the pleasure of learning your determination. But it will reach me in my
retirement, and enrich the tranquillity of that scene. It will add to
the proofs which have convinced me that the man who loves his country on
its own account, and not merely for its trappings of interest or power,
can never be divorced from it, can never refuse to come forward when he
finds that she is engaged in dangers which he has the means of warding
off. Make then an effort, my friend, to renounce your domestic comforts
for a few months, and reflect that to be a good husband and good father
at this moment, you must be also a good citizen. With sincere wishes for
your acceptance and success, I am, with unalterable esteem, Dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXV.--TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE, June 24, 1797
TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
Philadelphia, June 24, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge your two favors of May the 4th and 19th, and
to thank you for your attentions to the commissions for the pease and
oranges, which I learn have arrived in Virginia. Your draft I hope will
soon follow on Mr. John Barnes, merchant here, who, as I before advised
you, is directed to answer it.
When Congress first met, the assemblage of facts presented in the
President’s speech, with the multiplied accounts of spoliations by
the French West-Indians, appeared, by sundry votes on the address, to
incline a majority to put themselves in a posture of war. Under this
influence the address was formed, and its spirit would probably have
been pursued by corresponding measures, had the events of Europe been of
an ordinary train. But this has been so extraordinary, that numbers have
gone over to those, who, from the first, feeling with sensibility the
French insults, as they had felt those of England before, thought now
as they thought then, that war measures should be avoided, and those
of peace pursued. Their favorite engine, on the former occasion,
was commercial regulations, in preference to negotiations, to war
preparation, and increase of debt. On the latter, as we have no commerce
with France, the restriction of which could press on them, they wished
for negotiation. Those of the opposite sentiment had, on the former
occasion, preferred negotiation, but at the same time voted for
great war preparations, and increase of debt: now also they were for
negotiation, war preparations, and debt. The parties have in debate
mutually charged each other with inconsistency, and with being governed
by an attachment to this or that of the belligerent nations, rather than
the dictates of reason and pure Americanism. But in truth, both have
been consistent: the same men having voted for war measures who did
before, and the same against them now who did before. The events of
Europe coming to us in astonishing and rapid succession, to wit, the
public bankruptcy of England, Bonaparte’s successes, the successes
on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, mutiny of the British fleet, Irish
insurrection, a demand of forty-three millions for the current services
of the year, and above all, the warning voice, as is said, of Mr. King,
to abandon all thought of connection with Great Britian, that she is
going down irrecoverably, and will sink us also, if we do not clear
ourselves, have brought over several to the pacific party, so as, at
present, to give majorities against all threatening measures. They go on
with frigates and fortifications, because they were going on with them
before. They direct eighty thousand of their militia to hold themselves
in readiness for service. But they reject the propositions to raise
cavalry, artillery, and a provisional army, and to trust private ships
with arms in the present combustible state of things. They believe the
present is the last campaign of Europe, and wish to rub through this
fragment of a year as they have through the four preceding ones,
opposing patience to insult, and interest to honor. They will,
therefore, immediately adjourn. This is indeed a most humiliating state
of things, but it commenced in 1793. Causes have been adding to causes,
and effects accumulating on effects, from that time to this. We had, in
1793, the most respectable character in the universe. What the neutral
nations think of us now, I know not; but we are low indeed with the
belligerents. Their kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If we weather
the present storm, I hope we shall avail ourselves of the calm of peace,
to place our foreign connections under a new and different arrangement.
We must make the interest of every nation stand surety for their
justice, and their own loss to follow injury to us, as effect follows
its cause. As to every thing except commerce, we ought to divorce
ourselves from them all. But this system would require time, temper,
wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of interest: and how far all of these
will be ours, our children may see, but we shall not. The passions are
too high at present, to be cooled in our day. You and I have formerly
seen warm debates and high political passions. But gentlemen of
different politics would then speak to each other, and separate the
business of the Senate from that of society. It is not so now. Men who
have been intimate all their lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting,
and turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged to touch
their hats. This may do for young men with whom passion is enjoyment.
But it is afflicting to peaceable minds. Tranquillity is the old man’s
milk. I go to enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the roar and
tumult of bulls and bears, for the prattle of my grand-children and
senile rest. Be these yours, my dear friend, through long years, with
every other blessing, and the attachment of friends as warm and sincere,
as yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER, CCXVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, August 3, 1797
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES MADISON.
Monticello, August 3, 1797.
