JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
Madrid, June 25th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
Your favor of the 8th instant came to hand yesterday. The receipt of
the letters referred to in it was acknowledged by the last post. Your
plan for paying the bills drawn on Mr Laurens is noble and generous. I
heartily wish it may succeed, and that things could be so adjusted as
that you might not be exposed to loss or inconvenience by it. But,
gentlemen, as to this matter, I have neither instructions, nor the
means of preventing the evils you mention. If I had the money, or
could procure it, I would, without hesitation, engage to repay you
punctually, but that is not the case. That Congress will repay you
with gratitude I am certain, but whether quite so soon as your
convenience may require, is more doubtful, because the absence of Mr
Laurens is an event they did not foresee, and consequently did not
provide against. If you could make a loan for the United States in
your country, the money might be applied for the discharge of these
bills. I am sure you would do Congress a very acceptable service by
it. I have not yet heard from Dr Franklin on this subject. You may
rely on all the aid in my power to render, and I should be very happy
if it could be equal to the present exigency. I am not without
difficulties respecting the bills drawn upon me. If these difficulties
should cease, and I should be in a capacity to assist you, I will
immediately let you know it, but of this there is as yet no great
prospect.
As a man, I admire and esteem your conduct, and as an American I
thank you. Be assured, therefore, that I shall omit no opportunity of
convincing you of the regard and attachment, with which I have the
honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, July 10th, 1780.
Sir,
As a late and particular letter from me to your Excellency is now on
the way to America, and as I purpose to write again very fully by the
successor of M. Mirales, I decline saying much in this letter, which I
shall send by a circuitous and hazardous route.
I have accepted bills to the amount of between eleven and twelve
thousand dollars. They arrive slowly, and I am very glad of it. No
news of Mr Laurens; I regret his absence. I hope the terms for the
sale of the bills on me will not be lowered. Remittances have really
become necessary. Distressed American seamen cost a great deal. The
house of Le Couteulx has advanced money for them at Cadiz.
I had yesterday an application from the director of a hospital at St
Andeira, desiring to be informed whether I would be responsible for
the ordinary expenses of receiving and curing a New England master of
a vessel, who had escaped from captivity pennyless, having one of his
legs so injured by iron fetters as to be in danger of losing it. These
are calls of humanity, and I entreat Congress to enable me to obey
them, and to establish specific regulations for the conduct of these
affairs.
The surrender of Charleston is the subject of much speculation, and
many unfavorable conjectures. I have received no public letters since
I left America, except one from the Committee, enclosing the
resolutions for drawing bills on me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, July 13th, 1780.
Sir,
Never letter could have been more welcome than the favor your
Excellency honored us with of the 25th of the past month, since it
expressed a true concern about the bills drawn on Mr Laurens, and your
approbation of our conduct. As we from the beginning acted from
principle in the American cause, and never will prevaricate, this is
only from the same motive, but we shall be sorry if we should not be
supported, and that it is out of your Excellency's power to do it. We
cannot judge how far those drafts may go, and if we had not expected
that your Excellency, as well as Dr Franklin, would have been willing
and able to answer for a trifle, (one or two hundred thousand
guilders) in such a matter as this, it would have been a folly to
undertake it.
Dr Franklin wrote to us, that people would be satisfied to have the
bills enregistered, but we found the contrary; several of them would
have them duly protested, and until today we have again accepted them
all; but how it will go further we do not know. We were very sensible
to the hint your Excellency was pleased to give us, of making a loan
here. We might from time to time have got some money in that way, if
properly authorised; and our good will and influence certainly would
have brought it further than it had been done by the House, which was
formerly intrusted with it, and we have long ago desired a loan should
be opened in our hands, but we never could properly obtain it. A
trifle of allowance, and chiefly the largeness of the sum, which was
required from us to answer for at once, prevented it; so we did not
think proper to mention it again. We can and may work for glory, but
on a large scale we cannot sacrifice our own interest. Every
catastrophe in favor of or against America, has with our public a
great influence. So the capture of Charleston would be very much
against us at this moment for such a purpose; and though we could not
flatter ourselves to go any length with it, a very particular
circumstance might revive the American spirit; and it would even
require some time before such a power was brought into due terms,
whereon we could engage anything.
This is certain, that in a moment as critical as the present, a small
sum would save the honor of Congress, and in that light could not be
paid for too dear; which made us think on a method, that your
Excellency could employ a banker, and likewise Dr Franklin; that we,
drawing on either of your Excellencies, if we were sure you would
approve of it, could prolong terms in all probability, and without
doubt as long as should be needful, and until the arrival of Mr
Laurens, and that by his means and instructions proper measures could
be taken.
