p. 115, note.) Note 11: In the Philippine Journal of Science
(published by the Bureau of Science, Manila), for October, 1906, is
an interesting paper on "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon,"
by Dean C. Worcester, secretary of the interior in the government
of the islands. He endeavors to furnish a systematic classification
of these tribes; repeats the lists made by the Jesuits, Professor
Blumentritt, and Dr. Barrows, criticizing each of these, and in some
respects differing from their methods; and then enumerates the separate
tribes, as classified by himself--giving under each, the synonyms of
the tribal name, with other names which may be classed under this;
"its habitat, so far as it is at present known;" and description of
its people, and of their dress, homes, mode of life, occupations,
customs, etc. A similar paper on those tribes in Southern Luzon
is announced for the coming year. For these papers Worcester has
utilized personal observations made on these peoples not only by
himself, but by numerous other government officials both civil and
military, during the years 1900-06; and special information regarding
them obtained in the census enumeration of 1903. He says (p. 802):
"It is not too much to say that hardly a rancheria now remains in
the Cordillera Central and its foothills, except in the district of
Apayos, which has not been visited by Americans, while even in the
latter district twenty-nine of the more important rancherias have
been visited." The above paper contains excellent illustrations made
from 208 photographs, taken by Worcester himself or other government
officials. Other valuable papers announced for the Journal in 1907
are: "The Tagbanua and Mangyan Alphabets," by T. H. Pardo de Tavera;
"The Subanos of the Zamboangan Peninsula," by Edwin B. Christie; and
"Primitive Philippine Fire-making Apparatus," by Dean C. Worcester.
P. 78, note 13: Worcester recognizes but seven distinct non-Christian
tribes in northern Luzon: the Negritos, Ilongots (Ibilaos), Kalingas,
Ifugaos, Bontoc Igorots, Lepanto-Benguet Igorots, and Tinguians. He
says of some of these tribal designations ("Non-Christian Tribes of
N. Luzon," p. 804): "The Altasanes, Ifumangies [the same as Jumangi],
Ileabanes, and Panuipuyes do not exist. In all probability these
latter names were taken from those of rancherias which have long
since disappeared. While some of the larger rancherias in northern
Luzon are very old, others are of recent origin and the names and
locations of these settlements are constantly changing."
P. 102, line 5: It gives us pleasure to publish the following
information furnished by Dr. N. M. Saleeby, the error in the text
being based on erroneous information: "I beg to inform you that
Dr. N. M. Saleeby is not a 'native Moro,' nor is he Mohammedan. I went
to Cotabato, Mindanao, in May, 1901, as a captain and assistant surgeon
U.S.V., and served in that capacity until February 1, 1903. From the
latter date until June 30, 1906, I served as superintendent of schools,
and member of the legislative council for the Moro Province. I am
a naturalized American citizen, and was born in a Christian home in
Lebanon, Syria." He is now connected with the Bureau of Science at
Manila, Division of Ethnology.
P. 103, line 6: For "MS." read "book (Sampaloc, 1731)."
P. 154, end of note: In Report of Philippine Commission for 1906,
i, pp. 60-62, is an account of the law regulating (for the present)
the sale and use of opium in the islands--a high-license system,
adopted on March 8, 1906.
P. 173, line 3 from end of text: "Serif, or Sherif, is a term of
dignity bestowed on every supposed descendant of Mahomet" (Forrest,
Voyage, p. 285).
VOLUME XLIV
P. 72, note: The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1906 indicates
(pp. 340, 341, 381) gratifying success in the operation of the Moro
Exchange in the district of Zamboanga, which "has led to similar
exchanges being established on a small scale in the districts of
Cotabato and Lanao, and large ones are projected in Sulu and the
district of Davao." It has "greatly stimulated fisheries among
the Moros," and "islands which were formerly inhabited by lawless
people who were practically pirates are now the scenes of peaceful
activity on the part of Moro fishermen." An agreement has been made
with the merchants of the district to transact all their buying from
the natives through the exchanges, on a cash basis instead of barter,
etc. The amount of sales in the Moro exchanges for the year 1905-06
was 298,481 pesos (Philippine currency).
P. 152, line 5: The envoy sent on this occasion, General Benito
Carrasco Pan y Agua (who was chief notary of the cabildo of Manila),
wrote a relation of his embassy and the voyage to Siam, which was
published at Manila in 1719. (Vindel, Catálogo, iii, no. 2622.)
