As regards the investigation of time, Aristotle remarks (Phys. IV.

10, 11, 13) that if time is externally (exoterically, ἐξωτερικῶς)

regarded, we are inevitably led to doubt (διαπορῆσαι) whether it has

any being whatever, or whether it has bare existence, as feeble (μόλις

καὶ ἀμυδρῶς) as if it were only a potentiality. “For one part of it

was and is not: another part will be and is not as yet; but of these

parts infinite and everlasting (ἀεὶ λαμβανόμενος), time is composed.

But it now appears that time, if composed of things that are not, may

be incapable of existence. And also as regards everything divisible, if

it exists, either some or all of its parts must be. Time is certainly

divisible; but some of the parts are past, others are future, and no

part is present. For the _now_ is no part, since a part has a measure,

and the whole must consist of the parts; but time does not appear to

consist of the Now.” That is to say, because the Now is indivisible,

it has no quantitative determination which could be measured. “Besides

it is not easy to decide whether the Now remains, or always becomes

another and another. Again, time is not a movement and change, for

movement and change occur in that which is moved and changed, or

accompany time in its course; but time is everywhere alike. Besides

change is swifter and slower, but time is not. But it is not without

change and motion” (which is just the moment of pure negativity in the

same) “for when we perceive no change, it appears as if no time had

elapsed, as in sleep. Time is hence in motion but not motion itself.”

Aristotle defines it thus: “We say that time is, when we perceive the

before and after in movement; but these are so distinguished that we

apprehend them to be another and another, and conceive that there

is something between, as a middle. Now when we understand that the

extremes of the conclusion are different from the middle, and the

soul says that the Now has two instants, the one prior and the other

posterior, then we say that this is time. What is determined through

the Now, we call time, and this is the fundamental principle. But when

we are sensible of the Now as one, and not as a prior and posterior in

motion, nor as the identity of an earlier or later, then there does

not appear to us to have been any time, because neither was there

any motion.” Tedium is thus ever the same. “Time is hence the number

of motion, according to priority and posteriority; it is not motion

itself, unless so far as motion has number. We judge of the more or

less through number, but of a greater or less motion by time. But we

call number that which can be numbered, as well as that with which

we number; but time is not the number with which we number, but that

which is numbered, and, like motion, always is changing. The Now is,

which is the unity of number, and it measures time. The whole of time

is the same, for the Now which was is the same” (universality as the

Now destroyed) “but in Being it is another. Time thus is through the

Now both continuous (συνεχής) and discrete (διῇρηται). It thereby

resembles the point, for that also is the continuity of the line and

its division, its principle and limit; but the Now is not an enduring

point. As continuity of time the Now connects the past and the future,

but it likewise divides time in capacity,” the Now is only divisibility

and the moments only ideal. “And in as far as it is such, it is always

another; but, in as far as it unites, it is ever one and the same.

Similarly, in as far as we divide the line, other and yet other points

always arise for thought; but in as far as it is one, there is only

one point. Thus the Now is both the division of time in capacity, and

the limit and union of both” _i.e._ of the prior and posterior. The

universally dividing point is only one as actual; but this actual is

not permanently one, but ever and again another, so that individuality

has universality, as its negativity, within it. “But division and

union are the same, and similarly related; however their Notion (τὸ

εἶναι)[95] is different.” In one and the same respect the absolute

opposite of what was posited is immediately set forth as existent; in

space, on the other hand, the moments are not set forth as existent,

but in it first appears this being and its motion and contradiction.

Thus the identity of the understanding is not a principle with

Aristotle, for identity and non-identity to him are one and the same.

Because the Now is only now, past and future are different from it,

but they are likewise necessarily connected in the Now, which is not

without before and after; thus they are in one, and the Now, as their

limit, is both their union and their division.