I scribbled you a line on the 24th ultimo: it missed of the post, and
so went by a private hand. I perceive from yours by Mr. Bringhurst, that
you had not received it. In fact, it was only an earnest exhortation to
come here with Monroe, which I still hope you will do. In the mean time,
I enclose you a letter from him, and wish your opinion on its principal
subject. The variety of other topics the day I was with you, kept out
of sight the letter to Mazzei imputed to me in the papers, the general
substance of which is mine, though the diction has been considerably
altered and varied in the course of its translations from English into
Italian, from Italian into French, and from French into English. I first
met with it at Bladensburg, and for a moment conceived I must take the
field of the public papers. I could not disavow it wholly, because the
greatest part was mine in substance, though not in form. I could not
avow it as it stood, because the form was not mine, and, in one place,
the substance very materially falsified. This, then, would render
explanations necessary; nay, it would render proofs of the whole
necessary, and draw me at length into a publication of all (even the
secret) transactions of the administration, while I was of it: and
embroil me personally with every member of the executive, with the
judiciary, and with others still. I soon decided in my own mind, to be
entirely silent. I consulted with several friends at Philadelphia, who,
every one of them, were clearly against my avowing or disavowing, and
some of them conjured me most earnestly to let nothing provoke me to it.
I corrected in conversation with them, a substantial misrepresentation
in the copy published. The original has a sentiment like this (for
I have it not before me), ‘They are endeavoring to submit us to the
substance, as they already have to the forms of the British government;’
meaning by forms, the birth-days, levees, processions to parliament,
inauguration pomposities, fee. But the copy published says, ‘as they
have already submitted us to the form of the British,’ &c.; making me
express hostility to the form of our government, that is to say, to the
constitution itself. For this is really the difference of the word form,
used in the singular or plural, in that phrase, in the English language.
Now it would be impossible for me to explain this publicly, without
bringing on a personal difference between General Washington and myself,
which nothing before the publication of this letter has ever done. It
would embroil me also with all those with whom his character is still
popular, that is to say, nine tenths of the people of the United States;
and what good would be obtained by avowing the letter with the necessary
explanations? Very little indeed, in my opinion, to counterbalance
a good deal of harm. From my silence in this instance, it cannot be
inferred that I am afraid to own the general sentiments of the letter.
If I am subject to either imputation, it is to that of avowing such
sentiments too frankly both in private and public, often when there
is no necessity for it, merely because I disdain every thing like
duplicity. Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think for me on the
occasion, and advise me what to do, and confer with Colonel Monroe on
the subject.
Let me entreat you again to come with him; there are other important
things to consult on. One will be his affair. Another is the subject of
the petition now enclosed to you, to be proposed to our district, on the
late presentment of our representative by the grand jury: the idea it
brings forward is still confined to my own breast. It has never been
mentioned to any mortal, because I first wish your opinion on the
expediency of the measure. If you approve it, I shall propose to ------
or some other, to father it, and to present it to the counties at their
general muster. This will be in time for our Assembly. The presentment
going in the public papers just at the moment when Congress was
together, produced a great effect both on its friends and foes in that
body, very much to the disheartening and mortification of the latter.
I wish this petition, if approved, to arrive there under the same
circumstances, to produce the counter effect so wanting for their
gratification. I could have wished to receive it from you again at our
court on Monday, because ------ and ------ will be there, and might also
be consulted, and commence measures for putting it into motion. If you
can return it then, with your opinion, it will be of importance. Present
me affectionately to Mrs. Madison, and convey to her my entreaties to
interpose her good offices and persuasives with you to bring her
here, and before we uncover our house, which will yet be some weeks.
Salutations and adieu.
LETTER CCXVII.--TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL, September 1, 1797
TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL.
