Domingo has been duly received and considered. When the distresses of
that colony first broke forth, we thought we could not better evidence
our friendship to that and to the mother country also, than to step
in to its relief, on your application, without waiting a formal
authorization from the National Assembly. As the case was unforeseen, so
it was unprovided for on their part, and we did what we doubted not
they would have desired us to do, had there been time to make the
application, and what we presumed they would sanction as soon as known
to them. We have now been going on more than a twelvemonth, in making
advances for the relief of the colony, without having, as yet, received
any such sanction; for the decree of four millions of livres in aid
of the colony, besides the circuitous and informal manner by which we
became acquainted with it, describes and applies to operations very
different from those which have actually taken place. The wants of the
colony appear likely to continue, and their reliance on our supplies to
become habitual. We feel every disposition to continue our efforts for
administering to those wants; but that cautious attention to forms
which would have been unfriendly in the first moment, becomes a duty to
ourselves, when the business assumes the appearance of long continuance,
and respectful also to the National Assembly itself, who have a right to
prescribe the line of an interference so materially interesting to the
mother country and the colony.
By the estimate you were pleased to deliver me, we perceive that there
will be wanting, to carry the colony through the month of December,
between thirty and forty thousand dollars, in addition to the sums
before engaged to you. I am authorized to inform you, that the sum of
forty thousand dollars shall be paid to your orders at the Treasury of
the United States, and to assure you, that we feel no abatement in our
dispositions to contribute these aids from time to time, as they shall
be wanting, for the necessary subsistence of the colony: but the want of
express approbation from the national legislature must ere long produce
a presumption that they contemplate perhaps other modes of relieving the
colony, and dictate to us the propriety of doing only what they
shall have regularly and previously sanctioned. Their decree, before
mentioned, contemplates purchases made in the United States only. In
this they might probably have in view, as well to keep the business
of providing supplies under a single direction, as that these supplies
should be bought where they can be had cheapest, and where the same sum
will consequently effect the greatest, measure of relief to the colony.
It is our wish, as undoubtedly it must be yours, that the monies we
furnish be applied strictly in the line they prescribe. We understand,
however, that there are in the hands of our citizens, some bills
drawn by the administration of the colony, for articles of subsistence
delivered there. It seems just, that such of them should be paid as
were received before _fide bonâ_ notice that that mode of supply was
not bottomed on the funds furnished to you by the United States, and we
recommend them to you accordingly.
I have the the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem
and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXVIII.--TO MR. RUTHERFORD, December 25, 1792
TO MR. RUTHERFORD.
Philadelphia, December 25, 1792.
Sir,
I have considered with all the attention which the shortness of the
time would permit, the two motions which you were pleased to put into my
hands yesterday afternoon, on the subject of weights and measures, now
under reference to a committee of the Senate, and will take the liberty
of making a few observations thereon.
The first, I presume, is intended as a basis for the adoption of that
alternative of the report on measures and weights, which proposed
retaining the present system, and fixing its several parts by a
reference to a rod vibrating seconds, under the circumstances therein
explained: and to fulfil its object, I think the resolutions there
proposed should be followed by this; ‘that the standard by which the
said measures of length, surface, and capacity shall be fixed, shall
be an uniform cylindrical rod of iron, of such length, as in latitude
forty-five degrees, in the level of the ocean, and in a cellar or other
place of uniform natural temperature, shall perform its vibrations in
small and equal arcs, in one second of mean time, and that rain-water be
the substance, to some definite mass of which the said weights shall
be referred.’ Without this, the committee employed to prepare a bill on
those resolutions, would be uninstructed as to the principle by which
the Senate mean to fix their measures of length, and the substance by
which they will fix their weights.
The second motion is a middle proposition between the first and the
last alternatives in the report. It agrees with the first in some of
the present measures and weights, and with the last, in compounding
and dividing them decimally. If this should be thought best, I take the
liberty of proposing the following alterations of these resolutions.
2nd. For ‘metal’ substitute ‘iron.’ The object is to have one
determinate standard. But the different metals having different degrees
of expansibility, there would be as many different standards as there
are metals, were that generic term to be used. A specific one seems
preferable, and ‘iron ‘the best, because the least variable by
expansion.
3rd. I should think it better to omit the chain of 66 feet, because it
introduces a series which is not decimal, viz. 1. 66. 80. and because it
is absolutely useless. As a measure of length, it is unknown to the mass
of our citizens; and if retained for the purpose of superficial measure,
the foot will supply its place, and fix the acre as in the fourth
resolution.
4th. For the same reason I propose to omit the words ‘or shall be ten
chains in length and one in breadth.’
5th. This resolution would stand better, if it omitted the words ‘shall
be one foot square, and one foot and twenty cents of a foot deep,
and,’ because the second description is perfect, and too plain to need
explanation. Or if the first expression be preferred, the second may be
omitted, as perfectly tautologous.