Aristotle (Phys. V. 1) then goes on to movement as realized in a thing,

to change (μεταβολή) or to the physical processes—while before we had

pure movement. “In movement there is first something which moves, also

something which is moved, and the time in which it is moved; besides

these, that from which, and that into which it is moved.” (Cf. _supra_,

p. 141.) “For all motion is from something and into something; but

there is a difference between that which is first moved and that into

which and from which it is moved, as, for instance, wood, warmth and

cold. The motion is in the wood and not in the form; for neither form

nor place, nor quantity moves or is moved, but” (in the order in which

they follow) “there is that which is moved and that which moves, and

that into which it is moved. That to which movement is made, more than

that out of which movement is made, is named change. Hence to pass

into non-being is also change, although what passes away is changed

from Being: and generation is a mutation into Being, even though it

is from non-being.” The remark is to be interpreted as meaning that

for the first time in real becoming motion, _i.e._ in change, the

relation _whereto_ enters, while the relation _wherefrom_ is that in

which change is still the mere ideal motion. Besides this first form of

difference between motion and change, Aristotle further gives another,

since he divides change into three: “into change from a subject (ἐξ

ὑποκειμένον) into a subject; or from a subject into a non-subject; or

from a non-subject into a subject.” The fourth, “from a non-subject

into a non-subject,” which may also appear in the general division, “is

no mutation, for it contains no opposition.” It may certainly be merely

thought or ideal, but Aristotle indicates the actual phenomenon. “The

mutation from a non-subject into a subject is generation (γένεσις);

that from a subject into a non-subject is corruption (φθορά); that

from a subject into a subject, is motion as such;” because that which

is transformed remains the same, there is no becoming-another of

the actual, but a merely formal becoming-another. This opposition of

the materialized motion as mutation, and of merely formal motion, is

noteworthy.

In the sixth book Aristotle comes to the consideration of the dialectic

of this motion and change as advanced by Zeno, that is, to the endless

divisibility which we have already (Vol. I. pp. 266-277) considered.

Aristotle solves it through the universal. He says that they are the

contradiction of the universal turned against itself; the unity in

which its moments dissolve is not a nothing, so that motion and change

are nothing, but a negative universal, where the negative is itself

again posited as positive, and that is the essence of divisibility.

Of the further details into which Aristotle enters, I shall only give

the following. As against atoms and their motion, he remarks (Phys.

VI. 10) that the indivisible has no motion and mutation, which is the

direct opposite of the proposition of Zeno that only simple indivisible

Being and no motion exists. For as Zeno argues from the indivisibility

of atoms against motion, Aristotle argues from motion against atoms.

“Everything which moves or changes is in the first division of this

time partly here and partly there. The atom, as simple indivisible

Being, can, however, not have any part of it in both points in space,

because it then would be divisible. The indivisible could thus only

move if time consisted of the Now; this is, however, impossible, as we

proved before.” Because atoms thus neither have change in themselves,

nor can this come to them from without through impulse, &c., they are

really without truth.

The determination of the pure ideality of change is important.

Aristotle says of this (Phys. VII. 3), “That which is changed is alone

the sensuous and perceptible (αἰσθητόν); and forms and figures, as also

capacities, are not changed, they arise and disappear in a thing only,

without being themselves changed.” In other words: the content of

change is unchangeable; change as such belongs to mere form. “Virtues

or vices belong, for example, to habits acquired. Virtue is the

perfection (τελείωσις) in which something has reached the end of its

nature. Vice, however, is the corruption and non-attainment of this.

They are not changes, for they only arise and pass away while another

alters.” Or the difference becomes a difference of Being and non-being,

_i.e._ a merely sensuous difference.

From these conceptions Aristotle now comes nearer to the first real

or physical motion (Phys. VIII. 6, 8, 9; De C\nlo, I. 4): The first

principle of motion is itself unmoved. An endless motion in a straight

line is an empty creation of thought; for motion is necessarily an

effort after something. The absolute motion is the circular, because

it is without opposition. For because movement has to be considered

in regard to the starting-place and the end in view, in the straight

movement the directions from A to B and from B to A are opposed, but

in motion in a circle they are the same. The idea that heavenly bodies

would of themselves have moved in a straight line, but that they

accidentally came into the sphere of solar attraction, is an empty

reflection which is far from occurring to Aristotle.

