assured, that the United States will not remain idle, but
that, impelled by resentments too deep and too just to be
transitory, as well as by unshaken attachment to their
friends, they will persevere with firmness and constancy in
the common cause, and cheerfully unite their efforts with
those of France and Spain, in compelling the common enemy to
accept of reasonable terms of peace. I can, also, with great
confidence, assure your Excellency that the United States
will be happy in every opportunity, which may offer during
the war, of joining their arms to those of Spain, and in
co-operating with them in any expeditions, which
circumstances may render expedient against the Floridas, or
other objects. The Americans would most cheerfully fight by
the side of the Spaniards, and by spilling their blood in the
same cause, and on the same occasion, convince them of their
ardent desire to become their faithful friends and steadfast
allies.
"I cannot prevail upon myself to conclude, without expressing
to your Excellency my apprehension of the anxiety, and
painful concern, with which Congress would receive
intelligence of the failure of their bills, and especially
after the expectations they have been induced to conceive of
the successful issue of their affairs here. What conclusions
the enemy would draw from the inability of Spain to advance
the sum in question, even to men actually in arms against
Great Britain, I forbear to mention, nor would it become me
to point out the several evil consequences flowing from such
an event, to those who enjoy from nature and experience more
discernment than I am blessed with.
"I still flatter myself, that some expedients may be devised
to surmount the present difficulties, and that the harvest of
laurels now ripening for his Majesty in America will not be
permitted to wither for want of watering.
"Influenced by this hope, I shall delay transmitting any
intelligence respecting this matter to Congress, till your
Excellency shall be pleased to communicate to me his
Majesty's further pleasure on the subject.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
Your Excellency will doubtless observe, that this answer does not
comprehend all the objections to which the Minister's plan is liable,
such, for instance, as the proposal that the vessels proposed to be
built in America, with the money of America, and to be navigated by
Americans, should sail under _Spanish colors, &c._ I thought it most
prudent to avoid taking notice of these and similar circumstances,
lest objections, which might be ascribed to pride, as well as reason,
might lose their force in that supposition, and, instead of
convincing, serve only to irritate.
Nothing further passed between the Minister and myself except a
message or two respecting each other's health, until the 19th day of
June, when I sent him the following card.
"Mr Jay presents his respectful compliments to his
Excellency, the Count de Florida Blanca, and takes the
liberty of enclosing the copy of a note he has just received,
respecting a bill drawn upon him for three hundred and
thirtythree dollars. From this his Excellency will perceive
the painful situation Mr Jay is in. He forbears making any
reflections on it, being persuaded that his Excellency's
wisdom and sensibility render them unnecessary.
"_Madrid, June 19th, 1780._"
On the 20th instant I received the following answer.
Translation.
"The Count de Florida Blanca will have no difficulty in
paying the bill of three hundred and thirtythree dollars
mentioned in Mr Jay's note of yesterday, both on account of
its small value, and in consequence of what he had the honor
to offer him at their last conference; but he cannot forbear
observing to Mr Jay, that it will be impossible to show the
same complaisance for other bills without consulting the
pleasure of the King.
"The means hitherto proposed not having been considered as
agreeable to Congress, it has become necessary to seek for
others, and Mr Jay will do well to think seriously on this
subject, and communicate to the Count de Florida Blanca
whatever his wisdom and information may suggest to him."
This looked dry, and indicated a degree of irritation, though it held
up the idea of further means.
I replied to it on the 22d of June, as follows.
"Madrid, June 22d, 1780.
"Sir,
"I received the note your Excellency did me the honor to
write on the 20th instant, and I take the earliest
opportunity of expressing my thanks for your Excellency's
permission to accept the bills mentioned in it, which I have
accordingly done.
"Agreeably to your Excellency's recommendation in the first
conference, I have turned my thoughts very seriously to the
objects which were the subjects of it, relative to the bills
drawn upon me; they were two.
"1st. The means of paying these bills.
"2dly. The proposed contract with America for light vessels,
&c.