6th. I propose to leave out the words ‘shall be equal to the pound
avoirdupois now in use, and,’ for the reasons suggested on the second
resolution, to wit, that our object is, to have one determinate
standard. The pound avoirdupois now in use, is an indefinite thing. The
committee of parliament reported variations among the standard weights
of the exchequer. Different persons weighing the cubic foot of
water have made it, some more and some less than one thousand ounces
avoirdupois; according as their weights had been tested by the lighter
or heavier standard weights of the exchequer. If the pound now in use
be declared a standard, as well as the weight of sixteen thousand cubic
cents of a foot in water, it may hereafter, perhaps, be insisted that
these two definitions are different, and that being of equal authority,
either may be used, and so the standard pound be rendered as uncertain
as at present.
7th. For the same reasons I propose to omit the words ‘equal to seven
grains troy.’ The true ratio between the avoirdupois and troy weights,
is a very contested one. The equation of seven thousand grains troy to
the pound avoirdupois, is only one of several opinions, and is indebted
perhaps to its integral form for its prevalence. The introduction
either of the troy or avoirdupois weight into the definition of our
unit, will throw that unit under the uncertainties now enveloping the
troy and avoirdupois weights.
When the House of Representatives were pleased to refer to me the
subject of weights and measures, I was uninformed as to the hypothesis
on which I was to take it up; to wit, whether on that, that our citizens
would not approve of any material change in the present system, or on
the other, that they were ripe for a complete reformation. I therefore
proposed plans for each alternative. In contemplating these, I had
occasion to examine well all the middle ground between the two, and
among others which presented themselves to my mind, was the plan of
establishing one of the known weights and measures as the unit in each
class; to wit, in the measures of lines, of surfaces, and of solids, and
in weights, and to compound and divide them decimally. In the measure of
weights, I had thought of the ounce as the best unit, because, calling
it the thousandth part of a cubic foot of water, it fell into the
decimal series, formed a happy link of connection with the system of
measures on the one side, and of coins on the other, by admitting an
equality with the dollar, without changing the value of that or its
alloy materially. But on the whole, I abandon this middle proposition,
on the supposition that if our fellow-citizens were ripe for advancing
so great a length towards reformation, as to retain only four known
points of the very numerous series to which they were habituated, to
wit, the foot, the acre, the bushel, and the ounce, abandoning all the
multiples and subdivisions of them, or recurring for their value to the
tables which would be formed, they would probably be ripe for taking the
whole step, giving up these four points also, and making the reformation
complete; and the rather, as in the present series and the one to be
proposed, there would be so many points of very near approximation,
as, aided in the same manner by tables, would not increase their
difficulties, perhaps, indeed, would lessen them by the greater
simplicity of the links by which the several members of the system are
connected together. Perhaps, however, I was wrong in this supposition.
The representatives of the people in Congress are alone competent to
judge of the general disposition of the people, and to what precise
point of reformation they are ready to go. On this, therefore, I do not
presume to give an opinion, nor to pronounce between the comparative
expediency of the three propositions; but shall be ready to give
whatever aid I can to any of them which shall be adopted by the
legislature.
I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXIX.--TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, January 2, 1793
TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Philadelphia, January 2, 1793.
Sir,
According to the resolution of the House of Representatives, of the 31st
of December, delivered to me yesterday, I have the honor to lay before
you a list of the several persons employed in my office, with the
salaries allowed to each, as follows:
Dollars. George Taylor, jr. (of New York), chief clerk, his salary fixed
by law,................................................. 800
Jacob Blackwell (of New York), clerk,......................... 500
George Pfeiffer (of Pennsylvania), clerk,..................... 500
Philip Freneau (of New York), clerk for foreign languages,.... 250
Sampson Crosby (of Massachusetts), messenger and
office-keeper,................................................ 250
The act of Congress of June the 4th, 1790, c. 18, allowed me an
additional clerk with the same salary as the chief clerk. After the
retirement of the person first appointed, whose services had been
particularly desirable, because of his long and intimate acquaintance
with the papers of the office, it did not appear necessary to make
further use of the indulgence of that law. No new appointment,
therefore, has been made.
The clerk for foreign languages has but half the usual salary. I found
his clerkship on this establishment when I came into office, and made
no change in it, except, that in the time of his predecessor, where
translations were required from any language with which he was
unacquainted, they were sent to a special translator and paid for by the
public. The present clerk is required to defray this expense himself.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXX.--CIRCULAR TO THE MINISTERS, February 13, 1793
_Circular to the Ministers of France, the United Netherlands Great
Britain, &c._
Philadelphia, February 13, 1793.
