A more specific and later return is as follows:--

Received Paid for

for Dust. cleansing, &c.

£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._ { Streets not

1845 0 0 0 2833 2 0 { cleansed

{ daily.

1846 1354 5 0 6034 6 0 }

1847 4455 5 0 8014 2 0 } Streets

1848 1328 15 0 7226 1 6 } cleansed

1849 0 0 0 7486 11 6 } daily.

1850 0 0 0 6779 16 0 }

“From the above return,” says Mr. Cochrane, “it may be _inferred_ that

the annual sums paid for cleansing in each year of 1844 and 1843 did

not exceed 2281_l._, as this would make up the eight years’ average

calculation of 4643_l._”

Since the streets have been cleansed daily, it will be seen that the

average has been 7188_l._ The smallest amount, in 1846, was 6034_l._;

and the largest, in 1847, 8014_l._; which was a sudden increase of

1980_l._

Here, then, we perceive an immediate increase in the price paid for

scavaging between 1846 and 1847 of nearly 33 per cent., and since the

wages of the workmen were not proportionately increased in the latter

year by the employers, it follows that the profits of the contractors

must have been augmented to that enormous extent. The only effectual

mode of preventing this system of jobbing being persevered in, _at

the expense of the workmen_, is by the insertion of a clause in each

parish contract similar to that introduced by the Commissioners of

Sewers--that at least a fair living rate of wages shall be paid by each

contractor to the men employed by him. This may be an interference with

the freedom of labour, according to the economists’ “cant” language,

but at least it is a restriction of the tyranny of capital, for free

labour means, when literally translated, _the unrestricted use of

capital_, which is (especially when the moral standard of trade is not

of the highest character) perhaps the greatest evil with which a State

can be afflicted.

* * * * *

Let me now speak of the _Scurf labourers_. The moral and social

characteristics of the working scavagers who labour for a lower rate of

hire do not materially differ from those of the better paid and more

regularly employed body, unless, perhaps, in this respect, that there

are among them a greater proportion of the “casuals,” or of men reared

to the pursuit of other callings, and driven by want, misfortune, or

misconduct, to “sweep the streets;” and not only that, but to regard

the “leave to toil” in such a capacity a boon. These constitute, as it

were, the cheap labourers of this trade.

Among the parties concerned in the lower-priced scavaging, are the

usual criminations. The parish authorities will not put up any longer

with the extortions of the contractors. The contractors cannot put

up any longer with the stinginess of the parishes. The _working_

scavagers, upon whose shoulders the burthen falls the heaviest--as

it does in all depreciated tradings--grumble at both. I cannot aver,

however, that I found among the men that bitter hatred of their masters

which I found actuating the mass of operative tailors, shoemakers,

dressmakers, &c., toward the slop capitalists who employed them.

I have pointed out in what the “scurf” treatment of the labourers was

chiefly manifested--in extra work for inferior pay; in doing eight or

nine days’ work in six; and in being paid for only six days’ labour,

and not always at the ordinary rate even for the lighter toil--not

2_s._ 8_d._, but 2_s._ 6_d._ or even 2_s._ 4_d._ a day. To the wealthy,

this 2_d._ or 4_d._ a day may seem but a trifling matter, but I heard a

working scavager (formerly a house-painter) put it in a strong light:

“that 3_d._ or 4_d._ a day, sir, is a poor family’s rent.” The rent, I

may observe, as a result of my inquiries among the more decent classes

of labourers, is often the primary consideration: “You see, sir, we

must have a roof over our heads.”

A scavager, working for a scurf master, gave me the following account.

He was a middle-aged man, decently dressed, for when I saw him, he was

in his “Sunday clothes,” and was quiet in his tones, even when he spoke

bitterly.