We must also expect, that Congress, (as on the first days of May they
were informed, that Mr Laurens had not sailed,) will have been
attentive to provide for those bills, and have considered the
consequences, as we do in Europe. We write the same idea to Dr
Franklin, and propose to him, if he should not approve of such a
method, or find a better, to empower us for a loan, as we know he had
formerly instructions thereon. We are too nice and anxious for the
credit of Congress to make any use thereof, if it should hurt matters
any way; but it is not possible to know what may be done before a
proper trial; and we are obliged at last to speak plain, that whatever
bills now further should offer, we cannot accept any more. We wish our
proposals may not seem incongruous; we make them with the more
assurance, as we are not guided by any other motive, than by the most
extended desire to prevent every difficulty, which could in any way
affect the reputation of the United States.
We have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
* * * * *
DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, July 28th, 1780.
Sir,
Since we had the honor of writing to your Excellency, it is but just,
that we should inform you of the success of our proceedings in the
acceptance of the bills drawn on Henry Laurens, for which Dr Franklin,
by his last favor, has engaged, offering to accept further bills, when
sent to him, until the arrival of Mr Laurens, or that some good reason
may appear for the contrary. As this will answer the same purpose, and
we think it best, that there should not seem to be any alteration, we
offer today to continue our acceptance until forbid, under guarantee
of our being reimbursed in time. We are very much pleased, that the
matter is thus far settled for the honor of Congress.
We have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
* * * * *
TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
Madrid, July 29th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
Your favor of the 13th instant was delivered to me last evening. I
admire the generous principles, which lead you to take so decided and
friendly a part in favor of America. I have too great confidence in
the honor, justice, and gratitude of Congress to suspect, that they
will permit you to be sufferers by your exertions in their favor. On
the contrary, I am persuaded they will entertain a proper sense of
your disinterested attachment, and with pleasure take every
opportunity of acknowledging it.
Mr Laurens's absence is much to be regretted; his endeavors, aided by
your assistance, would probably have prevented the embarrassments,
which have taken place. I have not as yet received any advices of his
having sailed, and your information of his not having left America in
May is true. By a letter from a gentleman at Cadiz of the 21st instant
I learn, that a vessel from North Carolina had arrived in fortynine
days, and left Mr Laurens there on his way to Philadelphia. I am at a
loss to account for this, having no intelligence from America on the
subject. Perhaps his design was to sail from Philadelphia. If so, we
may still look out for him. Prudence, however, demands, that every
possible step be taken to alleviate the inconveniences arising from
his absence. If my power extended to this case, I should, without
hesitation, authorise you in a proper manner to make a loan in
Holland, and be much obliged to you for undertaking it. But my
instructions do not reach so far; all I can do is to advise as an
individual, and as a public servant, to represent in a true light to
Congress your benevolent efforts to preserve their credit. If Dr
Franklin has such instructions as you suppose, and his circumstances
will admit of it, I can at present see no objections to his taking
some such measures as you propose, until Mr Laurens's arrival; but of
this, he alone can properly judge. I shall write to him on the
subject, and you may rely on my doing everything in my power. I assure
you I feel myself, as an American, so much obliged by your generous
zeal to serve my country, that I shall be happy in being instrumental
to render the issue of it as agreeable and honorable to you, as the
principles on which you act are meritorious and noble.
I flatter myself, that the unfavorable influence, which the capture of
Charleston has on the public, will be of short duration. When they
reflect, that America has nobly sustained a six years' war, fought
hard battles with various success, and lost and regained several of
their cities, they will find it ridiculous to believe, that the fate
of the Thirteen States is involved in that of one or two towns. The
like impressions were made, when New York, Philadelphia, and
Ticonderoga fell into the enemy's hands; and those impressions were
again removed by the battle of Trenton, the evacuation of
Philadelphia, the battle of Monmouth, the defeat and capture of
General Burgoyne and his army, and other victories on our side. Many
of these great events happened when America had no ally, and when
Britain had no other objects to divide her force. It is not
reasonable, therefore, to imagine, that the power of Britain has been
augmented by the accession of two formidable enemies, or that the
power of America has been diminished in proportion as the number of
her friends increased.
Depend upon it, that as the spirit of America has always risen with
the successes of her enemies they will not, on this occasion, throw
away their arms, and ingloriously pass under the yoke of a nation
whose conduct towards her has been marked by injustice and oppression
in peace, and by malice and wanton barbarity in war.
With sentiments of sincere regard and esteem, I have the honor to be,
&c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
Madrid, August 16th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
My last to you was dated July 29th, in answer to yours of the 13th of
the same month. I have since had the pleasure to receive your favor of
the 28th of July, and am happy to hear that Dr Franklin has been able
to take the step you mention. I cannot forbear again to repeat the
sense I have of your very friendly conduct on this occasion. I assure
you I shall rejoice in every opportunity of acknowledging the
obligations you have conferred on my country. Such disinterested acts
of friendship are not common, and ought never to be forgotten.
