are made without provision for the future reciprocal
interests of the contracting nations. The only ones that I
know of, that pay attention to this object, are the treaties
between Portugal and England; by which Portugal gains a
preference for the sale of her wines in England, and England
for the sale of her cloths in Portugal. The consequence is,
that there never has, and in appearance never will be, a war
between Portugal and England. It would not be difficult,
either in the general confederation, or by separate treaties
of commerce between England on the one part, and the three
kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, and France respectively on the
other, to advance infinitely the commercial interests of all
three, by their connexions with England. Spain having wines,
oil, fruits, salt, fine wools, and some other articles, which
England has not, and England having iron, with coal in the
same fields for the manufacturing of it, and by the moistness
of her climate long wool for cloths of a low price, also tin,
fish, with some other articles, which Spain has not, it
follows, that when England is rich she will buy more articles
of Spain, and when Spain is rich she will buy more articles
of England, and consequently, that one cannot enrich herself
without enriching the other. The same reasoning applies to
the natural connexions between England and Portugal. There is
even a natural connexion between England and France in many
articles of commerce, if the jealousy of fools, and
misinformed persons did not perpetually interrupt it. I have
heard from certain authority, that had the Abbe Terray
continued in the Ministry of France, there would have been a
tariff between France and England for the entry, on the most
favorable conditions, of the wines and articles of mode of
the one nation, and the manufactures of iron and wheat of the
other, and England might have procured the consent of
Portugal for the diminution of her commerce of wines with
England by other indemnifications. England in favor of
France, Spain, and Portugal, might, without injury to herself
even permit the exportation of those wools, paying a duty at
the exportation thereof. The exportation of the superfluous
wool, would be an advantage to the proprietors of lands in
England, to the King in furnishing him a new revenue, and to
those three nations, in giving them an article necessary for
their manufactures.
"Unfortunately for humanity, the Abbe Terray is no more; but
happily for humanity, Dr Franklin, the Comptroller-General of
France, M. Compomanes, the Duke of Braganza, and Lord North
are all still living, and the King of Spain, with the Count
de Florida Blanca, may put all these five in motion.
"For my part I have no authority from the English Ministers
to present this project, but living in friendship with the
greater part of them, and on an intimate footing with the
others, I am certain that some of the sentiments in this
memorial correspond with their manner of thinking on the
subject. I confess I received a letter in Portugal, fourteen
days before my departure for Spain, from Lord Rochford, who
is not at present in the Ministry, but who is so taken up
with a project that does him so much honor, that he has
advised me to feel the pulses on the possibility of making it
succeed, and that I have a letter on the same subject from
the Duke of Braganza, who entered into the views of my Lord
Rochford not as a politician, but as a friend to humanity.
"Encouraged by such men, and still more by the dictates of my
own heart, I wrote to one of the English Ministers, that if I
did not find minds too much heated, and there was no danger
of giving offence, I intended to do justice to the project of
my Lord Rochford, in Spain and in France, and begged him to
send me an answer to Paris whether the Ministry of England
approved or disapproved my intentions.
"I have only to add, that my views being to unite, and not to
separate nations, I have no objection that the Ministers of
France and Dr Franklin should each have a copy of this
memorial."
The Count spoke of Sir John and his anecdote very properly, and
concluded with assurances of the King's firmness.
The manner in which Sir John speaks of Dr Franklin, however just, I
impute to a design of injuring the confidence reposed in him by his
constituents.
The house of Gardoqui at Bilboa are rich, in favor with the Ministry,
and friends to America. The Navy Board have sent to them for goods for
the use of the navy, and have remitted to them only an inconsiderable
part of the sum to which they will amount, desiring the residue on
credit, and promising speedy payment. One of the House now here spoke
to me on the subject; I advised him to complete the orders. It is of
the utmost consequence that the Navy Board be punctual in their
remittances. American credit is not high, and ought to be higher. I am
the more anxious on this subject, as that House is exceedingly well
disposed, and a disappointment would not only be injurious to them,
but much more so to us. Perhaps it would be a good rule if the United
States were to contract debts only with Governments, and never with
individuals abroad.
I received a letter last week from a Captain Hawkins at Cadiz,
informing me that the Americans, who had escaped from captivity and
were collected there, were fitting out a vessel for America, which
they were arming, and wished to be enabled to act offensively and
defensively in their way home, by having a proper commission from me
for that purpose. As I had neither blank commissions nor authority to
grant them, I referred him to Dr Franklin.
Congress will be pleased to consider how far it may be proper to
remove these obstacles, by sending me both. This leads me again to
remind your Excellency of several letters I wrote you from Cadiz,
respecting American seamen coming to Spain from captivity at Gibraltar
and other places. As copies of these letters have been sent by
different vessels, I presume some of them have reached you. It
certainly is necessary that provision be made for these people, and in
a regular established manner. I am very desirous of instructions on
this subject.