“My father,” he said, “was once in business as a butcher, but he

failed, and was afterwards a journeyman butcher, but very much

respected, I know, and I used to job and help him. O dear, yes! I can

read and write, but I have very seldom to write, only I think one

never forgets it, it’s like learning to swim, that way; and I read

sometimes at coffee-shops. My father died rather sudden, and me and a

brother had to look out. My brother was older than me, he was 20 or

21 then, and he went for a soldier, I believe to some of the Ingees,

but I’ve never heard of him since. I got a place in a knacker’s yard,

but I didn’t like it at all, _it was so confining_, and should have

hooked it, only I left it honourable. I can’t call to mind how long

that’s back, perhaps 16 or 18 years, but I know there was some stir

at the time about having the streets and yards cleaner. A man called

and had some talk with the governor, and says he, says the governor,

says he, ‘if you want a handy lad with his besom, and he’s good for

nothing else’--but that was his gammon--‘here’s your man;’ so I was

engaged as a young sweeper at 10_s._ a week. I worked in Hackney, but I

heard so much about railways, that I saved my money up to 10_s._, and

popped [pledged] a suit of mourning I’d got after my father’s death for

22_s._, and got to York, both on foot and with lifts. I soon got work

on a rail; there was great call for rails then, but I don’t know how

long it’s since, and I was a navvy for six or seven years, or better.

Then I came back to London. I don’t know just what made me come back,

_but I was restless_, and I thought I could get work as easy in London

as in the country, but I couldn’t. I brought 21 gold sovereigns with

me to London, twisted in my fob for safeness, in a wash-leather bag.

They didn’t last so long as they ought to. I didn’t care for drinking,

only when I was in company, but I was a little too gay. One night I

spent over 12_s._ in the St. Helena Gardens at Rotherhithe, and that

sort of thing soon makes money show taper. I got some work with a

rubbish carter, a regular scurf. I made only about 8_s._ a week under

him, for he didn’t want me this half day or that whole day, and if I

said anything, he told me I might go and be d----d, he could get plenty

such, and I knew he could. I got on then with a gangsman I knew, at

street-sweeping. I had 15_s._ a week, but not regular work, but when

the work wer’n’t regular, I had 2_s._ 8_d._ a day. I then worked under

another master for 14_s._ a week, and was often abused that I wasn’t

better dressed, for though that there master paid low wages, he was

vexed if his men didn’t look decent in the streets. I’ve heard that

he said he paid the best of wages when asked about it. I had another

job after that, at 15_s._, and then 16_s._ a week, with a contractor

as had a wharf; but a black nigger slave was never slaved as I was.

I’ve worked all night, when it’s been very moonlight, in loading a

barge, and I’ve worked until three and four in the morning that way,

and then me and another man slept an hour or two in a shed as joined

his stables, and then must go at it again. Some of these masters is

ignorant, and treats men like dirt, but this one was always civil, and

made his people be civil. But, Lord, I hadn’t a rag left to my back.

Everything was worn to bits in such hard work, and then I got the sack.

I was on for Mr. ---- next. He’s a jolly good ’un. I was only on for

him temp’ry, but I was told it was for temp’ry when I went, so I can’t

complain. I’m out of work this week, but I’ve had some jobs from a

butcher, and I’m going to work again on Monday. I don’t know at what

wages. The gangsmen said they’d see what I could do. It’ll be 15_s._, I

expect, and over-work if it’s 16_s._

“Yes, I like a pint of beer now and then, and one requires it, but I

don’t get drunk. I dusted for a fortnight once while a man was ill, and

got more beer and twopences give me than I do in a year now; aye, twice

as much. My mate and me was always very civil, and people has said,

‘there’s a good fellow, just sweep together this bit of rubbish in the

yard here, and off with it.’ That was beyond our duty, but we did it. I

have very little night-work, only for one master; he’s a sweep as well.

I get 2_s._ 6_d._ a job for it. Yes, there’s mostly something to drink,

but you can’t demand nothing. Night-work’s nothing, sir; no more ain’t

a knacker’s yard.