Sir,
The House of Representatives having referred to me, to report to them
the nature and extent of the privileges and restrictions on the commerce
of the United States with foreign nations, I have accordingly prepared a
report on that subject. Being particularly anxious that it may be exact
in matters of fact, I take the liberty of putting into your hands,
privately and informally, an extract of such as relate to our commerce
with your nation, in hopes that if you can either enlarge or correct
them, you will do me that favor. It is safer to suppress an error in
its first conception, than to trust to any after correction; and a
confidence in your sincere desire to communicate or to re-establish any
truths which may contribute to a perfect understanding between our two
nations, has induced me to make the present request. I wish it had been
in my power to have done this sooner, and thereby have obtained the
benefit of your having more time to contemplate it: but circumstances
have retarded the entire completion of the report till the Congress is
approaching its end, which will oblige me to give it in within three or
four days.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. The report having been prepared before the late diminution of the
duties on our tobacco, that circumstance will be noted in the letter
which will cover the report. T. J.
_France_ receives favorably our bread-stuff, rice, wood, pot and pearl
ashes.
A duty of five, sous the kental, or nearly four and a half centss paid
on our tar, pitch, and turpentine. Our whale-oils pay six livres the
kental, and are the only whale-oils admitted. Our indigo pays five
livres the kental, their own two and a half; but a difference of
quality, still more than a difference of duty, prevents its seeking that
market.
Salted beef is received freely for re-exportation; but if for home
consumption, it pays five livres the kental. Other salted provisions
pay that duty in all cases, and salted fish is made lately to pay the
prohibitory one, of twenty livres the kental.
Our ships are free to carry thither all foreign goods, which may be
carried in their own or any other vessels, except tobaccos not of our
own growth: and they participate with theirs the exclusive carriage of
our whale-oils.
During their former government, our tobacco was under a monopoly,
but paid no duties; and our ships were freely sold in their ports and
converted into national bottoms. The first National Assembly took from
our ships this privilege. They emancipated tobacco from its monopoly,
but subjected it to duties of eighteen livres fifteen sous the kental,
carried in their own vessels, and twenty-five livres, carried in ours; a
difference more than equal to the freight of the article.
They and their colonies consume what they receive from us.
France, by a standing law, permits her West India possessions to receive
directly our vegetables, live provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch, and
turpentine, rice and maize, and prohibits our other bread-stuff: but
a suspension of this prohibition having been left to the colonial
legislature, in times of scarcity, it was formerly suspended
occasionally, but latterly without interruption.
Our fish and salted provisions (except pork) are received in their
islands, under a duty of three colonial livres the kental, and our
vessels are as free as their own to carry our commodities thither, and
to bring away rum and molasses.
*****
_The United Netherlands_ prohibit our pickled beef and pork, meals and
bread of all sorts, and lay a prohibitory duty on spirits distilled from
grain.
All other of our productions are received on varied duties, which may be
reckoned, on a medium, at about three per cent.
They consume but a small proportion of what they receive. The residue
is partly forwarded for consumption in the inland parts of Europe, and
partly re-shipped to other maritime countries. On the latter portion,
they intercept between us and the consumer, so much of the real value as
is absorbed by the charges attending an intermediate deposite.
Foreign goods, except some East India articles, are received in the
vessels of any nation.
Our ships may be sold and naturalized there, with exceptions of one or
two privileges, which scarcely lessen their value.
In the American possessions of the United Netherlands, and Sweden, our
vessels and produce are received, subject to duties, not so heavy as to
have been complained of.
*****
_Great Britain_ receives our pot and pearl ashes free, while those of
other nations pay a duty of two shillings three pence the kental. There
is an equal distinction in favor of our bar-iron, of which article,
however, we do not produce enough for our own use. Woods are free from
us, whilst they pay some small duty from other countries. Indigo and
flaxseed are free from all countries. Our tar and pitch pay eleven pence
sterling the barrel. From other alien countries they pay about a penny
and a third more.
Our tobacco, for their own consumption, pays one shilling three pence
sterling the pound, custom and excise, besides heavy expenses of
collection: and rice, in the same case, pays seven shillings four pence
sterling the hundred weight, which rendering it too dear as an article
of common food, it is consequently used in very small quantity.
Our salted fish, and other salted provisions, except bacon, are
prohibited. Bacon and whale-oils are under prohibitory duties: so are
our grains, meals, and bread, as to internal consumption, unless
in times of such scarcity as may raise the price of wheat to fifty
shillings sterling the quarter, and other grains and meals in
proportion.
Our ships, though purchased and navigated by their own subjects, are not
permitted to be used, even in their trade with us.