"With respect to the _first_, it appeared to me, that the
principal difficulty was removed by your Excellency's
informing me, '_that at the end of the present year, it would
be in your power to advance twentyfive, thirty, or forty
thousand pounds sterling_.' Hence I inferred, that as much
time would be taken up in the sale, negotiation, and
transmission of those bills, and as so long a space as six
months was assigned for their payment, after being presented,
that the sums which it would be in your Excellency's power to
advance at the end of the year, would probably be equal to
the amount of the bills which would then become payable; and
that in the mean time such further means might be provided,
as would obviate difficulties with respect to those that
might afterwards become due. When I reflected that I was a
stranger to the resources of Spain, and that your
Excellency's acknowledged abilities comprehended all the
objects and combinations necessary in determining what
supplies they were capable of affording, and the manner and
means most proper for the purpose, it appeared to me in the
light of presumption to hazard to your Excellency any
propositions on the subject.
"2dly. On considering the proposed contract, it became
important to distinguish between the building these vessels
with the money of the United States, or with that of Spain.
The latter was very practicable, and I gave your Excellency
that opinion in my letter of the 9th instant. The former, on
the contrary, appeared to me not to be within the power of
the United States, and candor obliged me to make this known
to your Excellency in the same letter.
"I knew it to be impossible for Congress, consistent with
good faith, to contract; that, notwithstanding their great
want of money, the injuries of a six years' war, and their
being actually invaded, they would repay immediately the
monies lent them, either in ships or otherwise. It is not
uncommon for ancient and opulent nations to find it necessary
to borrow money in time of war, but I believe it very seldom
happens, that they find it convenient to pay those debts till
the return of peace. If this be the case with powerful and
long established nations, more cannot be expected from a
young nation brought forth by oppression, and rising amidst
every species of violence and devastation, which fire, sword,
and malice can furnish for their destruction.
"If attentive only to obtaining payment of these bills, and
thereby relieving my country from the complicated evils which
must result from their being protested, I had entered into
the proposed engagements for immediate repayment, by building
vessels, &c. if I had done this, notwithstanding a full
conviction, that the contract so made could not be fulfilled,
my conduct, however convenient in its immediate consequences,
would have been highly reprehensible. This reflection,
therefore, will I hope convince your Excellency of the purity
of my intentions, and induce you to ascribe my objections to
the contract, to want of ability, and not to want of
inclination in the United States to perform it. No
consideration will ever prevail upon me to practise
deception, and I am happy in a persuasion, that although
truths may sometimes not please, yet that when delivered with
decency and respect, they will never offend either his
Majesty or your Excellency.
"Believe me, Sir, the United States will not be able to pay
their debts during the war, and therefore any plan whatever
calculated on a contrary position must be fruitless. I am
ready to pledge their faith for repaying to his Majesty,
within a reasonable term after the war, and with a reasonable
interest, any sums he may be so kind as to lend them. What
more can I offer? What more can they do? If there be any
services they can do to his Majesty, consistent with their
safety and defence, they are ready and will be happy to
render them. They respect the King and the nation, and at the
very time they are requesting his aid, they are soliciting to
be united to him by bonds of perpetual amity and alliance.
Against his enemies as well as their own, they are now in
arms; and the supplies they ask are not for the purpose of
luxury or aggrandizement, but for the sole and express
purpose of annoying those enemies, and enabling France,
Spain, and themselves, to obtain a peace honorable and
advantageous to each.