With sentiments of great and sincere esteem and regard, I have the
honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO SILAS DEANE.
St Ildefonso, September 8th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
If I could easily be angry with an old friend, I should be so with
you. Your silence is unkind, and the more so as you might probably
have communicated things useful, as well as entertaining. Before we
parted in America, you gave me a cypher, and I really promised myself
much from it on your arrival in Europe. I could almost wish that the
winds had blown you this way. I would give a good deal for a day's
conversation with you, but that is impossible. A correspondence is the
only substitute, and perhaps you have detached yourself too much from
public concerns and public men to be troubled with it. I hope this is
not the case. It would be wrong to extend to a whole nation the
resentments excited by a few. Perhaps other reasons may have induced
your silence; whatever they may be I regret them.
Adieu. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant,
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Ildefonso, September 16th, 1780.
Sir,
This letter and several copies of it are to be sent by the next post
to Bilboa, Cadiz, Nantes, &c. The object of it is to inform you, that
it is necessary immediately to cease drawing bills upon me for the
present.
Your Excellency may soon expect a full detail of particulars; you will
then receive an answer to every question that may be raised upon this
letter.
His Catholic Majesty has been pleased to offer his responsibility to
facilitate a loan of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for us,
payable in three years, and to promise us some clothing. This need not
be kept secret. I have written several letters to your Excellency, but
have received only one from the Committee since I left America. It
covered the resolutions respecting these bills.
The Philadelphia bank, the ladies' subscriptions, and other
indications of union and public spirit, have a fine effect here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY.
In Congress, October 4th, 1780.
On the report of a committee to whom were referred certain
instructions to the delegates of Virginia by their constituents, and a
letter of the 26th of May, from the Honorable John Jay, Congress
unanimously agreed to the following instructions to the Honorable John
Jay, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, at the
Court of Madrid.
That the said Minister adhere to his former instructions, respecting
the right of the United States of America to the free navigation of
the river Mississippi into and from the sea; which right, if an
express acknowledgment of it cannot be obtained from Spain, is not by
any stipulation on the part of America to be relinquished. To render
the treaty to be concluded between the two nations permanent, nothing
can more effectually contribute, than a proper attention, not only to
the present but the future reciprocal interests of the contracting
powers.
The river Mississippi being the boundary of several States in the
union, and their citizens, while connected with Great Britain, and
since the revolution, having been accustomed to the free use thereof,
in common with the subjects of Spain, and no instance of complaint or
dispute having resulted from it, there is no reason to fear, that the
future mutual use of the river by the subjects of the two nations,
actuated by friendly dispositions, will occasion any interruption of
that harmony which it is the desire of America, as well as of Spain,
should be perpetual. That if the unlimited freedom of the navigation
of the river Mississippi, with a free port, or ports below the 31st
degree of north latitude, accessible to merchant ships, cannot be
obtained from Spain, the said Minister in that case be at liberty to
enter into such equitable regulations as may appear a necessary
security against contraband; provided the right of the United States
to the free navigation of the river be not relinquished, and a free
port or ports as above described be stipulated to them.
That with respect to the boundary alluded to in his letter of the 26th
of May last, the said Minister be, and hereby is instructed, to adhere
strictly to the boundaries of the United States as already fixed by
Congress. Spain having by the treaty of Paris ceded to Great Britain
all the country to the northeastward of the Mississippi, the people
inhabiting these States, while connected with Great Britain, and also
since the revolution, have settled themselves at divers places to the
westward near the Mississippi, are friendly to the revolution, and
being citizens of these United States, and subject to the laws of
those to which they respectively belong, Congress cannot assign them
over as subjects to any other power.
That the said Minister be further informed, that in case Spain shall
eventually be in possession of East and West Florida, at the
termination of the war, it is of the greatest importance to these
United States to have the use of the waters running out of Georgia
through West Florida into the Bay of Mexico, for the purpose of
navigation; and that he be instructed to endeavor to obtain the same,
subject to such regulations as may be agreed on between the
contracting parties; and that as a compensation for this, he be and
hereby is empowered to guaranty the possession of the said Floridas to
the Crown of Spain.
* * * * *
TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
Madrid, October 4th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
I have lately had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 7th of
September. After the proofs you have given of disinterested zeal in
the cause of liberty and America, I cannot harbor a doubt of your
opposing the measures of a Court industriously employed in attempts to
destroy both.
Your sentiments respecting the expediency of a connexion between the
United States and your Republic concur with my own, and I am persuaded
that those who know and wish well to the interests of both will
assiduously promote it.