“I pay 2_s._ a week rent, but I’m washed for and found soap as well.

My landlady takes in washing, and when her husband, for they’re an old

couple, has the rheumatics, I make a trifle by carrying out the clothes

on a barrow, and Mrs. Smith goes with them and sees to the delivery.

I’ve my own furniture.

“Well, I don’t know what I spend in my living in a week. I have a bit

of meat, or a saveloy or two, or a slice of bacon every day, mostly

when I’m at work. I sometimes make my own meals ready in my room. No,

I keep no accounts. There’d be very little use or pleasure in doing it

when one has so little to count. When I’m past work, I suppose I must

go to the workhouse. I sometimes wish I’d gone for a soldier when I was

young enough. I shouldn’t have minded going abroad. I’d have liked it

better than not, for _I like to be about; yes, I like a change_.

“I go to chapel every Sunday night, and have regularly since Mr. ----

(the butcher) gave me this cast-off suit. I promised him I would when I

got the togs.

“Things would be well enough with me if I’d constant work and fair

pay. I don’t know what makes wages so low. I suppose it’s rich people

trying to get all the money they can, and caring nothing for poor men’s

rights, and poor men’s sometimes forced to undersell one another,

’cause half a loaf you know, sir, is better than no bread at all” (a

proverb, by the way, which has wrought no little mischief).

In conclusion, I may remark, that although I was told, in the first

instance, there was sub-letting in street sweeping, I could not hear

of any facts to prove it. I was told, indeed, by a gentleman who took

great interest in parochial matters, with a view to “reforms” in them,

that such a thing was most improbable, for if a contractor sub-let any

of his work it would soon become known, and as it would be evident that

the work could be accomplished at a lower rate, the contractor would be

in a worse position for his next contract.

OF THE STREET-SWEEPING MACHINE, AND THE STREET-SWEEPERS EMPLOYED WITH

IT.

Until the introduction of the machines now seen in London, I believe

that no mechanical contrivances for sweeping the streets had been

attempted, all such work being executed by manual labour, and employing

throughout the United Kingdom a great number of the poor. The

street-sweeping machine, therefore, assumes an importance as another

instance of the displacement, or attempted displacement, of the labour

of man by the mechanism of an engine.

The street-sweeping machines were introduced into London about five

years ago, after having been previously used, under the management

of a company, in Manchester, the inventor and maker being Mr.

Whitworth, of that place. The novelty and ingenuity of the apparatus

soon attracted public attention, and for the first week or two the

vehicular street-sweeper was accompanied in its progress by a crowd

of admiring and inquisitive pedestrians, so easily attracted together

in the metropolis. In the first instance the machines were driven

through the streets merely to display their mode and power of work,

and the drivers and attendants not unfrequently came into contact

with the regular scavagers, when a brisk interchange of street wit

took place, the populace often enough encouraging both sides. At

present the street-sweeping machine proceeds on its line of operation

as little noticed, except by visitors, and foreigners especially, as

any other vehicle. The body of the sweeping machine, although the

sizes may not all be uniform, is about 5 feet in length, and 2 feet

8 inches or 3 feet in width; the height is about 5 feet 6 inches or

6 feet, and the form that of a covered cart, with a rounded top. The

sides of the exterior are of cast iron, the top being of wood. At the

hinder part of the cart is fixed the sweeping-machine itself, covered

by sloping boards which descend from the top of the cart, projecting

slightly behind the vehicle to the ground; under the sloping boards is

an endless chain of brushes as wide as the cart, 16 in number, placed

at equal distances, and so arranged, that when made to revolve, each

brush in turn passes over the ground, sweeping the mud along with it

to the bottom sloping board, and so carrying it up to the interior of

the cart. The chain of brushes is set in motion, over the surface of

the pavement, by the agency of three cog wheels of cast iron; these are

worked by the rotation of the wheels of the cart, the cogs acting upon

the spindles to which the brooms are attached. The spindles, brushes,

and the sloped boards can be raised or lowered by the winding of an

instrument called the broom winder; or the whole can be locked. The

brooms are raised when any acclivity is to be swept, and lowered at

a declivity. The vehicle must be water-tight, in order to contain the

slop.