"Of his Majesty's kind disposition towards them, they had
received not only professions but proofs. Hence they became
inspired not only with gratitude, but with confidence in his
friendship. Impelled by this confidence, and a particular
concurrence of exigencies already explained to your
Excellency, they drew the bills in question. The issue of
this measure will be highly critical, and followed by a train
of consequences very important and extensive. The single
circumstance of your Excellency having permitted me to accept
the first of these bills, will be considered by our enemies
as an unfortunate omen. By predicting from it further aids,
their ideas of the resources of Spain, and the resistance of
America will naturally be raised, and their hopes of subduing
the one, or reducing the power of the other, will naturally
be diminished. They will impute these aids to a plan of the
House of Bourbon, wisely concerted and firmly persisted in,
to secure themselves and all Europe against the ambition of
Britain, by completing the division of her empire, and they
will cease to flatter themselves, that America thus aided
will become destitute of resources to carry on the war. On
the other hand, America will derive fresh vigor from this
mark of friendship, and their attachment to his Majesty
become proportionably more strong. By mutual good offices,
friendship between nations, as between individuals, is only
to be established; and it is always a happy circumstance when
it subsists between those, whom nature has placed contiguous
to each other. But your Excellency's time is of too great
importance to be engaged by such obvious reflections.
"Permit me, Sir, still to indulge the pleasing expectation of
being enabled to inform Congress, that his Majesty's
magnanimity and friendship have prompted him, though
inconvenient to his own affairs, to secure the credit of
their bills; and I am persuaded that the benevolence of your
Excellency's disposition will be gratified in being
instrumental in a measure, which would make such agreeable
impressions on the hearts and minds of so great a number of
steadfast friends to the Spanish monarchy.
"I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY."
As this letter was, among other things, designed to establish the
expectations and encouragement given me by the Minister, as to money,
in the last conference, by obliging him either to deny them against
truth, or admit them, at least, by his silence, I desired Mr
Carmichael to deliver it with his own hands, which he accordingly did.
It still remains unanswered.
Your Excellency will be at no loss to perceive, that this was an
improper season for pushing on the treaty, and that it would not have
been prudent to have given poignancy to the Minister's feelings for
the loss of his frigates, and the trouble of our bills, by disputes
about the Mississippi, &c. &c. I therefore did not remind him of the
notes he had promised, nor indeed say anything at all about the
matter.
About this time I met with a printed copy of an act of the State of
Connecticut, reciting and adopting the resolutions of Congress of the
18th of March last, respecting the former and new paper emissions.
This was the first advice I had of those resolutions. The promise of
annual interest in Europe appeared to me to be a hardy measure,
though, in my opinion, the weakest side of the plan.
Finding the Minister's heart and imagination much attached to his
favorite idea of getting American frigates at the expense of the
United States, I gave him the following hint.
"Madrid, June 28th, 1780.
"Sir,
"I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency,
herewith enclosed, a copy of an act of the State of
Connecticut, just come to hand, in which are recited certain
resolutions of Congress, passed the 18th of March last.
"These resolutions are calculated to put the American
finances on a permanent footing. They direct, among other
things, that bills be issued, redeemable in specie, with
interest, at the expiration of six years. The interest to be
paid at the redemption of the bills, or at the election of
the holder annually, at the American Loan Offices, in
sterling bills of exchange on the commissioners in Europe.
"Your Excellency will perceive, that when this plan, so well
concerted, shall be fully executed, it will furnish the
United States with resources equal to all the exigencies of
the war, and probably enable them to supply his Catholic
Majesty with vessels, &c, &c.
"I take the liberty, therefore, of submitting to your
Excellency's consideration, whether it would not be for the
benefit of both nations, that his Majesty, on the one hand,
should engage his responsibility for the credit of a certain
proportion of the sum so to be emitted; and that the United
States, on the other hand, should not only pledge their faith
to indemnify his Majesty, but also furnish him with certain
aids in vessels, &c.
"If your Excellency should think this hint worthy of your
attention, it will be easy to improve it, and adjust the
particulars.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
This letter was accompanied with the following one, on the subject of
some more bills that had just arrived.
"Mr Jay presents his respectful compliments to his Excellency
the Count de Florida Blanca, and has the honor of informing
him, that he has been called upon to accept bills to the
amount of between ten and eleven thousand dollars; that the
far greater part of them belong to Messrs Joyce of this city,
who have agreed to wait for an answer until Monday next.
