communication of April the 11th, 1792, that the clause in the navigation
act (prohibiting our own produce to be carried in our own vessels into
the British European dominions) would be strictly enforced in future,
and the private belief expressed at the same time, that the intention of
that court did not go so far, that the latter terms are not sufficiently
accurate. About the fact it is impossible we should differ, because it
is a written one. The only difference, then, must be a merely verbal
one. For thus stands the fact. In your letter of April the 11th, you
say, you have received by a circular despatch from your court, direction
to inform this government that it had been determined in future strictly
to enforce this clause of the navigation act. This I considered as an
official notification. In your answer of April the 12th, to my request
of explanation, you say, ‘In answer to your letter of this day, I
have the honor of observing that I have no other instructions upon the
subject of my communication, than such as are contained in the circular
despatch, of which I stated the purport in my letter dated yesterday.
I have, however, no difficulty in assuring you, that the result of
my personal conviction is, that the determination of his Majesty’s
government to enforce the clause of the act, &c. is not intended to
militate against the proclamation,’ &c. This personal conviction is
expressed in the report as a private belief, in contradistinction of the
official declaration. In your letter of yesterday, you chose to call it
‘a formal assurance of your conviction.’ As I am not scrupulous about
words when they are once explained, I feel no difficulty in substituting
in the report, your own words ‘personal conviction,’ for those of
‘private belief’ which I had thought equivalent. I cannot indeed insert
that it was a formal assurance, lest some readers might confound this
with an official one, without reflecting that you could not mean to
give official assurance that the clause would be enforced, and official
assurance, at the same time, of your personal conviction that it would
not be enforced.
I had the honor to acknowledge verbally the receipt of your letter of
the 3rd of August, when you did me that of making the inquiry verbally
about six weeks ago; and I beg leave to assure you, that I am, with due
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXII.--TO M. DE TERNANT, February 17, 1793
TO M. DE TERNANT.
Philadelphia, February 17, 1793.
Sir,
I have duly received your letter of yesterday, and am sensible of your
favor in furnishing me with your observations on the statement of the
commerce between our two nations, of which I shall avail myself for the
good of both. The omission of our participation with your vessels, in
the exclusive transportation of our tobacco, was merely that of the
copy, as it was expressed in the original draught where the same
circumstance respecting our whale-oil was noted: and I am happy that
your notice of it has enabled me to reinstate it before the report
goes out of my hand. I must candidly acknowledge to you, that I do
not foresee the same effect in favor of our navigation, from the late
reduction of duties on our tobaccos in France, which you seem to expect.
The difference in favor of French vessels is still so great, as, in my
opinion, to make it their interest to quit all other branches of the
carrying business, to take up this; and as your stock of shipping is
not adequate to the carriage of all your exports, the branches which
you abandon will be taken up by other nations: so that this difference
thrusts us out of the tobacco carriage, to let other nations in to the
carriage of other branches of your commerce. I must therefore avail
myself of this occasion to express my hope, that your nation will again
revise this subject, and place it on more equal grounds. I am happy in
concurring with you more perfectly in another sentiment, that as the
principles of our governments become more congenial, the links of
affection are multiplied between us. It is impossible they should
multiply beyond our wishes. Of the sincere interest we take in
the happiness and prosperity of your nation, you have had the most
unequivocal proofs.
I pray you to accept assurances of sincere attachment to you personally,
and of the sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I am, Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXIII.--TO M. DE TERNANT, February 20, 1793
TO M. DE TERNANT.
Philadelphia, February 20, 1793.
Sir,
I have laid before the President of the United States your notification
of the 17th instant, in the name of the Provisory Executive Council
charged with the administration of your government, that the French
nation has constituted itself into a republic. The President receives
with great satisfaction this attention of the Executive Council, and the
desire they have manifested of making known to us the resolution entered
into by the National Convention, even before a definitive regulation
of their new establishment could take place. Be assured, Sir, that the
government and the citizens of the United States, view with the most
sincere pleasure every advance of your nation towards its happiness,
an object essentially connected with its liberty, and they consider the
union of principles and pursuits between our two countries, as a link
which binds still closer their interests and affections. We earnestly
wish on our part, that these our natural dispositions may be improved to
mutual good, by establishing our commercial intercourse on principles as
friendly to natural right and freedom, as are those of our governments.
I am, with sincere esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXIV.--TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, February 20, 1793
TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Philadelphia, February 20, 1793.