Aristotle then shows (De C\nlo, II. I; I. 3) that “the whole heavens

neither arose nor can pass away, for they are one and eternal: they

neither have beginning nor end in eternal time, for they contain

infinite time shut up within them.” All the other ideas are sensuous

which try to speak of essential reality, and in them there always

is that present which they think they have excluded. For when they

assert a vacuum before the beginning of generation, this is the

quiescent, self-identical, _i.e._ the eternal matter, which is thus

already established before origination; they will not allow that

before origination nothing exists. But in fact a thing does not exist

before its origination, _i.e._ in movement there is something to move,

and where reality is, there is motion. They do not, however, bring

together that vacuum, the self-identical, the un-originated matter

and this nothing. “That which has this absolute circular movement is

neither heavy nor light; for the heavy is what moves downwards, and the

light what moves upwards.” In modern physics the heavenly bodies, on

the other hand, are endowed with weight, and seek to rush into the sun,

but cannot do so on account of another force. “It is indestructible

and ungenerated, without decrease or increase, without any change. It

is different from earth, fire, air and water; it is what the ancients

called ether, as the highest place, from its continuous course (ἀεὶ

θεῖν) in infinite time.” This ether thus appears to be eternal matter

which does not, however, take such a definite form, but which remains

as it is, just as the heavens do in our conception, although here the

juxtaposition begins ever to strike us more forcibly.

Aristotle (De C\nlo, III. 6) shows further that the elements do

not proceed from one body, but from one another; for in generation

they neither proceed from what is incorporeal, nor from what is

corporeal. In the first case they would have sprung from the vacuum,

for the vacuum is the immediate incorporeal; but in that case the

vacuum must have existed independently as that in which determinate

corporeality arose. But neither do the elements arise from a corporeal,

for else this body itself would be a corporeal element before the

elements. Thus it only remains that the elements must spring from one

another. Regarding this we must remark that Aristotle understands by

origination, actual origination—not the transition from the universal

to the individual, but the origination of one determinate corporeal,

not from its principle, but from the opposite as such. Aristotle does

not consider the universal as it contains the negative within it; else

the universal would be the absolute matter whose universality, as

negativity, is set forth, or is real.

From this point Aristotle comes (De C\nlo, IV. I-5) to a kind of

deduction of the elements, which is noteworthy. He shows that there

must be four of them, in the following way—because he starts from the

fundamental conceptions of weight and of lightness, or what we should

call attraction and centrifugal force. The corporeal, he says, in its

motion is neither light nor heavy, and, indeed, it is not only relative

but also absolute. The relatively light and heavy is what, while equal

in volume, descends more slowly or quickly. Absolute lightness goes

up to the extremity of the heavens, absolute weight down into the

middle. These extremes are fire and earth. Between these there are

mediums, other than they, which relate to one another like them; and

these are air and water, the one of which has weight, and the other

lightness, but only relatively. For water is suspended under everything

except earth, and air over everything except fire. “Hence,” Aristotle

concludes, “there now are these four matters, but they are four in such

a way that they have one in common; more particularly, because they

arise out of one another, but exist as different.” Yet it is not the

ether that Aristotle designates as this common matter. We must in this

regard remark that however little these first determinations may be

exhaustive, Aristotle is still far further on than the moderns, since

he had not the conception of elements which prevails at the present

time, according to which the element is made to subsist as simple.