When full the machine holds about half a cart load or half a ton of

dirt; this is emptied by letting down the back in the manner of a trap

door. If the contents be solid, they have to be forked out; if more

sloppy, they are “shot” out, as from a cart, the interior generally

being roughly scraped to complete the emptying.

The districts which have as yet been cleansed by the machines are what

may be considered a government domain, being the public thoroughfares

under the control of the Commissioners of the Woods and Forests,

running from Westminster Abbey to the Regent-circus in Piccadilly,

and including Spring-gardens, Carlton-gardens, and a portion of the

West Strand, where they were first employed in London; they have been

used also in parts of the City; and are at present employed by the

parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields. The company by whom the mechanical

street-sweeping business is carried on employ 12 machines, 4 water

carts, 19 horses, and 24 men. They have also the use, but not the sole

use, of two wharfs and barges at Whitefriars and Millbank. The machines

altogether collect about 30 cart-loads of street-dirt a day, which is

equivalent to four or five barge-loads in a week, if all were boated.

Two barges per week are usually sent to Rochester, the others up the

river to Fulham, &c. The average price is 5_l._ 10_s._ to 6_l._ per

barge load, but when the freight has been chiefly dung, as much as

8_l._ has been paid for it by a farmer.

The street-sweeping machine seems to have commanded the approbation

of the General Board of Health, although the Board’s expression of

approval is not without qualification. “Even that efficient and

economical implement,” says one of the Reports, “the street-sweeping

machine, leaves much filth between the interstices of the stones

and some on the surface.” One might have imagined, however, that an

efficient and economical implement would not have left this “much

filth” in its course; but the Board, I presume, spoke comparatively.

The reason of the circumscribed adoption of the machine--I say it with

some reluctance, but from concurrent testimony--appears to be that it

does _not_ sweep sufficiently clean. It sweeps the surface, but only

the surface; not cleansing what the scavagers call the “nicks” and

“holes,” and the Board of Health the “interstices,” in the pavement.

One man is obliged to go along with each machine, to sweep the ridge

of dirt invariably left at the edge of the track of the vehicle into

the line of the next machine, so that it may be “licked up.” In fine

weather this work is often light enough. It is also the occupation

of the accompanying scavager to sweep the dirt from the sloping

edges of the public ways into the direct course of the machine, for

the brushes are of no service along such slopes; he must also sweep

out the contents of any hole or hollow there may be in the streets,

as is frequently the case when the pavement has been disturbed in

the relaying or repairing of the gas or water pipes. But for this

arrangement, I was told, the brushes would pass “clean over” such

places, or only disturb without clearing away the dirt. Indeed

irregularities of any kind in the pavement are great obstructions to

the efficiency of the street-sweeping machine.

There are some places, moreover, wholly unsweepable by the machine; in

many parts of St. Martin’s parish, for instance, there are localities

where the machine cannot be introduced; such are--St. Martin’s-court;

the flagged ways about the National Gallery; and the approach,

alongside the church, to the Lowther Arcade; the pavement surrounding

the fountains which adorn the “noblest site in Europe;” and a variety

of alleys, passages, yards, and minor streets, which must be cleansed

by manual labour.

In fair weather, again, water carts are indispensable before machine

sweeping, for if the ground be merely dry and dusty, the set of brooms

will not “bite.”

We now come to estimate the _relative values of the mechanical and

manual labour applied to the scavaging of the streets_. The average

progress of the street-sweeping machine, in the execution of the

scavagers’ work, is about two miles an hour. It must not be supposed,

however, that two streets each a mile in length, could be swept in one

hour; for to do this the vehicle would have to travel up and down those

streets as many times as the streets are wider than the machine. The

machines, sometimes two, sometimes three or four, follow alongside each

other’s tracks in sweeping a street, so as to leave no part unswept.