P. 222, note: Patiño, who had been prominent in governmental affairs
for nearly twenty years, died in 1736; he was a statesman and
financier, and advocated peace with all the other powers, especially
England.
P. 255, lines 3-5 from end: Up to the beginning of the sixteenth
century, Toledo was the chief city in Spain in manufacturing silk;
it has been estimated that this industry gave employment there
to at least 100,000 people. Gaspar Naranjo, "who traveled through
España late in the seventeenth century, asserts that, according to
his knowledge, in 1480 Toledo consumed 450,000 libras of silk, which
could furnish the supply for 15,000 looms. Although this number was
greatly lessened when the Escorial was completed, yet from the looms
of Toledo proceeded the richest silks for church adornments, ribbons,
and hangings. In the year 1651 Toledo still counted 5,000 looms in
operation, although not all within the city; a little afterward, there
were not more than two thousand; in 1714 they were reduced to seventy,
and finally to none at all. When the remnants of this manufacture
left Toledo, that of Valencia gained strength, but never to the
extent which might have been if legislation had permitted it. The
Moors had left that of Granada in the best condition; years after
the conquest it maintained 5,000 spinning-wheels, and the kingdom
yielded a million libras of good silk; but just at this point began
the exactions of the revenue officials, and likewise, in consequence,
the decadence of this industry. It was declared subject to the payment
of alçabala, which was a tax of fourteen per cent when once the tenth
was applied as an ecclesiastical income; eight maravedís besides
were charged to it for the impost called tortil [i.e., spiral?],
and nine maravedís more for a municipal tax. When with the increase
from successive impositions the management of this revenue became
too complicated, all these duties were combined in one; and then it
was seen that every libra of silk paid, as its share of the taxes,
the enormous amount of very nearly fifteen and one-half reals. With
the increase in taxes, the production steadily diminished; by 1643,
that of Granada had decreased from a million to one-fourth of that
amount, and not long afterward to 80,000, and even less. The silk
industry, thus burdened, had to compete with that of Genoa, whence
large shipments of silk goods were freely imported into Spanish
ports, and sold at lower prices than the goods made in España; and
a mortal blow was dealt to it when the exportation of Spanish silks
was prohibited, and sumptuary laws reserved the use of silk fabrics
to a few classes. It is astonishing that this industry has been able
to survive up to the present epoch, although it is in a languishing
condition." (Arias y Miranda, Examen crítico-histórico, pp. 154, 155.)
P. 267, note 78, line 7 from end: For "p. 278" read "p. 279."
P. 286, note 87: The document here mentioned was afterward shifted
to another place; the reference should be to VOL. XLVII, p. 119,
paragraph 1 of note.
VOLUME XLV
P. 53, middle: Regarding the powers, privileges, and duties of the
viceroys appointed by the crown of Spain, see Moses's Spanish Rule
in America, pp. 86-92.
P. 272, line 3: A number of MS. songs are in the collection of Edward
E. Ayer, Chicago, some of them scratched on the smooth outside of a
joint of bamboo.
VOLUME XLVII
P. 213, line 10: For "rice-mills" read "rice-market."
P. 236, note, line 1: Somodevilla, Marqués de Ensenada, was minister
under Felipe V and Fernando VI, and rendered great service to his
country; he re-created the Spanish navy, and strengthened Spanish
commerce. He favored the French, and tried to unite the Bourbon kings
in a close alliance; but in 1754 he was banished from the court. He
promoted agriculture, irrigation, road-building, manufactures, and
mining, and made financial reforms; and he brought to an end the
controversies with Rome over the royal patronage.
VOLUME XLVIII
P. 63, last sentence: "Throughout the Cordillera Central [of Luzon]
the rancheria or settlement is the social and political unit. In
the head-hunting countries rancherias of people of the same tribe
were constantly at war with each other, and the blood feuds between
them were handed down from generation to generation. As a result,
intercourse between these rancherias was more or less completely
cut off for scores of years. It was unavoidable that differences of
dialect should develop under such circumstances." (Dean C. Worcester,
"Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," in Philippine Journal of
Science, October, 1906, p. 798.)
