part, blame the Emperor for wishing to open the navigation of the
Danube; his kingdom of Hungary was one of the finest countries in the
world; it was one of the most fertile, producing in great abundance
wines of various sorts, all excellent, though Tokay was the best;
grains of every sort in great quantities, metals of all sorts, gold,
silver, copper, iron, quicksilver; yet all these blessings of nature
were rendered in a manner useless by the slavery of the Danube. The
Emperor was very unfortunate, in having the Danube enslaved on one
side, and the Scheldt on the other; and in this age, when the liberty
of navigation and commerce was the universal cry, he did not wonder at
his impatience under it. He did not think, that England would meddle
in the dispute, as her trade to the Levant had declined. The Dutch had
some still, but France had now the greatest part of it to Smyrna,
Alexandria, Aleppo, in short, to all the trading towns of Turkey in
Asia, for this is what is understood by the Levant trade. France, he
thought, could not venture to engage in the war in earnest, in the
present state of her finances.
I have learnt, since I came here, that France is desirous that this
Republic should declare herself concerning this Turkish war. But she
will avoid it. Unhappily, France has lost much of her influence here.
Her friends fear, that the odium of losing Negapatnam will fall upon
them among the people. The English and the Stadtholderians are
endeavoring to detach the Republic entirely from France, and to revive
the ancient connexions, particularly the ancient alliance, offensive
and defensive in the treaty of 1674. A Mr Shirley, at Paris, has
lately proposed to M. Boers, and M. Van der Pere, two agents of the
Dutch East India Company, who have been a year or two at Paris, and
are reputed to be in the Stadtholder's interest, that England had the
best dispositions towards the Republic, and would give them ample
satisfaction if they would treat distinctly from France, and renew the
ancient cordial friendship, and proposed an interview with the Dutch
Ambassadors upon this subject. The agents proposed it, but Brantzen
refused, to the great satisfaction of the principal republicans. Yet
M. Berenger tells me, that some of the republican members begin to be
afraid, and to think they shall be obliged to fall in with the
English.
Upon conversing with many people in the government and out of it, in
Amsterdam as well as the Hague, they all complain to me of the conduct
of France. They all confess, that the Republic has not done so much in
the war as she ought, but this is the fault of the friends of England,
they say, not those of France, and the worst evils of all, that befall
the latter, are the reproaches of the former, who now say insultingly,
"this comes of confiding in France, we always told you, that you would
be cheated," &c. France ought, they say, to have considered this, and
not have imputed to the Republic the faults of her enemies, because
the punishment falls wholly on her friends.
I mention these things to you, because, although we are not
immediately interested in them, they may have consequences which may
affect us; and, therefore, you ought to know them. I think, however,
upon the whole, the Republic will stand firm, and refuse to receive
the alliance, though they sacrifice Negapatnam. France wishes to win
the Republic into an alliance, but feels an awkwardness about
proposing it, and, indeed, I doubt whether she would now succeed; she
might have succeeded heretofore. But, in plain English, Sir, the
Count de Vergennes has no conception of the right way of negotiating
with any free people, or with any assembly, aristocratical or
democratical. He cannot enter into the motives which govern them; he
never penetrates their real system, and never appears to comprehend
their constitution. With empires, and monarchs, and their Ministers of
State, he negotiates aptly enough.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 1st, 1783.
Sir,
I had last evening some conversation with D. Joas Theolonico de
Almeida, the Envoy Extraordinary of Portugal, who desired to meet me
today at any hour at his house or mine. I promised to visit him at
twelve, which I did.
He said, he had heard that the French Minister had proposed to the
Duke of Manchester, at Versailles, to reduce the duties upon French
wines in England to the level of those upon Portugal wines, and begged
of me to inform him if it were true, because, if it were, Portugal
must endeavor to indemnify herself by opening a trade with America, or
some other way, for such a project will be ruinous to the sale of
their wines in England, which was their only market. I answered, that
I had heard of such a project among multitudes of others in private
conversation, but knew no authority for it. We have a treaty, says he,
made in 1703, by which we have stipulated with the English, to permit
the importation of their cloths, upon condition that they allow the
importation of Portugal wines upon paying one third of the duty upon
French wines; if they violate the treaty, says he, we shall be rid of
it.
I asked him, if his Court permitted the English, or any other nation,
to go to the Brazils? In the last century, said he, between 1660 and
1670, we did agree with Charles the Second, who married a daughter of
Portugal, that the English should go to the Brazils, and after that,
the Dutch sued for permission to go there too, and we granted it. But
we found it inconvenient, and in 1714 or 1715, at the treaty of
Utrecht, we agreed upon an article with Spain, to exclude all nations
from the Brazils, and as the English Ambassadors were there, we have
since held that nation bound, and have confiscated their vessels as
well as the Dutch which venture there. The English have sometimes made
strong remonstrances, but we have always told them, if we admit you,
we must admit the Dutch too, and such has been their jealousy of the
Dutch, and dread of their rivalry, that this has always quieted them,
choosing rather to be excluded themselves, than that the Dutch should
be admitted. So that this commerce has been a long time carried on in
Portuguese ships only, and directly between the Brazils and Lisbon.