Thus, supposing a street half a mile long and nine yards wide, and

that each machine swept a breadth of a yard, then three such machines,

driven once up, and once again down, and once more up such a street,

would cleanse it in three quarters of an hour. To do this by manual

labour in the same or nearly the same time, would require the exertions

of five men. Each machine has been computed to have mechanical power

equal to the industry of five street-sweepers; and such, from the above

computation, would appear to be the fact. I do not include the drivers

in this enumeration, as of course the horse in the scavagers’ cart, and

in the machine require alike the care of a man, and there is to each

vehicle (whether mechanical or not) one hand (besides the carman) to

sweep after the ordinary work. Hence every two men with the machine do

the work of seven men by hand.

Having, then, ascertained the relative values of the two forces

employed in cleansing the streets, let me now proceed to set forth

what is “the economy of labour” resulting from the use of the sweeping

machine. In the following table are given the number of men at present

engaged by the machine company in the cleansing of those districts

where the machine is in operation, as well as the annual amount of

wages paid to the machine labourers; these facts are then collocated

with the number of manual labourers that would be required to do the

same work under the ordinary contract system (assuming every two

labourers with the machine to do the work of seven labourers by hand),

as well as the amount of wages that would be paid to such manual

labourers; and finally, the number of men and amount of wages under the

one system of street-cleansing is subtracted from the other, in order

to arrive at the number of street-sweepers at present displaced by

machine labour, and the annual loss in wages to the men so displaced;

or, to speak economically, the last column represents the amount

by which the Wage Fund of the street-sweepers is diminished by the

employment of the machine.

TABLE SHOWING THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE NUMBER OF MEN AT PRESENT

ENGAGED IN STREET-SWEEPING BY MACHINES, AND THE NUMBER THAT WOULD BE

REQUIRED TO SWEEP THE SAME DISTRICTS BY HAND, TOGETHER WITH THE ANNUAL

AMOUNT OF WAGES ACCRUING TO EACH.

+--------------------+----------------------------------+

| Machine Labour. |

+----------------------------------+

| Number | Annual Wages |

DISTRICTS. | of Men | received |

| employed to | by Machine |

| attend | Men, at 16s. |

| Machines. | a Week. |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

| | £ _s._ |

St. Martin’s-in-the} | | |

Fields } | 8 | 332 16 |

| | |

Regent-street and } | | |

Pall-mall (see } | 12 | 499 4 |

table, p. 214) } | | |

| | |

Other places, } | | |

connected } | | |

with Woods } | 4 | 166 8 |

and Forests } | | |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

Total | 24 | 998 8 |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

+--------------------+----------------------------------+

| Manual Labour. |

+----------------------------------+

| Number of | Annual |

| men that | Wages that |

DISTRICTS. | would be | would be |

| required to | received by |

| sweep the | Manual |

| Streets by | Labourers, at |

| Manual labour. | 15s. a Week. |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

| | £ _s._ |

St. Martin’s-in-the} | | |

Fields } | 28 | 1092 0 |

| | |

Regent-street and } | | |

Pall-mall (see } | 42 | 1638 0 |

table, p. 214) } | | |

| | |

Other places, } | | |

connected } | | |

with Woods } | 14 | 546 0 |

and Forests } | | |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

Total | 84 | 3276 0 |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

| Difference. |

+----------------------------------+

| Number | Annual Loss |

DISTRICTS. | of | in Wages to |

| Men displaced | Manual |

| by Machine-work. | Labourers by |

| | Machine-work. |

+------------------+---------------+

| | £ _s._ |

St. Martin’s-in-the} | | |

Fields } | 20 | 759 4 |

| | |

Regent-street and } | | |

Pall-mall (see } | 30 | 1138 16 |

table, p. 214) } | | |

| | |

Other places, } | | |

connected } | | |

with Woods } | 10 | 379 12 |

and Forests } | | |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

Total | 60 | 2277 12 |

+--------------------+------------------+---------------+

Hence, we perceive that no less than 60 street-sweepers are deprived of

work by the street-sweeping machine, and that the gross Wage Fund of

the men is diminished by the employment of mechanical labour no less

than 2277_l._ per annum.