But any such simple determination of Being is an abstraction and has

no reality, because such existence would be capable of no motion and

change; the element must itself have reality, and it thus is, as the

union of opposites, resolvable. Aristotle hence makes the elements, as

we have already seen with those who went before (Vol. I., pp. 181, 182;

290-293; 336), arise out of one another and pass into one another; and

this is entirely opposed to our Physics, which understands by elements

an indelible, self-identical simplicity only. Hence men are wonderfully

discerning in reproaching us for calling water, air, &c., elements!

Nor yet in the expression “neutrality” have the modern physicists been

able to grasp a universality conceived of as a unity, such as Aristotle

ascribes to the elements; in fact, however, the acid which unites with

a base is no longer, as is asserted, present within it as such. But

however removed Aristotle may be from understanding simplicity as an

abstraction, just as little does he recognize here the arid conception

of consisting of parts. Quite the contrary. He strives enough against

this, as, for instance, in relation to Anaxagoras (De C\nl. III. 4).

I shall further mention the moments of the real process in relation

to motion, in which Aristotle finally passes on (De gen. et corr.

II. 2-4) to the “principles of perceptible body”; we here see the

elements in process, as formerly in their restful determinateness.

Aristotle excludes the relations which concern sight, smell, &c.,

and brings forward the others as being those which are of sensible

weight or lightness. He gives as these fundamental principles—warmth

and cold, dryness and moisture; they are the sensible differences for

others, while weight and lightness are different for themselves. Now

in order to prepare for the transition of the elements into sensible

relations, Aristotle says: “Because there are those four principles,

and four things have properly six relations to one another, but the

opposite cannot here be connected (the moist cannot be connected

with the dry, or the warm with the cold), there are four connections

of these principles, warm and dry, warm and moist, cold and moist,

cold and dry. And these connections follow those first elements, so

that thus fire is warm and dry, air warm and moist (vapour), water

cold and moist, earth cold and dry.” From this Aristotle now makes

the reciprocal transformation of the elements into one another

comprehensible thus: Origination and decay proceed from the opposite

and into the opposite. All elements have a mutual opposite; each is

as non-being to the Being of the other, and one is thus distinguished

from the other as actuality and capacity. Now amongst these some have

an equal part in common; fire and water, for example, have warmth;

thus if in fire dryness were overcome by moisture, out of fire air

would arise. On the contrary, as regards those which have nothing in

common with one another, like earth, which is cold and dry, and air,

which is warm and moist, the transition goes more slowly forward. The

transition of all elements into one another, the whole process of

nature, is thus to Aristotle the constant rotation of their changes.

This is unsatisfactory, because neither are the individual elements

comprehended nor is the remainder rounded into a whole.

As a matter of fact, Aristotle now goes on, in meteorology, to

the consideration of the universal process of nature. But here we

have reached his limits. Here, in the natural process, the simple

determination as such—this system of progressive determination—ceases

to hold good, and its whole interest is lost. For it is in the

real process that these determinate conceptions always lose their

signification again and become their opposite, and in it also this

contingent succession is forced together and united. In determining

time and motion, we certainly saw Aristotle himself uniting opposite

determinations; but movement, in its true determination, must take

space and time back into itself; it must represent itself as being

the unity of these its real moments and in them; that is, as the

realization of this ideal. But still more must the following moments,

moisture, warmth, &c., themselves come back under the conception of

process. But the sensuous manifestation here begins to obtain the upper

hand; for the empirical has the nature of the isolated form, which is

to fall out of relation. The empirical manifestation thus outstrips

thought, which merely continues everywhere to stamp it as its own,

but which has no longer power to permeate the manifestation, since it

withdraws out of the sphere of the ideal, while it is still in the

region of time, space and movement.