I asked him, whether we might not have free communication with all
their Western Islands, and whether one or all of them might not be
made a depot for the produce of the Brazils, so that Portuguese ships
might stop and deposit cargoes there, and American vessels take them?
He said, he would write about it to his Court by the next post. At
present, Brazil communicated only with Lisbon, and, perhaps, it might
be difficult for government to secure the duties at the Western
Islands. I asked, if there were any refineries of sugar at Lisbon? He
said, none. Their sugars had all been brought here by the Dutch for
refining; that all their carrying-trade with other parts of Europe had
been carried on by the English and Dutch; that their mercantile
navigation (_marine marchand_) before this war, had been upon a very
poor footing, but it was now much changed, and they began to carry on
their trade in their own vessels. I observed, if their trade should
continue to be carried on by others, it must be indifferent to them
whether it were done in English, Dutch, or American vessels, provided
it was done to their equal advantage. But if they should persist in
the desire to conduct it in their own vessels, they might purchase
ships ready built in America cheaper than they could build them or buy
them elsewhere. All this, he said, was true. That they could supply us
with sugars, coffee, cocoa, Brazil wood, and even with tea, for they
had an island, called Macao, near China, which was a flourishing
establishment, and sent them annually a good deal of tea, which the
Dutch usually bought very cheap at Lisbon to sell again.
He asked, whether Portugal wines had been much used in America. I
answered, that Port wines, common Lisbon, and Caracavalles, had been
before the war frequently used, and that Madeira was esteemed above
all other wine. That it was found equally wholesome and agreeable, in
the heats of summer and the colds of winter, so that it would probably
continue to be preferred, though there was no doubt that a variety of
French wines would now be more commonly used than heretofore. He said,
they should have occasion for a great deal of our fish, grain, and
perhaps ships or ship-timber, and naval stores, and other things, and
he thought there was a prospect of a very beneficial trade with us,
and he would write largely to his Court upon it. I replied, that I
wondered his Court had not sent a Minister to Philadelphia, where the
members and Ministers of Congress, and even the merchants of the city,
might throw much light upon the subject, and assist in framing a
treaty to the greatest possible advantage for both countries. He said,
he would write for a commission and instructions to negotiate a treaty
with me. I told him, that I believed his Court had already instructed
their Ambassador at Versailles to treat with Dr Franklin; but that I
thought that Philadelphia or Lisbon were the proper places to treat,
and that I feared mutual advantages might be lost by this method of
striking up a bargain in haste in a distant country, between Ministers
who could not be supposed to have made of commerce a study.
In a letter from Paris yesterday, I am informed that a project of a
treaty with Portugal, and another with Denmark, are to go home by
Captain Barney.[9] These projects have never been communicated to me,
nor to Mr Jay. I hope that Congress will not be in haste to conclude
them, but take time to inform themselves of everything which may be
added to the mutual advantage of the nations and countries concerned.
I am much mistaken, if we have not lost advantages by a similar piece
of cunning in the case of Sweden.
With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[9] For these treaties, and some account of them, see _Franklin's
Correspondence_, Vol. IV. pp. 114, 115, 130, 141, 150.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 2d, 1783.
Sir,
M. Berenger, the Secretary of the French Legation, has this moment
left me. He came in to inform me of the news. The Empress of Russia
has communicated to the King of Prussia, a treaty of alliance between
the Emperor of Germany and her, defensive against the Christian powers
and offensive against the Turks. The King of Prussia has answered her,
"that he is very sensible, upon this communication, as one is upon the
communication of things of great importance." Thus wrapped up in an
impenetrable reserve is this great warrior and statesman. We may
discern by this answer, what all the world would know without it, viz.
that his Majesty has no joy in this new alliance. Still he expresses
no sorrow; and maintains a perfect liberty to take which side he will,
or neither, at his pleasure, and the same reserve he will probably
hold to the end of the war.