Monticello, September 1, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of July the 4th, and to
recognise in it the sentiments you have ever held, and worthy of the day
on which it is dated. It is true that a party has risen up among us, or
rather has come among us, which is endeavoring to separate us from all
friendly connection with France, to unite our destinies with those of
Great Britian, and to assimilate our government to theirs. Our lenity
in permitting the return of the old tories, gave the first body to
this party; they have been increased by large importations of British
merchants and factors, by American merchants dealing on British capital,
and by stock-dealers and banking-companies, who, by the aid of a paper
system are enriching themselves to the ruin of our country, and swaying
the government by their possession of the printing-presses, which
their wealth commands, and by other means, not always honorable to the
character of our countrymen. Hitherto, their influence and their system
have been irresistible, and they have raised up an executive power which
is too strong for the legislature. But I flatter myself they have passed
their zenith. The people, while these things were doing, were lulled
into rest and security from a cause which no longer exists. No
prepossessions now will shut their ears to truth. They begin to see to
what port their leaders were steering during their slumbers, and there
is yet time to haul in, if we can avoid a war with France. All can be
done peaceably, by the people confining their choice of Representatives
and Senators to persons attached to republican government and the
principles of 1776, not office-hunters, but farmers, whose interests
are entirely agricultural. Such men are the true representatives of the
great American interest, and are alone to be relied on for expressing
the proper American sentiments. We owe gratitude to France, justice to
England, good-will to all, and subservience to none. All this must be
brought about by the people, using their elective rights with prudence
and self-possession, and not suffering themselves to be duped by
treacherous emissaries. It was by the sober sense of our citizens that
we were safely and steadily conducted from monarchy to republicanism,
and it is by the same agency alone we can be kept from falling back. I
am happy in this occasion of reviving the memory of old things, and of
assuring you of the continuance of the esteem and respect of, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXVIII.--TO JAMES MONROE, September 7, 1797
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES MONROE.
Monticello, September 7, 1797.
The doubt which you suggest as to our jurisdiction over the case of the
Grand Jury vs. Cabell had occurred to me, and naturally occurs on first
view of the question. But I knew, that to send the petition to the House
of Representatives in Congress, would make bad worse; that a majority
of that House would pass a vote of approbation. On examination of the
question, too, it appeared to me that we could maintain the authority of
our own government over it.
A right of free correspondence between citizen and citizen, on their
joint interests, whether public or private, and under whatsoever laws
these interests arise (to wit, of the State, of Congress, of France,
Spain, or Turkey), is a natural right: it is not the gift of any
municipal law, either of England, of Virginia, or of Congress: but in
common with all our other natural rights, it is one of the objects
for the protection of which society is formed, and municipal laws
established.
The courts of this commonwealth (and among them the General Court, as a
court of impeachment) are originally competent to the cognizance of all
infractions of the rights of one citizen by another citizen: and they
still retain all their judiciary cognizances not expressly alienated by
the federal constitution.
The federal constitution alienates from them all cases arising, 1st,
under the constitution; 2ndly, under the laws of Congress; 3rdly, under
treaties, &c. But this right of free correspondence, whether with a
public representative in General Assembly, in Congress, in France, in
Spain, or with a private one charged with pecuniary trust, or with a
private friend, the object of our esteem, or any other, has not been
given to us under, 1st, the federal constitution; 2ndly, any law of
Congress; or 3rdly, any treaty; but, as before observed, by nature.
It is therefore not alienated, but remains under the protection of our
courts.
Were the question even doubtful, that is no reason for abandoning it.
The system of the General Government is to seize all doubtful ground. We
must join in the scramble, or get nothing. Where first occupancy is to
give right, he who lies still loses all. Besides, it is not right for
those who are only to act in a preliminary form, to let their own doubts
preclude the judgment of the court of ultimate decision. We ought to
let it go to the House of Delegates for their consideration, and they,
unless the contrary be palpable, ought to let it go to the General
Court, who are ultimately to decide on it.
It is of immense consequence that the States retain as complete
authority as possible over their own citizens. The withdrawing
themselves under the shelter of a foreign jurisdiction, is so subversive
of order and so pregnant of abuse, that it may not be amiss to consider
how far a law of _præmunire_ should be revised and modified, against
all citizens who attempt to carry their causes before any other than the
State courts, in cases where those other courts have no right to their
cognizance. A plea to the jurisdiction of the courts of their State,
or a reclamation of a foreign jurisdiction, if adjudged valid, would be
safe; but if adjudged invalid, would be followed by the punishment of
_præmunire_ for the attempt.
Think further of the preceding part of this letter, and we will have
further conference on it. Adieu.
P. S. Observe, that it is not the breach of Mr. Cabell’s privilege which
we mean to punish: that might lie with Congress. It is the wrong done to
the citizens of our district. Congress have no authority to punish
that wrong. They can only take cognizance of it in vindication of their
member.