Pp. 173, 174, note 101: Some of these islanders must have remained
permanently on the mainland, notwithstanding the decree for their
return to the islands; for on February 23, 1765, Viana recommended
that the deputy alcalde-mayor of Cagayan be allowed to remove the
Babuyan families from Buguey to Duao, as the latter was secure from
the Moros. Viana advised, however, that the Babuyans be not allowed
to form barrios or visitas far away from the main reduction, and that
every arrangement be made to secure their safety from the Moros and
from fire. (Viana, Respuestas, fol. 91.)
P. 183, last two lines of text: This company of 1755 was formed
"under the patronage of our Lady of the Rosary, and the protection
of his Majesty;" see the title-page of its Ordenanzas, facsimile of
which is given in Vindel's Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 645.
P. 189, note 111: The reforms and regulations made by Arandía for the
Acapulco galleon may be found, in full detail, in his Ordenanzas de
marina (Manila, 1757) with additions thereto, also printed in that
year; these contain 164 and 57 pages respectively, and two large and
handsomely engraved charts (by the Filipino engraver Laureano Atlas),
showing the port of Sisiran in Camarines, and that of Cajayagan and
Calomotan ("commonly called Pálapa") between the islands of Laguan
and Batac.
VOLUME XLIX
Pp. 7, 12, 25: The author of the "Plan of an expedition for the
conquest of the southern Philippines" was, according to the records
of the British Museum, Alexander Dalrymple, not Draper. The date is
given as 1702 in the MS catalogue of the Museum.
P. 309, note 185, line 4: For "of" read "on."
VOLUME L
Pp. 118-136: The date of Viana's letter should be May 10.
P. 159, line 8 of note 89: Before "[Americana]" for "white suit"
read "white coat." J. A. LeRoy says of this, in a private letter:
"Americana here means a short or sack coat, of white drill or duck,
buttoned up to the throat, and worn with only a gauze undershirt
beneath it, and the trousers (often white also). It is the common garb
of Europeans and upper-class natives in the tropics. This usage among
Spaniards seems to have died out in Spanish America, but the word is
common in the Philippines, where it is probably a survival from earlier
Spanish-American usage, transplanted to those islands. Many Spanish
writers mention with contempt the way in which class distinctions in
dress vanished among Spaniards in the Philippines (save, of course,
among the military, ecclesiastical, and high official classes). So too,
the donning of the Americana meant the assumption of social prestige
or aspirations by the Filipinos. Only a few years ago, nearly all the
latter wore the gauze shirt outside of the trousers; but in recent
years the younger men of education, even in the villages, and gradually
the older men, have been adopting the Americana for ordinary wear--a
change which has been greatly accelerated during American occupation."
VOLUME LII
P. 309, line 12: Through lack of space, we are prevented from
giving (as we had intended) an adequate treatment of the subject
of commerce as a special topic, from the middle of the eighteenth
century to that of the nineteenth. Much, however, has been presented
in various documents of VOLS. L-LII, which throws light on commercial
conditions; and to these may be added the following references to
documents and authorities which will enable the student to find
desired material regarding this subject. "Regulation of December 18,
1769, for the distribution of permits [boletas] and for the lading
of the Acapulco galleon at Manila," in Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer
library), v, pp. 403-519. Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, pp. 192-230. Royal
decree for the establishment of the Compañia de Filipinas, March
10, 1785; also decree of July 12, 1803, making new regulations and
conferring new privileges. Dissertation on the benefits arising from
the aforesaid company, by Valentin de Foronda, in his Miscelánea
(Madrid, 1787). Malo de Luque [i.e., Duqae de Almodovar], Historia
política de los establecimientos de las naciones europeos; tomo
v (Madrid, 1790) is devoted to the Spanish settlements in Asia,
the decree erecting the Compañia de Filipinas, and its operations
during 1785-89. Remonstrance addressed by the Company (Madrid,
1821) to the Spanish Cortes against its decree of October 19, 1820,
abolishing the Company's privilege of the exclusive traffic with
Asia conferred on it by the decree of 1803; this remonstrance is
supported by the opinions of "celebrated jurisconsults of Spain,
France, Holland, and England." Rafael Díaz Arenas, Memoria sobre el
comercio y navegación de las Islas Filipinas (Cádiz, 1838). Andrés
García Camba, Reglamento de la Junta de Comercio de Manila (Manila,
1838). Comyn, Estado, pp. 43-71. Mas, Informe, ii, fourth and fifth
sections. Buzeta and Bravo, Diccionario, i, pp. 219-238. Mallat,
Les Philippines, ii, pp. 290-356. Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero,
Libertad de comercio en las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1871). Jagor,
Reisen, pp. 312-316. Gregorio Sancianco y Goson, El progreso de
Filipinas (Madrid, 1881), especially pp. 238-249. Montero y Vidal,
Historia de Filipinas, ii and iii; also his Archipiélago filipino,
pp. 220-259. Retana, articles in Política de España en Filipinas,
1891, pp. 146-148, 233-234, 245-247; for 1892, pp. 27, 28; for 1893,
pp. 8, 9, 77, 78. Code of Commerce in force in Cuba, Porto Rico,
and Philippines (Washington, 1899). Census of Philippine Islands, iv,
pp. 557-585. "Modern development of the Philippines through commerce,"
a series of articles by James A. LeRoy in Dun's International Review,
November, 1905-February, 1906. Cf. authorities cited in Bourne's
"Introduction" to this series (VOL. I), and in LeRoy's contribution
to the present volume; also writings named in the bibliographies of
Griffin, Pardo de Tavera, Vindel, and Retana.