As I have received no further intelligence respecting Mr Laurens, I
can add nothing on that subject. I cannot doubt but that good reasons
have detained him, though I do not know what they are. Congress, I am
sure, will continue their attention to the objects of his appointment,
and will be happy in cultivating a friendly connexion with a people
whose history exhibits many instances of heroic and glorious exertions
in a cause similar to their own. Those among you who know history, and
venerate the names and characters of their forefathers, cannot consent
to be the instruments of despotism, to deprive others of those rights
which were purchased for themselves by the blood of their own
ancestors.
When or how far it may consist with the views of Congress to make
mercantile appointments in your country, I cannot determine; should
they ever become necessary, I cannot doubt of your being remembered.
The most powerful recommendation I can give them, will be by sending
them our correspondence; and for that purpose, copies of all the
letters that have passed between us are now preparing, and shall,
together with duplicates and triplicates, be sent by the first
vessels.
As to the late ordinance of Spain establishing a paper currency, it is
a subject on which I make no remarks, and for this very good reason,
that the policy and propriety of that measure are objects without my
sphere, on which I can have no influence, and which would not be
altered by anything I might say or write about them.
The Mexican dollars, mentioned in the bills drawn upon me, I
understand to be only another name for Spanish milled dollars, which
you know pass here at twenty reals of vellon. How far the sale or
payment of these may be affected by the paper in question I know not,
though I must confess that I do not apprehend so much evil from it as
some others do. These bills will be on an equal footing with all
others drawn on Spain, and you will readily suppose it not to be in
my power to put them on a better.
The King of Spain has been so kind as to offer to become responsible
to a certain amount for monies which I may borrow for Congress,
payable in three years. Be so kind as to inform me whether this could
be done in your country, on their _joint credit_, how far, and on what
terms.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Madrid, October 27th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 11th of July gave me much pleasure. There is a
degree of ease and cordiality in it, which, as mere letters of
business do not require, I am the more obliged to you for.
It is true that I might write to Congress very often, indeed by every
vessel, and there are many of them. But how are my letters to get to
the sea-side? By the post? They would be _all_ inspected, and many
suppressed. There is scarce a man in any of the ports, except Mr
Harrison at Cadiz, with whom I would trust them; so that if, under
different covers, I should get them there, the danger would not end.
To write often, and write nothing material, would be useless; and when
you see my public letters, by this opportunity, you will perceive,
that, to be well understood, I must write a great deal.
I would throw stones too, with all my heart, if I thought they would
hit only the committee, without injuring the members of it. Till now I
have received but one letter from them, and that not worth a farthing,
though it conveyed a draft for one hundred thousand pounds sterling
on the bank of hope.
One good private correspondent would be worth twenty committees, made
of the wisest heads in America, for the purpose of intelligence. What
with clever wives, or pretty girls, or pleasant walks, or too tired,
or too busy, or do you do it, very little is done, much postponed,
and more neglected. If you are naturally industrious, and love your
country, you would frequently take up your pen and your cyphers, and
tell me how the wheel of politics runs, and what measures it is from
time to time turning out. I should be better informed and Congress
better served. I now get more intelligence of your affairs from the
French Ambassador, than from all the members of Congress put together.
I had written thus far, when I received a letter from M. Le Couteulx
at Cadiz, enclosing a letter of the 16th of September, written at St
Ildefonso from me to Congress. It had been enclosed in one to Mr
Harrison, and that again put under cover to M. Le Couteulx, and, under
these two covers, it was put into the post office. Now mark its fate.
The Director of the post office at Cadiz showed it to M. Le Couteulx,
naked and stripped of its two covers, of which he made no mention. He
said it came from Bayonne, but M. Le Couteulx, knowing my hand
writing, paid the postage, and returned it to me. This is only one
among many instances of the fate to which my letters are subjected. To
avoid it, I must now be at the expense of sending Colonel Livingston
to the sea-side with my despatches.
When at Cadiz, I heard some of our countrymen, who had been prisoners
at Lisbon, speak handsomely of M. Dohrmer. They mentioned his having
supplied them with necessaries, but at the same time told me that he
had been employed for the purpose by Dr Franklin. Hence it happened
that I declined mentioning his usefulness to Congress. I considered
him as an agent of Dr Franklin, who did his duty faithfully, and
thought it would be more proper for him to recommend his services to
the notice of Congress than for me.
I am, dear Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, November 6th, 1780.
Sir,
The last particular letter I had the honor of writing to your
Excellency was dated the 26th of May, and, with a duplicate, was
carried to Cadiz by Mr Harrison, who sent one by the Peacock, Captain
Davis, to Boston, and the other by the General Arnold, Captain
Jenkins, to Alexandria in Virginia. They both sailed in June last, and
the former, I hear, arrived safe after a short passage.