While the vessels of other nations are secured by standing laws, which
cannot be altered but by the concurrent will of the three branches of
the British legislature, in carrying thither any produce or manufacture
of the country to which they belong, which may be lawfully carried in
any vessels, ours, with the same prohibition of what is foreign, are
further prohibited by a standing law (12 Car. 2, c. 18, s. 3.)
from carrying thither all and any of our domestic productions and
manufactures. A subsequent act, indeed, has authorized their executive
to permit the carriage of our own productions in our own bottoms, at its
sole discretion: and the permission has been given from year to year,
by proclamation; but subject every moment to be withdrawn on that single
will, in which event, our vessels having any thing on board, stand
interdicted from the entry of all British ports. The disadvantage of
a tenure which may be so suddenly discontinued, was experienced by our
merchants on a late occasion, when an official notification that this
law would be strictly enforced, gave them just apprehensions for the
fate of their vessels and cargoes despatched or destined to the ports of
Great Britain. It was privately believed, indeed, that the order of that
court went further than their intention, and so we were, afterwards,
officially informed: but the embarrassments of the moment were real and
great, and the possibility of their renewal lays our commerce to that
country under the same species of discouragement, as to other countries
where it is regulated by a single legislator: and the distinction is too
remarkable not to be noticed, that our navigation is excluded from the
security of fixed laws, while that security is given to the navigation
of others.
Our vessels pay in their ports one shilling nine pence sterling per ton,
light and trinity dues, more than is paid by British ships, except in
the port of London, where they pay the same as British. The greater part
of what they receive from us is re-exported to other countries, under
the useless charges of an intermediate deposite and double voyage.
From tables published in England, and composed, as is said, from the
books of their Custom-Houses, it appears, that of the indigo imported
there in the years 1773-4-5, one third was re-exported; and, from a
document of authority, we learn that of the rice and tobacco imported
there before the war, four fifths were re-exported. We are assured,
indeed, that the quantities sent thither for re-exportation since the
war are considerably diminished; yet less so than reason and national
interest would dictate. The whole of our grain is re-exported, when
wheat is below fifty shillings the quarter, and other grains in
proportion.
Great Britain admits in her islands our vegetables, live provisions,
horses, wood, tar, pitch, and turpentine, rice and bread-stuff, by a
proclamation of her executive, limited always to the term of a year, but
hitherto renewed from year to year. She prohibits our salted fish
and other salted provisions. She does not permit our vessels to carry
thither our own produce. Her vessels alone may take it from us, and
bring in exchange, rum, molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and
pimento. There are, indeed, some freedoms in the island of Dominica,
but under such circumstances as to be little used by us. In the British
continental colonies, and in Newfoundland, all our productions are
prohibited, and our vessels forbidden to enter their ports. Their
Governors, however, in times of distress, have power to permit a
temporary importation of certain articles in their own bottoms, but not
in ours.
Our citizens cannot reside as merchants or factors within any of the
British plantations, this being expressly prohibited by the same statute
of 12 Car. 2, c. 18, commonly called their navigation act.
*****
Of our commercial objects, _Spain_ receives favorably our breadstuff,
salted fish, wood, ships, tar, pitch, and turpentine. On our meals,
however, when re-exported to their colonies, they have lately imposed
duties, of from half a dollar to two dollars the barrel, the duties
being so proportioned to the current price of their own flour, as that
both together are to make the constant sum of nine dollars per barrel.
They do not discourage our rice, pot and pearl ash, salted provisions,
or whale-oil; but these articles, being in small demand at their
markets, are carried thither but in a small degree. Their demand for
rice, however, is increasing. Neither tobacco nor indigo are received
there.
Themselves and their colonies are the actual consumers of what they
receive from us.
Our navigation is free with the kingdom of Spain, foreign goods being
received there in our ships on the same conditions as if carried in
their own, or in the vessels of the country of which such goods are the
manufacture or produce.
Spain and Portugal refuse to those parts of America which they govern,
all direct intercourse with any people but themselves. The commodities
in mutual demand between them and their neighbors, must be carried to be
exchanged in some port of the dominant country, and the transportation
between that and the subject state must be in a domestic bottom.
LETTER CXXXI.--TO MR. HAMMOND, February 16, 1793
TO MR. HAMMOND.
Philadelphia, February 16, 1793.
I have duly received your letter of yesterday, with the statement of the
duties payable on articles imported into Great Britain The object of
the report, from which I had communicated some extracts to you, not
requiring a minute detail of the several duties on every article, in
every country, I had presented both articles and duties in groups, and
in general terms, conveying information sufficiently accurate for
the object. And I have the satisfaction to find, on re-examining the
expressions in the report, that they correspond with your statement
as nearly as generals can with particulars. The differences which any
nation makes between our commodities and those of other countries,
whether favorable or unfavorable to us, were proper to be noted. But
they were subordinate to the more important questions, What countries
consume most of our produce, exact the lightest duties, and leave to us
the most favorable balance?