LETTER CCXIX.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 3, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, January 3, 1798
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 25th came to hand yesterday. I shall observe your
direction with respect to the post-day. I have spoken with the Deputy
Postmaster-General on the subject of our Fredericksburg post. He never
knew before that the Fredericksburg printer had taken the contract of
the rider. He will be glad, if either in your neighborhood or ours, some
good person will undertake to ride from April next. The price given this
year is three hundred and thirty dollars, and it will go to the lowest
bidder, who can be depended on. I understand (though not from him) that
Wyatt will be changed; and in general they determine that printers shall
not be postmasters or riders.
Our weather has been, here as with you, cold and dry. The thermometer
has been at eight degrees. The river closed here the first week of
December, which has caught a vast number of vessels destined for
departure. It deadens also the demand for wheat. The price at New York
is one dollar seventy-five cents, and of flour eight dollars fifty cents
to nine dollars; tobacco eleven to twelve dollars; there need be no
doubt of greater prices. The bankruptcies here continue: the prison
is full of the most reputable merchants, and it is understood that the
scene has not yet got to its height. Prices have fallen greatly. The
market is cheaper than it has been for four years. Labor and house-rent
much reduced. Dry goods somewhat. It is expected that they will fall
till they get nearly to old prices. Money scarce beyond all example.
The Representatives have rejected the President’s proposition for
enabling him to prorogue them. A law has passed putting off the
stamp-act till July next. The land-tax will not be brought on. The
Secretary of the Treasury says he has money enough. No doubt these two
measures may be taken up more boldly at the next session, when most
of the elections will be over. It is imagined the stamp-act will be
extended or attempted on every possible object. A bill has passed
the Representatives to suspend for three years the law arresting the
currency of foreign coins. The Senate propose an amendment, continuing
the currency of the foreign gold only. Very possibly the bill may be
lost. The object of opposing the bill is to make the French crowns
a subject of speculation (for it seems they fell on the President’s
proclamation to a dollar in most of the States), and to force bank-paper
(for want of other medium) through all the States generally. Tench Coxe
is displaced, and no reason even spoken of. It is therefore understood
to be for his activity during the late election. It is said that the
people from hence, quite to the eastern extremity, are beginning to
be sensible, that their government has been playing a foul game. In
Vermont, Chipman was elected Senator by a majority of one, against the
republican candidate. In Maryland, Loyd by a majority of one, against
Winder, the republican candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor of Vermont
by a very small majority. The House of Representatives of this State has
become republican by a firm majority of six. Two counties, it is said,
have come over generally to the republican side. It is thought
the republicans have also a majority in the New York House of
Representatives. Hard elections are expected there between Jay
and Livingston, and here between Ross and M’Kean. In the House of
Representatives of Congress, the republican interest has at present, on
strong questions, a majority of about half a dozen, as is conjectured,
and there are as many of their firmest men absent; not one of the
anti-republicans is from his post. The bill for permitting private
vessels to arm, was put off to the first Monday in February by a sudden
vote, and a majority of five. It was considered as an index of their
dispositions on that subject, though some voted both ways on other
ground. It is most evident that the anti-republicans wish to get rid of
Blount’s impeachment. Many metaphysical niceties are handing about in
conversation, to show that it cannot be sustained. To show the contrary,
it is evident, must be the task of the republicans, or of nobody.
Monroe’s book is considered as masterly by all those who are not opposed
in principle, and it is deemed unanswerable. An answer, however, is
commenced in Fenno’s paper of yesterday, under the signature of Scipio.
The real author not yet conjectured. As I take these papers merely to
preserve them, I will forward them to you, as you can easily return them
to me on my arrival at home; for I shall not see you on my way, as I
mean to go by the Eastern Shore and Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs
in some of these abominable papers may draw from you now and then a
squib. A pamphlet of Fauchet’s appeared yesterday. I send you a copy
under another cover. A hand-bill has just arrived here from New York,
where they learn from a vessel which left Havre about the 9th of
November, that the Emperor had signed the definitive articles, given up
Mantua, evacuated Mentz, agreed to give passage to the French troops
to Hanover, and that the Portuguese ambassador had been ordered to quit
Paris, on account of the seizure of fort St. Julian’s by the, English,
supposed with the connivance of Portugal. Though this is ordinary
mercantile news, it looks like truth. The latest official intelligence
from Paris, is from Talleyrand to the French Consul here (Lastombe),
dated September the 28th, saying that our Envoys were arrived, and would
find every disposition on the part of his government to accommodate with
us.
My affectionate respects to Mrs. Madison; to yourself, health and
friendship. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXX.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 25, 1798
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, January 25, 1798.
Dear Sir,