The credit given me by Congress on Dr Franklin is expended, and I am
without other means of obtaining supplies than by private credit,
which I am at a loss to satisfy. To apply to, and be maintained by
the Court, is, in my opinion, too humiliating to be for the public
good; and as yet I have neither received nor heard of remittances
from America. It would give me pleasure to know in what manner
Congress mean I should be supplied, and whether any measures have been
taken for that purpose.
I am much embarrassed for the means of conveying and receiving
intelligence. Being at a great distance from the sea, all my letters
to and from thence here must either be conveyed by private couriers or
the public post. All my letters by the latter, whether in France or
Spain, are opened. By that conveyance, therefore, it would not always
be proper to write either to Congress, to Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, or
others, with that freedom which would often be useful, and sometimes
necessary. The salary allowed me, so far from admitting the expense of
private couriers, is inadequate for the common purposes for which it
was given. This is a delicate subject, and I wish it was not my duty
to say anything respecting it. This place is the dearest in Europe.
The Court is never stationary, passing part of the year in no less
than five different places, viz. Madrid, Pardo, Aranjues, St
Ildefonso, and the Escurial; hence considerable expenses arise. I
forbear enumerating particulars, my design being only to mention this
matter to Congress, not to press it upon them. I shall always live
agreeably to my circumstances; and if, from their being too narrow,
inconveniences result to the public, they ought to be informed of it.
I hope what I have said will be viewed in this light only; so far as I
am personally interested, I am content.
Mr Harrison, a gentleman of Maryland, now here, will be the bearer of
this letter to Cadiz. I therefore embrace this good and unusual
opportunity of being so minute and explicit in it.
The family of Galvez is numerous and of weight. The one on the
Mississippi has written favorably of the Americans to his brothers
here, three of whom are in office. It would be well to cultivate this
disposition whenever opportunities of doing it offer.
The resolution providing for Spanish prisoners at New York was well
judged.
Dr Franklin is more advantageously circumstanced than I am to gain and
transmit to Congress intelligence of the disposition of Holland and of
the Northern Powers.
From the conduct of their ministers here, I have no reason to predict
much to our advantage. They are cold, and I have received nothing more
than common civility from any of them, except the Ministers of Holland
and Sweden, and indeed not much more from them. Perhaps they have been
rendered unusually cautious by an extract of a letter from Madrid in
the Leyden paper, mentioning the precious reception Mr Carmichael met
with here, and the attentions he received from the foreign Ministers.
You have probably seen it in the _Courier de l'Europe_.
From what I hear of the character of the Empress of Russia, I cannot
but think that a prudent agent there would be very useful. They say
she is sensible, proud, and ambitious. Hence I infer that such a mark
of attention would be grateful, and consequently useful.
I should have given your Excellency seasonable intelligence of the
Spanish fleet and armament, which lately sailed from Cadiz, as I
believe to the Havana, and whose objects I suspect to be the Floridas
or Jamaica, or probably both, but I omitted writing on that subject
previous to the departure of the fleet, from a persuasion that any
letters by the post containing such advices would not be permitted to
proceed, and therefore I thought it unnecessary; nor will I now swell
the pages of this letter, already very voluminous, by entering into
particulars relative to it, especially as that armament will probably
have begun its operations before this letter will come to your
Excellency's hands.
The reports of dissensions in Congress, which prevailed here prior to
my arrival, and the causes to which they were ascribed, had filled
this Court with apprehensions; and it gives me pleasure to assure you,
that the present appearance of union in Congress is attended here with
very happy effects.
The people in this country are in almost total darkness about us.
Scarce any American publications have reached them, nor are they
informed of the most recent and important events in that country. The
affairs of Stony Point, Paulus Hook, &c. &c. have never been heard of
here, except perhaps by the great officers of state, and they could
scarcely believe that the Roman Catholic religion was even tolerated
there.
There are violent prejudices among them against us. Many of them have
even serious doubts of our being civilized, and mention a strange
story of a ship driven into Virginia by distress, about thirty years
ago, that was plundered by the inhabitants, and some of the crew
killed in a manner and under circumstances which, if true, certainly
indicate barbarity. The King and Ministry are warm, yet I have reason
to believe that the bulk of the nation is cold towards us; they appear
to me to like the English, hate the French, and to have prejudices
against us.
I mention these things to show in a strong light the necessity of
punctuality in sending me from time to time all American intelligence
of importance, and observing such conduct towards Spaniards in
general, as may tend to impress them with more favorable sentiments of
us. There was a little uneasiness among the mercantile people at Cadiz
respecting the capture of some Spanish vessels by privateers. I hope
the former have had ample justice done them; it certainly is of great
importance that they should have reason to be satisfied.