Sir,
The House of Representatives, about the close of the session before the
last, referred to me the report of a committee on a message from the
President of the United States, of the 14th of February, 1791, with
directions to report to Congress the nature and extent of the privileges
and restrictions of the commercial intercourse of the United States
with foreign nations, and measures for its improvement. The report was
accordingly prepared during the ensuing recess, ready to be delivered at
the next session, that is to say, at the last. It was thought possible
at that time, however, that some changes might take place in the
existing state of things, which might call for corresponding changes
in measures. I took the liberty of mentioning this in a letter to the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, to express an opinion that a
suspension of proceedings thereon, for a time, might be expedient, and
to propose retaining the report till the present session, unless the
House should be pleased to signify their pleasure to the contrary. The
changes then contemplated have not taken place, nor, after waiting as
long as the term of the session will admit, in order to learn something
further on the subject, can any thing definite thereon be now said. If,
therefore, the House wishes to proceed on the subject, the report shall
be delivered at a moment’s warning. Should they not choose to take it up
till their next session, it will be an advantage to be permitted to keep
it by me till then, as some farther particulars may perhaps be procured
relative to certain parts of our commerce, of which precise information
is difficult to obtain. I make this suggestion, however, with the most
perfect deference to their will, the first intimation of which shall be
obeyed on my part, so as to occasion them no delay.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXV.--TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, March 12,1793
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, March 12,1793.
Dear Sir,
Your Nos. 8 to 13, inclusive, have been duly received. I am sensible
that your situation must have been difficult during the transition
from the late form of government to the re-establishment of some other
legitimate authority, and that you may have been at a loss to determine
with whom business might be done. Nevertheless, when principles are well
understood, their application is less embarrassing. We surely cannot
deny to any nation that right whereon our own government is founded,
that every one may govern itself according to whatever form it pleases,
and change these forms at its own will; and that it may transact its
business with foreign nations through whatever organ it thinks proper,
whether King, Convention, Assembly, Committee, President, or any thing
else it may choose. The will of the nation is the only thing essential
to be regarded. On the dissolution of the late constitution in France,
by removing so integral a part of it as the King, the National Assembly,
to whom a part only of the public authority had been delegated, appear
to have considered themselves as incompetent to transact the affairs of
the nation legitimately. They invited their fellow-citizens, therefore,
to appoint a National Convention. In conformity with this their idea
of the defective state of the national authority, you were desired
from hence to suspend further payments of our debts to France till
new orders, with an assurance, however, to the acting power, that
the suspension should not be continued a moment longer than should be
necessary for us to see the re-establishment of some person or body of
persons authorized to receive payment and give us a good acquittal; (if
you should find it necessary to give any assurance or explanation at
all.) In the mean time, we went on paying up the four millions of livres
which had been destined by the last constituted authorities to
the relief of St. Domingo. Before this was completed, we received
information that a National Assembly had met, with full powers to
transact the affairs of the nation, and soon afterwards, the minister of
France here presented an application for three millions of livres, to
be laid out in provisions to be sent to France. Urged by the strongest
attachment to that country, and thinking it even providential, that
monies lent to us in distress, could be repaid under like circumstances,
we had no hesitation to comply with the application, and arrangements
are accordingly taken, for furnishing this sum at epochs accommodated
to the demand and our means of paying it. We suppose this will rather
overpay the instalments and interest due on the loans of eighteen, six,
and ten millions, to the end of 1792; and we shall certainly use our
utmost endeavors to make punctual payments of the instalments and
interest hereafter becoming exigible, and to omit no opportunity of
convincing that nation how cordially we wish to serve them. Mutual good
offices, mutual affection, and similar principles of government, seem
to destine the two nations for the most intimate communion: and I cannot
too much press it on you, to improve every opportunity which may occur
in the changeable scenes which are passing, and to seize them as they
occur, for placing our commerce with that nation and its dependencies,
on the freest and most encouraging footing possible. Besides what
we have furnished publicly for the relief of St. Domingo, individual
merchants of the United States have carried considerable supplies
thither, which have been sometimes purchased, sometimes taken by force,
and bills given by the administration of the colony on the Minister
here, which have been protested for want of funds. We have no doubt that
justice will be done to these our citizens, and that without a delay
which would be ruinous to them. We wish authority to be given to the
Minister of France here to pay the just demands of our citizens, out of
the monies he may receive from us.
During the fluctuating state of the assignats of France, I must ask
the favor of you to inform me, in every letter, of the rate of exchange
between them and coin, this being necessary for the regulation of our
Custom-Houses.
Congress closed its session on the 2nd instant. You will see their acts
in the newspapers forwarded to you, and the body of them shall be sent
as soon as the octavo edition is printed. We are to hold a treaty with
the western Indians in the ensuing month of May, but not under very
hopeful auspices.