But let us suppose the street-sweeping machine to come into general

use, and all the men who are at present employed by the contractors,

both large and small, to sweep the street by hand to be superseded

by it, what would be the result? how much money would the manual

labourers be deprived of per annum, and how many self-supporting

labourers would be pauperized thereby? The following table will show

us: in the first compartment given below we have the number of

manual labourers employed throughout London by the large and small

contractors, and the amount of wages annually received by them[20];

in the second compartment is given the number of men that would be

required to sweep the same districts by the machine, and the amount of

wages that would be received by them at the present rate; and the third

and last compartment shows the gross number of hands that would be

displaced, and the annual loss that would accrue to the operatives by

the substitution of mechanical for manual labour in the sweeping of the

streets.

TABLE SHOWING THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE NUMBER OF CONTRACTORS’ MEN

AT PRESENT EMPLOYED TO SWEEP THE STREETS BY HAND, AND THE NUMBER THAT

WOULD BE REQUIRED TO SWEEP THE SAME DISTRICTS BY MACHINE WORK, TOGETHER

WITH THE AMOUNT OF WAGES ACCRUING TO EACH.

----------------------+----------------------------------------

| Manual Labour.

+--------------------+-------------------

| Number of | Annual Wages

| Men at present | received by

| employed | Contractors’

| by Contractors | Men for

| to sweep the | sweeping the

| streets. | Streets, at 15_s._

| | a Week.

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

| | £ _s._

Districts at present} | |

swept by large } | 262 | 10,218 0

contractors (see } | |

table, p. 214) } | |

| |

Districts swept by } | 13 | 507 0

small contractors } | |

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

Total | 275 | 10,725 0

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

----------------------+----------------------------------------

| Machine Labour.

+--------------------+-------------------

| Number of | Annual Wages

| Machine Men | that would be

| that would be | received by

| required to | Machine Men,

| attend the | at 16_s._ a

| Street-sweeping | Week.

| Machines. |

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

| | £ _s._

Districts at present} | |

swept by large } | 75 | 3120 0

contractors (see } | |

table, p. 214) } | |

| |

Districts swept by } | 4 | 166 8

small contractors } | |

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

Total | 79 | 3286 8

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

----------------------+----------------------------------------

| Difference.

+--------------------+-------------------

| Number of | Annual Loss

| Men that | that would

| would be displaced | accrue to

| by | Manual

| Machine-work. | Labourers by

| | Machine-work.

----------------------+--------------------+-------------------

| | £ _s._

Districts at present} | |

swept by large } | 187 | 7098 0

contractors (see } | |

table, p. 214) } | |

| |

Districts swept by } | 9 | 340 12

small contractors } | |

----------------------+--------------------+--------------------

Total | 196 | 7438 12

----------------------+--------------------+--------------------

Here we find that nearly 200 men would be pauperized, losing upwards of

7000_l._ per annum, if the street-sweeping machine came into general

use throughout London. But, before the introduction of machines, the

thoroughfares of St. Martin’s parish were swept only once a week in

dry weather, and three times a week in sloppy weather, and since the

introduction of the machines they have been swept daily; allowing,

therefore, the extra cleansing to have arisen from the extra cheapness

of the machine work--though it seems to have been the result of

improved sanatory regulations, for in parts where the machine has not

been used the same alteration has taken place--making such allowance,

however, it may, perhaps, be fair to say, that the same increase of

cleansing would take place throughout London; that is to say, that the

streets would be swept by the machines, were they generally used, twice

as often as they are at present by hand. At this rate 158 machine men,

instead of 79 as above calculated, would be required for the work; so

that, reckoning for the increased employment which might arise from the

increased cheapness of the work, we see that, were the street-sweeping

machines used throughout the metropolis, nearly 120 of the 275 manual

labourers now employed at scavaging by the large and small contractors,

would be thrown out of work, and deprived of no less a sum than

4680_l._ per annum.