Your Excellency may observe that I have written very particularly.
Both this Court and that of France have very particular information
respecting the proceedings of Congress.
Want of prudence, rather than virtue, I believe to be the cause. I
nevertheless think it my duty to give Congress from time to time full
information of their affairs here, and shall not be restrained by the
apprehension of any consequences, that may result from want of secrecy
there. I make it a rule to write on these subjects only to Congress,
and to them very particularly.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
_P. S._ Congress may think it extraordinary, that Mr Carmichael's
handwriting does not appear in this letter. He is, with my
approbation, now at Aranjues, and I must do him the justice to say,
that he is always ready and willing to do his duty as Secretary.
J. J.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] See above, dated January 26th, p. 194.
[19] See this letter in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II p. 276.
[20] See above, p. 195.
[21] See above, p. 199.
[22] See p. 203.
[23] See p. 210.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Madrid, May 27th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
On the 27th of last month I had the pleasure of receiving your favor
of the 11th of December, 1779, with copies of the resolutions of
Congress, for drawing on Mr Laurens and myself for one hundred
thousand pounds sterling each.
I had the honor of writing to Congress yesterday very fully respecting
their affairs in this kingdom, and particularly on the subject of
those resolutions.
I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing of Mr Lauren's arrival,
about which I am anxious. Be pleased to assure Congress, that Mr
Laurens shall receive from me every mark of attention, and all the aid
in my power to afford. The latter I fear will not be great.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Madrid, May 27th, 1780.
Sir,
Eight days ago I had the pleasure of receiving a packet containing
journals and newspapers.
From an endorsement I conjecture that I am indebted to you for it.
There was no letter enclosed in it. I am much obliged by this
attention. American intelligence is of more importance here (where
they have little of it) than can well be imagined.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO JOHN JAY.
Aranjues, May 27th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
Since my letter of the 25th instant, I have very strong reason to
believe, in consequence of conversations I have had with persons who
ought to be well informed, that the fleet and troops, which sailed
from Cadiz the 28th ultimo, are destined in the first instance to the
Windward Islands, to act in concert with the squadron of the Count de
Guichen, from thence as circumstances may render it proper they will
proceed to Jamaica or the Floridas; for it appears to be the intention
of the Spanish, as well as of the French Court, to detach a part at
least of their force in the Islands to the continent, as soon as the
hurricane season in the West Indies renders it dangerous for them to
act against the enemy in that part of the world. I do not mention by
letter my source of information, because I do not choose to hazard the
loss of intelligence, which I may gain from the same persons, by the
miscarriage of letters. I shall however mention it to you _viva voce_,
in order to enable you to judge of the credit due to my information.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, May 28th, 1780.
Sir,
Since closing my letter of the 26th instant, I have received from Mr
Carmichael the interesting intelligence contained in the enclosed
paper.[24] He is now here, and has communicated to me the channel
through which he obtained it, from which I think his information
deserves belief, and his address in obtaining it credit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
FOOTNOTE:
[24] See the preceding letter.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, May 28th, 1780.
Sir,
In the journal of the proceedings of Congress of November, 1779, I
find that on the 8th day of that month they were pleased to come to
the following resolution. "Resolved, that the late and former
Presidents of Congress be desired to lodge, as soon as they
conveniently can in the Secretary's office, copies of all public
letters by them respectively written during their Presidentship."
After I resigned the chair, and immediately on your Excellency's
election, I delivered a book, containing copies of the public letters
I had written during my Presidentship, to your Excellency, who
promised to lodge it in the Secretary's office, which, I am persuaded,
was accordingly done. It gives me concern therefore to find this
resolution is made to extend to me, and I flatter myself Congress will
do me the justice to let it appear, by the entry to be made on their
journals of the receipt of this letter, that I had done that part of
my duty in season, and without their express request.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, May 30th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 26th instant I had the honor of writing a very long and
particular letter to your Excellency, by the way of Cadiz, of which a
duplicate has also been sent. To the contents of that letter I have
nothing new to add, except that two of the bills directed to be drawn
upon me have arrived.
I shall go tomorrow to Aranjues, from whence I shall embrace the first
opportunity of communicating to Congress the further progress of their
affairs here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.
Without date.
Sir,
By vessels lately arrived from the continent, and from St Eustatia,
there appeared here some bills drawn by the Treasurer of Loans in
America on Henry Laurens, Commissioner for the States in Amsterdam.
Every body has been surprised at it, and we in particular, as we were
directly applied to. We said at the first, that we expected Mr Laurens
would be in town very soon, begging them to keep those bills a
fortnight, and that, at all events, we would accept them. We have seen
others since more willing to wait; but not knowing what sums may have
been drawn for already, we are in hopes to be soon released from this
anxiety by the arrival of the Minister. As we think your Excellency
may have some intelligence about this matter, and have it in your
power at the same time to save the credit of America, if Mr Laurens by
any accident should not arrive, we beg the favor to be informed how to
conduct ourselves. In the mean time we will do what lies in our power
to prevent all noise and trouble about them. In case Mr Laurens should
not arrive, your Excellency will have time left to make or provide for
remittances, as the bills are drawn at six months' sight.
