where they would end? Better keep together as we
are, haul off from Europe as soon as we can, and from all attachments to
any portions of it; and if they show their powers just sufficiently
to hoop us together, it will be the happiest situation in which we
can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us at home, we must have
patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of
winning back the principles we have lost For this is a game where
principles are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all, and health,
happiness, and friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu.
P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of mine get
before the public; a single sentence got hold of by the Porcupines, will
suffice to abuse and persecute me in their papers for months. T. J.
LETTER CCXXXVII.--TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO, June 1, 1798
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.
Philadelphia, June 1, 1798.
Dear Sir,
Mr. Volney’s departure for France gives me an opportunity of writing to
you. I was happy in observing, for many days after your departure, that
our winds were favorable for you. I hope, therefore, you quickly passed
the cruising grounds on our coast, and have safely arrived at the term
of your journey. Your departure is not yet known, or even suspected.*
Niemsevioz was much affected. He is now at the federal city. He desired
me to have some things taken care of for you. There were some kitchen
furniture, backgammon table, and chess men, and a pelisse of fine fur.
The latter I have taken to my own apartment and had packed in hops, and
sewed up; the former are put into a warehouse of Mr. Barnes; all
subject to your future orders. Some letters came for you soon after your
departure: the person who delivered them said there were enclosed in
them some for your friend whom you left here, and desired I would open
them. I did so in his presence, found only one letter for your friend,
took it out and sealed the letters again in the presence of the same
person, without reading a word or looking who they were from. I now
forward them to you, as I do this to my friend.
[* Shortly before, Mr. Jefferson had obtained passports for
General Kosciusko, under an assumed name, from the foreign
ministers in this country. The annexed is the note addressed
to Mr. Liston, soliciting one from him.
‘Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Liston, and
asks the favor of the passport for his friend Thomas
Kanberg, of whom he spoke to him yesterday. He is a native
of the north of Europe (perhaps of Germany), has been known
to Thomas Jefferson these twenty years in America, is of a
most excellent character, stands in no relation whatever to
any of the belligerent powers, as to whom Thomas Jefferson
is not afraid to be responsible for his political innocence,
as he goes merely for his private affairs. He will sail from
Baltimore, if he finds there a good opportunity for France;
and if not, he wi I come on here. March 27, 1798.’]
Jacob Van Staphorst at Paris. Our alien-bill struggles hard for a
passage. It has been considerably mollified. It is not yet through
the Senate. We are proceeding further and further in war-measures. I
consider that event as almost inevitable. I am extremely anxious to hear
from you, to know what sort of a passage you had, how you find yourself
and the state and prospect of things in Europe. I hope I shall not be
long without hearing from you. The first dividend which will be drawn
for you and remitted, will be in January, and as the winter passages are
dangerous, it will not be forwarded till April: after that, regularly,
from six months to six months. This will be done by Mr. Barnes. I shall
leave this place in three weeks. The times do not permit an indulgence
in political disquisitions. But they forbid not the effusion of
friendship, and not my warmest towards you, which no time will alter.
Your principles and dispositions were made to be honored, revered, and
loved. True to a single object, the freedom and happiness of man,
they have not veered about with the changelings and apostates of our
acquaintance. May health and happiness ever attend you. Accept sincere
assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXXXVIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, June 21, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, June 21, 1798.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 10th instant is received. I expected mine of the 14th would
have been my last from hence, as I had proposed to set out on the 20th;
but on the morning of the 19th, we heard of the arrival of Marshall
at New York, and I concluded to stay and see whether that circumstance
would produce any new projects. No doubt he there received more than
hints from Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet I
apprehend he is not hot enough for his friends. Livingston came with
him from New York. Marshall told him they had no idea in France of a war
with us. That Talleyrand sent passports to him and Pinckney, but none
for Gerry. Upon this, Gerry stayed, without explaining to them the
reason. He wrote, however, to the President by Marshall, who knew
nothing of the contents of the letter. So that there must have been
a previous understanding between Talleyrand and Gerry. Marshall was
received here with the utmost eclat. The Secretary of State and many
carriages, with all the city cavalry, went to Frankfort to meet him,
and on his arrival here in the evening, the bells rung till late in the
night, and immense crowds were collected to see and make part of the
show, which was circuitously paraded through the streets before he was
set down at the City tavern. All this was to secure him to their views,
that he might say nothing which would oppose the game they have been
playing. Since his arrival I can hear of nothing directly from him,
while they are disseminating through the town, things, as from him,
diametrically opposite to what he said to Livingston. Doctor Logan,
about a fortnight ago, sailed for Hamburgh. Though for a twelvemonth
past he had been intending to go to Europe as soon as he could get money
enough to carry him there, yet when he had accomplished this, and fixed
a time for going, he very unwisely made a mystery of it; so that his
disappearance without notice excited conversation. This was seized by
the war-hawks, and given out as a secret mission from the Jacobins here
to solicit an army from France, instruct them as to their landing,
he. This extravagance produced a real panic among the citizens; and
happening just when Bache published Talleyrand’s letter, Harper, on
the 18th, gravely announced to the House of Representatives, that there
existed a traitorous correspondence between the Jacobins here and the
French Directory; that he had got hold of some threads and clues of it,
and would soon be able to develope the whole. This increased the alarm;
their libelists immediately set to work, directly and indirectly to
implicate whom they pleased. Porcupine gave me a principal share in it,
as I am told, for I never read his papers. This state of things added to
my reasons for not departing at the time I intended. These follies seem
to have died away in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my purpose
by the 25th. Their system is, professedly, to keep up an alarm. Tracy,
at the meeting of the joint committee for adjournment, declared it
necessary for Congress to stay together to keep up the inflammation
of the public mind; and Otis has expressed a similar sentiment since.
However, they will adjourn. The opposers of an adjournment in Senate,
yesterday agreed to adjourn on the 10th of July. But I think the 1st of
July will be carried. That is one of the objects which detain myself, as
well as one or two more of the Senate, who had got leave of absence. I
imagine it will be decided tomorrow or next day. To separate Congress
now, will be withdrawing the fire from under a boiling pot.
My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and cordial friendship to
yourself.
Th: Jefferson.
P.M. A message to both Houses this day from the President, with the
following communications.
March 23. Pickering’s letter to the Envoys, directing them, if they are
not actually engaged in negotiation with authorized persons, or if it is
not conducted _bonâ fide_, and not merely for procrastination, to break
up and come home, and at any rate to consent to no loan.
April 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen,
perceiving that their known principles are an obstacle to negotiation,
will leave the republic, and proposes to renew the negotiations with
Gerry immediately.
April 4. Gerry to Talleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude any thing
separately, can only confer informally and as an unaccredited person or
individual, reserving to lay every thing before the government of the
United States for approbation.
April 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding, and
hopes the President will send other persons instead of his colleagues
and himself, if it shall appear that any thing can be done.
The President’s message says, that as the instructions were not to
consent to any loan, he considers the negotiation as at an end, and that
he will never send another minister to France, until he shall be assured
that he will be received and treated with the respect due to a great,
powerful, free, and independent nation.
A bill was brought into the Senate this day, to declare the treaties
with France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style of a
manifesto. It passed to the second reading by fourteen to five.
A bill for punishing forgeries of bank-paper passed to the third reading
by fourteen to six. Three of the fourteen (Laurence, Bingham, and Read)
bank directors.
LETTER CCXXXIX.--TO SAMUEL SMITH, August 22, 1798
TO SAMUEL SMITH.
Monticello, August 22, 1798.
Dear Sir,