You will perceive by the newspapers, a remarkable fall in the price of
our public paper. This is owing chiefly to the extraordinary demand for
the produce of our country, and a temporary scarcity of cash to purchase
it. The merchants holding public paper are obliged to part with it at
any price, to raise money.
I sent you, by the way of London, a dozen plans of the city of
Washington in the federal territory, hoping you would have them
displayed to public view where they would be most seen by those
descriptions of men worthy and likely to be attracted to it. Paris,
Lyons, Rouen, and the sea-port towns of Havre, Nantes, Bordeaux, and
Marseilles, would be proper places to send some of them. I trust to Mr.
Taylor to forward you the newspapers by every direct occasion to France.
These are rare at all times, and especially in the winter: and to
send them through England would cost too much in postage. To these
circumstances, as well, probably, as to some miscarriages, you must
ascribe the length of intervals sometimes experienced in the receipt of
your papers.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Dear Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXVI.--TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, March 15, 1793
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, March 15, 1793.
Dear Sir,
The President has seen with satisfaction, that the Ministers of the
United States in Europe, while they have avoided an useless commitment
of their nation on the subject of the Marquis de la Fayette, have
nevertheless shown themselves attentive to his situation. The interest
which the President himself, and our citizens in general, take in the
welfare of this gentleman, is great and sincere, and will entirely
justify all prudent efforts to serve him. I am therefore to desire, that
you will avail yourself of every opportunity of sounding the way towards
his liberation, of finding out whether those in whose power he is are
very tenacious of him, or insinuating through such channels as you
shall think suitable, the attentions of the government and people of the
United States to this object, and the interest they take in it, and of
procuring his liberation by informal solicitations, if possible. But if
formal ones be necessary, and the moment should arrive when you shall
find that they will be effectual, you are authorized to signify through
such channel as you shall find suitable, that our government and nation,
faithful in their attachments to this gentleman for the services he has
rendered them, feel a lively interest in his welfare, and will view
his liberation as a mark of consideration and friendship for the United
States, and as a new motive for esteem and a reciprocation of kind
offices toward the power to whom they shall be indebted for this act.
A like letter being written to Mr. Pinckney, you will of course take
care, that however you may act through different channels, there be
still a sufficient degree of concert in your proceedings.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson
LETTER CXXXVII.--TO MR. PINCKNEY, March 16, 1793
TO MR. PINCKNEY.
Philadelphia, March 16, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you on the 30th of December, and again a short letter on the
1st of January, since which I have received yours of October the 2nd and
5th, November the 6th and 9th, and December the 13th, 14th, 15th. I now
enclose you the Treasurer’s second of exchange for twenty-four thousand
seven hundred and fifty guilders, to be employed in the purchase of
copper for the mint, from Sweden, or wherever else it can be got on the
best terms; the first of exchange having been enclosed in my letter of
December the 30th.
I am in hopes you will have been able to enter into proper arrangements
with the British Minister for the protection of our seamen from
impressment, before the preparations for war shall have produced
inconvenience to them. While he regards so minutely the inconveniences
to themselves which may result from a due regulation of this practice,
it is just he should regard our inconveniences also, from the want of
it. His observations in your letter imply merely, that if they should
abstain from injuring us, it might be attended with inconvenience to
themselves.
You ask, what should be your conduct, in case you should at any
time discover negotiations to be going on, which might eventually be
interesting to us. The nature of the particular case will point out what
measures, on your part, would be the most for our interest, and to your
discretion we must refer the taking such measures, without waiting for
instructions, where circumstances would not admit of such a delay. A
like necessity to act may arise on other occasions. In the changeable
scenes, for instance, which are passing in Europe, were a moment
to offer when you could obtain any advantage for our commerce, and
especially in the American colonies, you are desired to avail us of it
to the best advantage, and not to let the occasion slip by for want of
previous instruction.
You ask, what encouragements are given to emigrants by the several
States. No other than a permission to become citizens, and to
participate of the rights of citizens, except as to eligibility to
certain offices in the government. The rules, as to these, are not
uniform in the states. I have found it absolutely impracticable to
obtain, even for my office, a regular transmission of the laws of the
several States: consequently, it would be more so to furnish them to
our ministers abroad. You will receive by this or the first proper
conveyance, those of Congress, passed at their last session.
It is impossible for me to give any authority for the advance of monies
to Mr. Wilson. Were we to do it in his case, we should, on the same
principles, be obliged to do it in several others wherein foreign
nations decline or delay doing justice to our citizens. No law of the
United States would cover such an act of the executive; and all we can
do legally is, to give him all the aid which our patronage of his claims
with the British court can effect.