"Mr Jay exceedingly regrets his being obliged to give his
Excellency so much trouble, but still flatters himself, that,
when his Excellency considers it as his duty which imposes
that necessity upon him, his goodness will excuse it.
_Madrid, June 28th, 1780._"
I ought also to add, that I had sent to the Count a representation on
the subject of a very high handed stretch of power in the Governor of
Teneriffe, towards a prize carried there by some Americans. On the
next day I received the following answer to these three papers.
Translation.
"Aranjues, June 29th, 1780.
"The Count de Florida Blanca has had the honor of the three
last letters, which Mr Jay has been pleased to write him.
"The first relates to a privateer detained in the Canaries.
On this point he can say nothing until he has obtained some
further information thereon.
"The second respects some new bills of exchange just
presented by Messrs Joyce, to the amount of between ten and
eleven thousand dollars. The Count can give no positive
answer hereon, without first taking the orders of the King,
his master, and having a meeting with the other Ministers,
and some of these having already gone to Madrid, a
determination cannot be immediately had, which renders it
necessary for Mr Jay to require Messrs Joyce to wait some
days longer for the answer in question.
"The third contains a project of an arrangement, by which his
Majesty should oblige himself for his responsibility for
certain sums in favor of Congress, and they, on their part,
for the indemnification of the said sums at a certain period,
by furnishing some vessels, &c. Mr Jay is therefore entreated
to draw out a more clear and precise plan on this subject,
noting therein the sum to which the responsibility of the
King should extend, and on which they may converse at their
first interview.
"In the meanwhile the Count has the honor of assuring him of
the sincerity of his esteem and attachment."
Congress will observe, that the Minister still kept up the idea of an
interference in favor of these bills. On the 3d of July, the Count
having removed to Madrid, he wrote me a note expressing the same idea.
It is in these words
Translation.
"The Count de Florida Blanca presents his compliments to Mr
Jay, and prays to be informed when the last bills of
exchange, which he mentioned the other day as being in the
hands of Messrs Joyce, and amounting to about ten or eleven
thousand dollars, will become payable. At the Palace, 3d of
July, 1780."
Thus things were apparently in good train, when the news of the loss
of Charleston became credible. The effect of it was as visible the
next day, as that of a hard night's frost on young leaves.
I requested a conference with the Minister, and had one on the evening
of the 5th of July. The following are notes of it.
Madrid, July 5th, 1780.
Mr Jay waited on the Count de Florida Blanca agreeably to an
appointment made by the latter to meet at his house at half
past eight this evening.
After the usual compliments, the bad news relative to the
surrender of Charleston, just received, became the topic of
conversation. The Count mentioned the channels through which
he had received it, viz. by an express despatched by the
Spanish Ambassador at Lisbon, in consequence of intelligence
which Governor Johnson had received and published in that
city, and by letters from the Count d'Aranda, with the
accounts printed at London of the affair. He expressed his
sorrow on the occasion, but observed, that the Count d'Aranda
flattered him, that the arrival of the Chevalier de Ternay in
that part of the world would totally change the face of
affairs, particularly as there would be eight vessels of the
line, and more than five thousand troops instead of three
thousand, and three vessels of the line which he had been
informed were demanded by General Washington.
He seemed to think it strange, that the place had not been
better defended, and that more vigorous measures had not
been taken to impede the enemy's progress, and observed, that
if the town was not in a condition to stand a siege, it would
have been better to have withdrawn the troops and stores, and
reserved them for the defence of the country. Mr Jay replied,
that probably when all circumstances relative to this affair
were known, there might be reasons which would account for
the conduct of the Americans on this occasion; to the truth
of which remark the Count appeared to assent. He then
mentioned the death of M. Mirales, and regretted his loss at
this time. He said, he had recommended to his Majesty a
person to succeed him, whom we knew, that spoke English, whom
he expected soon, and to whom he would explain his ideas on
the subject of the bills, and on other matters, touching
which Mr Jay had written to him, and who would confer also
with Mr Jay on those subjects.