M. Berenger says, if Prussia is neutral France must be so too, for she
cannot cope by land with the two Empires; that this Republic is
desired to declare, but does not choose it; that they are
dissatisfied, and the republicans murmur a good deal, and are
wavering, and that the other party will do nothing; that England
hitherto has favored an accommodation between Russia and the Turks;
that the British Ambassador, at Constantinople, has co-operated with
the French to bring about an accommodation; that the Turks have
offered Russia the free navigation of the Black Sea and passage of the
Dardanelles, and the same with a free navigation of the Danube to the
Emperor, but they will not accept it, but are determined to drive the
Turks from Europe; that France has determined to put her army upon a
war footing, because it has been much neglected during the late war;
that he believes France and Spain will shut the Mediterranean against
a Turkish fleet, as Russia, Sweden, and Denmark excluded warlike
vessels from the Baltic in the last war; that this state of things
gives him great pain, and must embarrass the Count de Vergennes. It is
a great and difficult question, whether France should take a side. If
she does not, and the Empires should prevail, it will be an immense
aggrandizement of the House of Austria, which, with Russia, will
become two great maritime powers; that England will act an insidious
part; pretend to favor peace, secretly foment war, and join in, at the
end, if she sees a favorable opportunity to crush France. These are
sensible observations of M. Berenger, who added, that a new difficulty
in the way of the definitive treaty had arisen between England and
Spain, respecting the Musquito shore, so that more couriers must go
and return.
I confess myself as much in pain at this state of things as M.
Berenger, and, therefore, I wish most ardently, that we may omit no
proper means of settling our question with every Court in Europe, and
especially our plan of commerce with Great Britain. If this is too
long left in uncertainty, the face of things may soon change, so as to
involve us in the complicated, extensive, and long war, which seems to
be now opening.
The prospect of returning to Paris, and living there without my
family, in absolute idleness, at a time when so many and so great
things want to be done for our country elsewhere, is very
disagreeable. If we must live there, waiting for the moving of many
waters, and treaties are to be there negotiated with the powers of
Europe, or only with Denmark and Portugal, I pray that we may all be
joined in the business, as we are in the commission for peace, that,
at least, we may have the satisfaction of knowing what is done, and of
giving a hint for the public good, if any one occurs to us, and that
we may not be made the sport and ridicule of all Europe, as well as of
those who contrive such humiliations for us.
With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 3d, 1783.
Sir,
The fiscal systems of the powers of Europe have such an ill influence
on commerce, that they deserve the serious attention of Congress and
their Ministers, whenever they have under consideration a treaty with
any foreign power. In conversation yesterday with M. d'Asp, the
_Charge d'Affaires_ of Sweden, I inquired of him what imposts were
payable in their ports upon the importation and exportation of
merchandises, and observed to him, that I had lately seen in the
gazettes, that the King had taken off certain duties upon the
importation of merchandises from America, in Swedish ships. He agreed
that such a thing had been done. This ought to alarm us. All the
powers of Europe, who are called neutral, have felt a sudden increase
of their navigation in the course of the late war, and the profits
they have made have excited a desire to augment it still further. If
they should generally exact duties of our ships, and none of their own
upon the importation of our produce, this will be as great a
discouragement to our navigation as it will be an encouragement to
theirs. Whether this has been attended to in the treaty with Sweden I
know not, for I have not seen it. But it ought to be carefully
considered by those who negotiate the treaties with Denmark and
Portugal, the Emperor and Empress, and all other powers. We have a
good right to insist, that no distinction shall be made in their ports
between their ships and ours; that we should pay in their ports no
higher duties than they pay in ours.
I should think it therefore advisable for Congress to instruct their
negotiators, to endeavor to obtain equity in this respect. This is the
time for it, if ever. If we cannot obtain it by negotiation, we must
think and talk of doing ourselves justice by making similar
distinctions in our own ports between our vessels and theirs. But here
again comes in the difficulty of uniting our States in such measures;
a difficulty which must be surmounted, or our commerce, navigation,
and marine will still be ruined, notwithstanding the conservation of
the fisheries. It deserves to be considered by whom this new method of
huddling up treaties at Paris is contrived, and for what purposes. It
may well be conjectured, that it is done with the secret intention of
preventing these things from being attended to; for there are persons
who had rather that any other people should have navigation than the
Americans. I have good reason to believe that it was known at
Versailles, that Mr Dana had well digested his thoughts upon this
subject, which was reason enough for some people to endeavor to take
Sweden out of his hands, in whose department it was. Their success is
much to be lamented.[10]
I had yesterday and the day before long conversations with the Baron
Van der Capellen de Pal, and M. Gyselaer. They both complain to me, in
the most pathetic terms, of the cruel situation of the friends of
America and France in this Republic. They both say, that they are
looking round every way like drowning men for support. The Province of
Friesland, their great dependence, wavers, and many of their
fellow-laborers are discouraged. They both inquired of me very
earnestly, if closer connexions could not be formed with us; if we
could not agree to warrant to each other the liberty of navigation, or
enter into an alliance, offensive and defensive. They see they shall
be obliged to make a shameful peace, and that the blame of it will
fall upon them, which will give a triumph to the Court, and put their
persons even in danger. They say, the King of France, by his
Ambassador, in July, 1782, gave them a positive assurance that he
would never separate his cause from theirs. In consequence of this,
they had instructed their Ambassadors never to separate their cause
from his. On their part the agreement had been sacredly observed, but
not on the other. With Great Britain enraged against them, with a
formidable party in the Republic furious against them, with the King
of Prussia threatening them, and abandoned by France, their prospects
are, they say, as disagreeable as can be conceived.