With respect to the payment of your allowances, as the laws authorize
the payment of a given number of dollars to you, and as your duties
place you in London, I suppose we are to pay you the dollars there, or
other money of equal value, estimated by the par of the metals. Such
has, accordingly, been the practice ever since the close of the war.
Your powers to draw on our bankers in Holland, will leave you the master
of fixing your drafts by this standard.
The transactions of Europe are now so interesting, that I should be
obliged to you, every week, to put the Leyden gazettes of the week under
cover to me; and put them into such ship’s bag as shall be first coming
to any port north of North Carolina.
Mr. Barclay’s death is just made known to us, and measures are taking in
consequence of it.
You will perceive by the newspapers, a remarkable fall in the price of
our public paper. This is owing chiefly to the extraordinary demand for
the produce of our country, and a temporary scarcity of cash to purchase
it. The merchants holding public paper are obliged to part with it at
any price, to raise money.
I am, with much respect, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXVIII.--TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS, March 21, 1793
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Philadelphia, March 21, 1793.
Sir,
The death of Admiral Paul Jones first, and afterwards of Mr. Barclay,
to whom the mission to Algiers, explained in the enclosed papers, was
successively confided, have led the President to desire you to undertake
the execution of it in person. These papers, being copies of what had
been delivered to them, will serve as your guide. But Mr. Barclay having
been also charged with a mission to Morocco, it will be necessary to
give you some trouble with respect to that also.
Mr. Nathaniel Cutting, the bearer hereof, is despatched specially, first
to receive from Mr. Pinckney in London any papers or information, which
his agency in the Algerine business may have enabled him to communicate
to you: he will then proceed to deliver the whole to you, and accompany
and aid you in the character of secretary.
It is thought necessary that you should, in the first instance, settle
Mr. Barclay’s accounts respecting the Morocco mission, which will
probably render it necessary that you should go to Gibraltar. The
communications you have had with Mr. Barclay in this mission, will
assist you in your endeavors at a settlement. You know the sum received
by Mr. Barclay on that account, and we wish as exact a statement as can
be made of the manner in which it has been laid out, and what part of
its proceeds is now on hand. You will be pleased to make an inventory of
these proceeds now existing. If they or any part of them can be used for
the Algerine mission, we would have you by all means apply them to that
use, debiting the Algerine fund and crediting that of Morocco with the
amount of such application. If they cannot be so used, then dispose of
the perishable articles to the best advantage, and if you can sell those
not perishable for what they cost, do so, and what you cannot so sell,
deposite in any safe place under your own power. In this last stage of
the business, return us an exact account, 1. Of the specific articles
remaining on hand for that mission, and their value. 2. Of its cash on
hand. 3. Of any money which may be due to or from Mr. Barclay or any
other person on account of this mission: and take measures for replacing
the clear balance of cash in the hands of Messrs. W. and J. Willincks,
and Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorsts and Hubard.
This matter being settled, you will be pleased to proceed on the mission
to Algiers. This you will do by the way of Madrid, if you think any
information you can get from Mr. Carmichael or any other, may be
equivalent for the trouble, expense, and delay of the journey. If not
proceed in whatever other way you please to Algiers.
Proper powers and credentials for you, addressed to that government, are
herewith enclosed. The instructions first given to Admiral Paul Jones
are so full that no others need be added, except a qualification in one
single article, to wit: should that government finally reject peace on
the terms in money, to which you are authorized to go, you may offer to
make the first payments for peace and that for ransom in naval stores,
reserving the right to make the subsequent annual payments in money.
You are to be allowed your travelling expenses, your salary as minister
resident in Portugal going on. Those expenses must be debited to
the Algerine mission, and not carried into your ordinary account as
resident. Mr. Cutting is allowed one hundred dollars a month and his
expenses, which, as soon as he joins you, will of course be consolidated
with yours. We have made choice of him as particularly qualified to aid,
under your direction, in the matters of account, with which he is well
acquainted. He receives here an advance of one thousand dollars, by a
draft on our bankers in Holland, in whose hands the fund is deposited.
This, and all other sums furnished him, to be debited to the Algerine
fund. I enclose you a letter to our bankers giving you complete
authority over these funds, which you had better send with your first
draft, though I send a copy of it from hence by another opportunity.
This business being done, you will be pleased to return to Lisbon, and
to keep yourself and us, thereafter, well informed of the transactions
in Morocco; and as soon as you shall find that the succession to
that government is settled and stable, so that we may know to whom a
commissioner may be addressed, be so good as to give us the information,
that we may take measures in consequence.