Mr Jay mentioned, that if it was agreeable to his Excellency
to permit M. Del Campo (a confidential secretary of the
Count, who speaks English, and who translated all the letters
to and from the Count) to be present, he should be able to
explain his sentiments more fully and clearly. Though the
Count did not object to this proposal, he appeared
disinclined to it, and said, that with the assistance of Mr
Carmichael, then present, they could understand each other
very well.
He then proceeded to speak of the bills of exchange in the
possession of the Messrs Joyce, and seemed to be surprised
that that House should be possessed of so many of them. He
advised Mr Jay to be cautious of those gentlemen, saying,
that they were as much English in their hearts as the
Ministry of that country; that he had known them long, that
he thought their conduct extraordinary in being so urgent
for the acceptance of these bills. Mr Jay then informed his
Excellency, that he had paid those gentlemen a visit in order
to obtain further time, and that they had consented to wait
until Monday next. The Count mentioned a fortnight or three
weeks as necessary, in order that he might have an
opportunity of seeing the person he had sent for, and making
some arrangements with him. He said, that it would be more
agreeable to his Majesty to pay those bills at Cadiz, Bilboa,
or Amsterdam, than here; lamented the precipitancy with which
Congress had entered into this measure, saying, that if they
had previously addressed the King on the subject, ways and
means might have been found, either to transport from their
possessions in America specie for the service of Congress, or
to have enabled them to have drawn bills of exchange at a
shorter sight, which would have prevented the loss of one
third of the money to which Congress had subjected
themselves, by the terms on which the present bills were
sold. Mr Jay assured his Excellency, that by letters he had
received from America, from members of Congress and others,
he was informed, that the terms were judged so unfavorable to
the buyers, that the bills drawn on him sold heavily from
that circumstance solely, and not from any doubt of their
credit and payment.
This did not, however, appear to convince his Excellency, who
spoke much of the deranged state of our finances and credit;
of the advantages taken of Congress by merchants and others,
who availed themselves of that circumstance, which he called
cruel extortions, frequently expressing the King's wishes and
his own to render America all the service in their power in
this crisis of their affairs; but observed, that it was
impossible to obtain much money in Europe while France,
England, and Spain, were making use of every resource to
obtain it for the enormous expenses of the war, and while the
channel through which the European merchants received
supplies of specie was stopped, viz. the arrival of the usual
quantity from America. This induced him to mention the
arrival at Cadiz of three millions of piastres, all of which
was on account of the merchants, and again to dwell on what
he had before said of the possibility of transmitting specie
to the States from the Spanish possessions abroad, and of the
effect that this would have in re-establishing the credit of
our money. Mr Jay observed in reply, that if a supply of
specie could be sent to America, and his Excellency thought
that measure more convenient and advisable than bills, the
Congress would, in his opinion, readily suspend drawing, on
receiving that information; to which the Count answered, that
when the person he had sent for arrived, this matter might be
further discussed.
Mr Jay then proceeded to observe, that by papers which he had
transmitted to his Excellency, he would see that Congress had
adopted a system to redeem and destroy the former emissions,
and to emit other bills to be paid in Europe with interest in
a certain term of years, and in fully establishing this
system, it would be probably in their power, not only to
sustain the credit of their money, but to contribute, in some
measure, to assist Spain in the way proposed by his
Excellency, viz. in building of frigates, &c. &c. He added,
that as his Majesty's treasure was detained in America, and
as much expense would be incurred by the armaments employed
by Spain there, that bills on the Havana in favor of the
United States might be more convenient to Spain, and equally
contribute to the end proposed. The Count did not seem to
disapprove of the idea, but did not enlarge upon it. He asked
Mr Jay, if America could not furnish Spain with masts and
ship timber. Mr Jay replied, that those articles might be
obtained there. The Count then said that he would defer
further remarks on this head, till the arrival of the person
whom he expected would succeed M. Mirales, and appeared
desirous of leaving this subject, and, indeed, all other
matters relative to American affairs to be discussed when he
came.