There are many appearances of designs to excite the people to
seditions, and I think it probable that the Court of London studies
delays of the Definitive Treaty in this hope. I still believe,
however, that the people will be wise and the Republic firm, and
submit to the immense losses of the war, and that of Negapatnam,
rather than renew their old submission to the Court and to England.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[10] The plan of the treaty with Sweden was sent out to Dr Franklin by
Congress, and adopted with hardly a verbal alteration. See the plan,
and the treaty as adopted, in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol.
III. pp. 227, 369.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, August 10th, 1783.
Sir,
On the 6th I left the Hague, and last night arrived here. I had
several interviews, on some of the last days at the Hague, which I had
not time to give you an account of, as a great part of my time was
taken up with visits to take leave of the Court, the President, the
Grand Pensionary, Greffier, &c. ceremonies which must be repeated at
every coming and going, and upon many other occasions, to the no small
interruption of business of more importance.
I asked the Count de Sanafee, the Spanish Minister, with whom I have
always lived upon very good terms, whether it might not be possible to
persuade his Court, that it would be good policy for them to allow to
the citizens of the United States of America a free port, in some of
their islands at least, if not upon the Continent of South America? He
said he did not know; that he thought, however, his Court would be
afraid of the measure, as free ports were nests of smugglers, and
afforded many facilities of illicit trade, (_le commerce interlope_.)
I asked him further, whether measures might not be taken at Madrid, to
the end that the sugars, coffee, cocoa, &c. of their Colonies might be
carried to the free ports of France, Holland, and Denmark, in the West
Indies or one of them, in Spanish vessels, that they might be there
purchased by Americans? He said he was not able to foresee any
objection against this. I asked him again, what objections there
could be to admitting American vessels to the Spanish Islands of Cuba
and Hispaniola, to carry their produce and purchase molasses, as they
did in the French and Dutch Colonies. Such a commerce would be useful
and profitable both to them and to us. He said that he could not
pretend to give any opinion upon any of these points. But that we must
negotiate them at Madrid. I hope Congress will instruct their Minister
at the Court of Madrid to propose all these things, and endeavor to
obtain them.
The Portuguese Envoy, Don Almeida, returned my visit, and brought with
him a copy of the treaty between Spain and Portugal, made at Utrecht
in 1715. This treaty was signed under the warranty of Great Britain,
and one article of it is, that each nation shall confine the commerce
with its possessions in America to its own subjects. I had much
satisfaction in the conversation of this Minister, who, though a young
man, appears possessed of more than common intelligence, and a desire
to inform himself of everything which can affect his nation. He is, as
he told me, a nephew of the present Prime Minister at the Court of
Lisbon. He says, that the _King his master_, (a style which they
continue to use, although the Queen is the sovereign, and her husband
is but her subject) allows but sixty thousand Dutch guilders a year to
his Ambassador at Versailles, which not being sufficient for his
expenses at that Court, he is continued there because he is very rich;
but that he is not a man of business.
He again enlarged upon the subject of Portuguese navigation, which has
been prettily increased, (_tres joliment augmente_) during the late
war, and would have been still doubled if the war had continued
another year; that their merchants and mariners had pushed their
navigation with more spirit than skill; had sent their wines and other
things in prize vessels purchased in France and Spain, all over
Europe; but that their seamen not being experienced, many vessels had
been lost, so that the price of insurance was ten per cent with them,
when it was not more then three or four with other neutral nations;
that the profits had nevertheless been so considerable, as to excite a
strong inclination still to increase their shipping and
carrying-trade. These observations are worth repeating to Congress,
because all the other neutral powers have felt a like advantage. The
commerce of the northern powers was so increased, and had turned the
course of business that way to such a degree, as occasioned to the
Danish Minister at Versailles, for example, a loss of forty per cent
upon his salary. So much was exchange affected.
The late belligerent powers, having observed this sudden increase of
the commerce of the neutrals, and that it was owing to the sudden
growth of their navigation, are alarmed. So that the attention of all
the commercial nations is now turned to navigation, carrying-trade,
coasting-trade, &c. more than ever. We should be apprised of this, and
upon our guard. Our navigation and carrying-trade is not to be
neglected. We have great advantages for many branches of it, and have
a right to claim our natural share in it.