This amount, of course, the parishes would pocket, minus the sum that

it would cost them to keep the displaced scavagers as paupers, so that

in this instance, at least, we perceive that, however great a benefit

cheapness may be to the wealthy classes, to the poorer classes it is

far from being of the same advantageous character; for, just as much as

the rate-payers are the gainers in the matter of street-cleansing must

the labourers be the losers--the economy of labour in a trade where

there are too many labourers already, and where the quantity of work

does not admit of indefinite increase, meaning simply the increase of

pauperism[21].

The “_labour question_” as connected with the sweeping-machine work,

requires but a brief detail, as it presents no new features. The

majority of the machine men may be described as having been “general

(unskilled) labourers” before they embarked in their present pursuits:

labourers for builders, brick-makers, rubbish-carters, the docks, &c.

Among them there is but one who was brought up as a mechanic; the

others have all been labourers, brick-makers, and what I heard called

“barrow-workers” on railways, the latter being the most numerous.

Employment is obtained by application at the wharfs. There is nothing

of the character of a trade society among the machine-men; nothing

in the way of benefit or sick clubs, unless the men choose to enrol

themselves in a general benefit society, of which I did not hear one

instance.

The payment is by the week, and without drawback in the guise or

disguise of fines, or similar inflictions for the use of tools, &c.;

the payment, moreover, is always in money.

The only perquisite is in the case of anything being found in the

streets; but the rule as to perquisites seems to be altogether an

understanding among the men. The disposal of what may be picked up in

the streets appears, moreover, to be very much in the discretion of the

picker up. If anything be found in the contents of the vehicle, when

emptied, it is the perquisite of the driver, who is also the unloader;

he, however, is expected to treat the men “on the same beat” out of any

such “treasure trove,” when the said treasure is considerable enough

to justify such bounty. Odd sixpences, shillings, or copper coin, I

was informed, were found almost every week, but I could ascertain no

general average. One man, some time ago, found a purse inside the

vehicle containing 20_s._, and “spent it out and out all on hisself,”

in a carouse of three days. He lost his situation in consequence.

The number of men employed by the company in this trade is 24, and

these perform all the work required in the driving and attendance upon

the machines in the street, in loading the barges, grooming the horses,

&c. There is, indeed, a twenty-fifth man, but he is a blacksmith, and

his wages of 35_s._ weekly are included in the estimate as to wear and

tear given below, for he shoes the horses and repairs the machines.

The rate of wages paid by the machine company is 16_s._ a week, so that

the full amount of wages is paid to the men.

But though the company cannot be ranked among the grinders of the

scavaging trade, they _must_ be placed among “the drivers.”

I am assured, by those who are familiar with such labour, that the 24

men employed by the machine masters do the work of upwards of 30 in the

honourable trade, with a corresponding saving to their employers, from

an adherence to the main point of the scurf system, the overworking of

the men without extra payment.

It has been before stated that, in dry weather, the roads require to be

watered before being swept, so that the brushes may _bite_. In summer

the machine-men sometimes commence this part of their business at three

in the morning; and at the other periods of the year, sometimes at

early morning, when moonlight. In summer the hours of labour in the

streets are from three, four, five, or six in the morning, to half-past

four in the afternoon; in winter, from light to light, and after street

there may be yard and barge work.

London Labour and the London Poor, Vol. 2 · 第 188 / 558 题