NOTES
[1] This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He
was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially
the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634,
he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited
successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta,
the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some
months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish
minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him
(Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): "The work of Mas is highly interesting,
only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during
which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference
to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements
necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and
it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work
on Filipinas.... His vanity led him to suppress his name...." Pardo de
Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a
copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to
the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says in Bibliografía
filipina, p. 524]: "This third and secret part has never been
described. The author published very few copies of it because of the
gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who
know his Estado [i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced
in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas." In this third
volume Mas precedes the text as follows: "Of this secret chapter, the
last of the Informe sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842,
only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of
the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the
affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested
to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or
permitting a copy to be made of it." The copy belonging to the Peabody
Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to
Pardo de Tavera and Retana) Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.
[2] The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows:
I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos
at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in
Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the
last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography.
II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign
commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government
and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical
condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect
taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing
the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the
archipelago.
[3] A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible
plan, "namely, to cede the country to some foreign power." But the
religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the
Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the
simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal
insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English
policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making
the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out
Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain
has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On
the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, "The
Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did
to America." In 1875-78, there was some discussion of the question
as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of
Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.
[4] By this term, as well as by "Filipino Spaniards," as used in
this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the
Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.
[5] The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to
the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected
by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a
president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of
counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as
did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had
had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed
by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the
Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de
Estado in 1856. See Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.
[6] The exact title of this work is as follows: Los diez y seis
meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo
D. Andres G. Camba (Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina,
p. 79) says of it: "This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and
explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so
filled with incidents." Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba
was a democrat sui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101
pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which
the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston
Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.
[7] See account of this mutiny in VOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.
[8] See post, pp. 92, 93, note 37.
[9] See post, pp. 91-111, the report by Matta.
[10] In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba's
book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in
knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove
that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas's own
experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among
the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba's policy of giving
posts to the natives; as well as Camba's assertions of the immunity
of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is
accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his
first years of residence in the country.
[11] Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the
island of Java, 1830-1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of
the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the
system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines
in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the
history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money's Java, or how
to govern a colony (London, 1861); P. J. Veth's Java (Haarlem, 1896-);
Jules Leclercq's Un sejour dans l'île de Java (Paris, 1898); Wilhelm
Krüger's Das Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur (Magdeburg und Wien, 1899);
and Pierre Gonnaud's La Colonisation hollandaise à Java (Paris, 1905).
[12] A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a
Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom
of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution
free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says
people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or
receive an education in European colleges.
[13] Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond's Quinze ans
de voyages autour du monde (1840) to the effect that the Philippine
conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because
they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives
is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards
with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had
no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not
allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders
in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native
priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without
education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors
of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.
[14] The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent
proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity
of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province
in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the
alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: "You will
be the first victim," as in truth he was. The cura of the next village
also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to
the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent
an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then
issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The
brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of
Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that,
notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade
them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the
government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty
conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had
been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has
been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the
slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally
organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note
by Mas.)
[15] Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or
the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to
copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published
most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The
reference is evidently to sections 95-100 (q.v., VOL. XL, pp. 270-277).