We have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
* * * * *
DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1780.
Sir,
Craving reference to our last, we have now the honor to propose to
your Excellency on what terms we think all difficulty on account of
the absence of Henry Laurens, as Commissioner from Congress here, may
be prevented. We have written the same to Dr Franklin in France,
offering him to accept all those bills, provided he gives us
permission to re-draw directly on him for account of Congress, and to
do it even at seven or eight months, until, by the arrival of Mr
Laurens, or in some other way, this matter may be arranged, for there
must certainly be provision made for those bills, and the sums we do
not think will exceed two or three hundred thousand guilders before Mr
Laurens's arrival here may be known in America, and matters are
settled. We even offered those transactions without any view of
interest, as for a commission. The importance of the business must
have influence with every one, who has any regard for the United
States; and this emboldened us even to trouble your Excellency with
this relation, not doubting but you might equally find means to make
matters easy at all events; for the terrible loss which there would be
on such bills, if protested, must be prevented, and the honor of the
credit of America must be saved. We hope our endeavor for it may be
approved of, and have the desired end.
We have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
* * * * *
DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, June 8th, 1780.
Sir,
In conformity with what we have informed you, that we had engaged for
the acceptance of some of the bills drawn on Henry Laurens, since
nothing has been heard of him as yet, we accepted those on the first
instant, and we hope your Excellency, as well as Dr Franklin, may
approve of our proceeding, and of the method we have proposed for our
reimbursement, in case Mr Laurens may not appear, or that they should
not be provided for in time. Certain it is that those bills should be
honored for the credit of America. At the same time, it is not in the
power of a mercantile house to stand for the whole; yet the measure
proposed may make it easy, since the sums will not be so large but
that they may be easily provided for in Spain and France by the
Plenipotentiary Ministers. And for ourselves, we only desire to be
properly empowered to draw again for any sums we may accept. As there
was no time to get the matter previously adjusted, we will go on, and
see how our plan may be agreed to and approved of.
We have the honor to be always with the most devoted regard, &c.
JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, June 16th, 1780.
Sir,
The embarrassments, which the depreciation of the currency had created
in the public affairs at the time of your departure for Europe, were,
as you may well remember, very distressing, and have, till lately,
continued to increase. Congress, greatly anxious to avail themselves
of every possible means of checking this evil, on the 23d of November
last ventured on the expedient of drawing bills upon you for one
hundred thousand pounds sterling, as you have been already advised by
letter of December the 11th following. This they thought they might
risk, considering the importance of the object. But as the time of
your arrival in Europe could not be counted upon with certainty, and
as the negotiation might not be immediately practicable, and moreover,
as a disappointment would be highly injurious to the public faith,
they determined to draw the bills at six months' sight, which we hope
will allow sufficient leisure for every preparation.
It will not be amiss to observe, that Congress have not taken this
measure without some circumstances of encouragement, that a fund to
satisfy the draft would not be unattainable. Since the agreeable news
of your arrival, and to answer a purpose of great national utility,
Congress, by their resolution of the 19th instant, have directed bills
to be drawn for the additional sum of twentyfive thousand dollars,
payable at sixty days' sight. The exertions necessary at this crisis
require the command of a considerable sum of money; but these drafts,
we hope, will not be increased till we have intelligence from you
respecting your prospects and assurances. We have the pleasure to
inform you, that from the measures, which have lately been adopted,
and with which you are made acquainted by the journals, the finances
begin to assume a better appearance, and our public affairs in general
will, we hope, be delivered from many of the embarrassments under
which they have labored, but we earnestly entreat you to push every
possible exertion for procuring aids of money from the Court of Spain,
without which we are fearful the measures of Congress fully to restore
the currency and prosecute the war with good effect will fall short of
the desired success.
We have the honor to be, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,
WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.
* * * * *
TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON, AT AMSTERDAM.
Madrid, June 18th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
Accept my thanks for your favors on the subject of the bills drawn on
Mr Laurens. The kind concern you take in the credit and prosperity of
the United States merits their acknowledgments, and I shall take the
first opportunity of communicating to Congress your very friendly
propositions relative to the acceptance of the bills.
Whether Dr Franklin is in circumstances to agree to these propositions
I know not. They certainly are very generous and liberal, and would be
attended with very happy effects. I am persuaded, that Congress would
strain every nerve to fulfill them. I have no intelligence whatever of
Mr Laurens, and am much at a loss to conjecture what should detain
him.