3. THE PHILOSOPHY OF MIND.

As regards the other side from the Philosophy of Nature, the Philosophy

of Mind, we find that Aristotle has constituted in it also a separation

into special sciences, in a series of works which I shall name. In

the first place, his three books “On the Soul” deal partly with the

abstract universal nature of the soul, though mainly in an antagonistic

spirit; and even more, and in a fashion both profound and speculative,

they deal with the soul’s essential nature—not with its Being, but

with the determinate manner and potentiality of its energy; for

this is to Aristotle the Being and essence of the soul. Thus there

are several different treatises, viz.: On Sense-perception and the

Sensible, On Memory and Recollection, On Sleeping and Waking, On

Dreams, On Divination (μαντική) through Dreams, besides a treatise on

Physiognomy; there is no empirical point of view or phenomenon, either

in the natural or the spiritual world, that Aristotle has considered

beneath his notice. With respect to the practical side, he in like

manner devotes his attention to man in his capacity of householder, in

a work on economics (οἰκονομικά); then he takes into his consideration

the individual human being, in a moral treatise (ἠθικά), which is

partly an inquiry into the highest good or the absolute end, and

partly a dissertation on special virtues. The manner of treatment is

almost invariably speculative, and sound understanding is displayed

throughout. Finally, in his Politics, he gives a representation of the

true constitution of a state and the different kinds of constitution,

which he deals with from the empirical point of view; and in his

Politics an account is given of the most important states, of which we

are, however, told very little.

a. PSYCHOLOGY.

In Aristotle’s teaching on this subject we must not expect to find

so-called metaphysics of the soul. For metaphysical handling such as

this really pre-supposes the soul as a thing, and asks, for example,

what sort of a thing it is, whether it is simple, and so on. Aristotle

did not busy his concrete, speculative mind with abstract questions

such as these, but, as already remarked, he deals rather with the

manner of the soul’s activity; and though this appears in a general way

as a series of progressive determinations which are not necessarily

blended into a whole, each determination is yet apprehended in its own

sphere with as much correctness as depth.

Aristotle (De Anima, I. 1) makes in the first place the general remark

that it appears as if the soul must, on the one hand, be regarded

in its freedom as independent and as separable from the body, since

in thinking it is independent; and, on the other hand, since in the

emotions it appears to be united with the body and not separate, it

must also be looked on as being inseparable from it; for the emotions

show themselves as materialized Notions (λόγοι ἔνυλοι), as material

modes of what is spiritual. With this a twofold method of considering

the soul, also known to Aristotle, comes into play, namely the purely

rational or logical view, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the

physical or physiological; these we still see practised side by side.

According to the one view, anger, for instance, is looked on as an

eager desire for retaliation or the like; according to the other view

it is the surging upward of the heart-blood and the warm element in

man. The former is the rational, the latter the material view of anger;

just as one man may define a house as a shelter against wind, rain, and

other destructive agencies, while another defines it as consisting of

wood and stone; that is to say, the former gives the determination and

the form, or the purpose of the thing, while the latter specifies the

material it is made of, and its necessary conditions.

Aristotle characterizes the nature of the soul more closely (De Anima,

II. 1) by referring to the three moments of existence: “First there

is matter (ὕλη), which is in itself no individual thing; secondly,

the form and the universal (μορφὴ καὶ εἶδος), which give a thing

individuality; thirdly, the result produced by both, in which matter

is potentiality and form is energy (ἐντελέχεια);” matter thus does

not exist as matter, but only implicitly. “The soul is substance,

as being the form of the physical organic body which is possessed

potentially of life; but its substance is energy (ἐντελέχεια), the

energy of a body such as has been described” (endowed with life). “This

energy appears in twofold form: either as knowledge (ἐπιστήμη) or as

active observation (τὸ θεωρεῖν). But it is evident that here it is to

be regarded as the former of these. For the soul is present with us

both when we sleep and when we wake; waking corresponds with active

observation, and sleep with possession and passivity. But knowledge is

in origination prior to all else. The soul is thus the first energy of

a physical but organic body.” It is in respect of this that Aristotle

gives to the soul the definition of being the entelechy (_supra_, pp.

143, 144).

Hegel's Lectures on the History of Philosophy: Volume 2 (of 3) · 第 14 / 37 段