so pressed, he could not have met Parliament and kept his place,
without an agreement upon terms, at least, with America. If we had not
signed, the Ministry would have been changed, and the coalition come
in, and the whole world knows the coalition would not have made peace
upon the present terms, and, consequently, not at all this year. The
iron was struck in the few critical moments when it was of a proper
heat, and has been moulded into a handsome vessel. If it had been
suffered to cool, it would have flown in pieces like glass. Our
countrymen have great reason to rejoice, that they have obtained so
good a peace, when, and as they did. With the present threatening
appearances of a northern war, which will draw in France, if our peace
was still to be made we might find cause to tremble for many great
advantages, that are now secured. I believe the Count himself, if he
were now to speak his real sentiments, would say, he is very glad we
signed when we did, and that without asking his consent.
The Duc de la Vauguyon told me and M. Brantzen together, last
Saturday, "if you had not signed when you did, we should not have
signed when we did." If they had not signed when they did, d'Estaing
would have sailed from Cadiz, and in that case nobody would have
signed to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more
disagreeable circumstances than we were. We are none of us men of
principles or dispositions to take pleasure in going against your
sentiments, Sir, much less those of Congress. But in this case, if we
had not done it, our country would have lost advantages beyond
computation.
On Monday, Sir, we pursued our visits, and today we finish. Yesterday
at Court all the foreign Ministers behaved to us without reserve, as
members of the _Corps Diplomatique_, so that we shall no longer see
those lowering countenances, solemn looks, distant bows, and other
peculiarities, which have been sometimes diverting, and sometimes
provoking, for so many years.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 10th, 1783.
Sir,
In the present violent heat of the weather, and feverish state of my
health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my pen, and must pray you to
accept of a few short hints only.
To talk in a general style of confidence in the French Court, &c. is
to use a general language, which may mean almost anything, or almost
nothing. To a certain degree, and as far as the treaties and
engagements extend, I have as much confidence in the French Court as
Congress has, or even as you, Sir, appear to have. But if, by
confidence in the French Court is meant an opinion, that the French
Office of Foreign Affairs would be advocates with the English for our
rights to the fisheries, or to the Mississippi river, or our Western
Territory, or advocates to persuade the British Ministers to give up
the cause of the refugees, and make Parliamentary provision for them,
I own I have no such confidence, and never had. Seeing and hearing
what I have seen and heard, I must have been an idiot to have
entertained such confidence, I should be more of a Machiavelian, or a
Jesuit, than I ever was, or will be, to counterfeit it to you, or to
Congress.
M. Marbois' letter is to me full proof of the principles of the Count
de Vergennes. Why? Because I know, (for it was personally communicated
to me upon my passage home, by M. Marbois himself,) the intimacy and
confidence there is between these two. And I know further, that letter
contains sentiments concerning the fisheries, diametrically opposite
to those, which Marbois repeatedly expressed to me upon the passage,
viz. "That the Newfoundland fishery was our right, and we ought to
maintain it." From whence I conclude, M. Marbois' sentiments have been
changed by the instructions of the Minister. To what purpose is it
where this letter came from? Is it less genuine, whether it came from
Philadelphia, Versailles, or London? What if it came through English
hands? Is there less weight, less evidence in it for that? Are the
sentiments more just, or more friendly to us for that?
M. de Rayneval's correspondence too with Mr Jay. M. de Rayneval is a
_Chef de Bureau_. But we must be very ignorant of all Courts not to
know that an Under Secretary of State dares not carry on such a
correspondence without the knowledge, consent, and orders of the
principal.
There is another point now in agitation, in which the French will
never give us one good word. On the contrary, they will say everything
they can think of to persuade the English to deprive us of the trade
of their West India Islands. They have already, with their emissaries,
been the chief cause of the change of sentiment in London on this head
against us. In general they see with pain every appearance of
returning real and cordial friendship, such as may be permanent
between us and Great Britain. On the contrary, they see with pleasure
every seed of contention between us. The tories are an excellent
engine of mischief between us, and are, therefore, very precious.
Exclusion from the West India Islands will be another. I hold it to be
the indispensable duty of my station, not to conceal from Congress
these truths. Do not let us be dupes, under the idea of being
grateful. Innumerable anecdotes happen daily to show, that these
sentiments are general. In conversation, a few weeks ago, with the Duc
de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the West India trade, I endeavored
to convince him, that France and England both ought to admit us freely
to their islands. He entered into a long argument to prove, that both
ought to exclude us. At last, I said, the English were a parcel of
sots to exclude us, for the consequence would be, that in fifteen or
twenty years we should have another war with them. _Tant mieux! tant
mieux! je vous en felicite_," cried the Duke, with great pleasure.
"_Tant mieux pour nous_," said I, because we shall conquer from the
English in that case all their islands, the inhabitants of which would
now declare for us, if they dared. But it will not be the better for
the English. They will be the dupes, if they lay a foundation for it.
"Yes," said the Duke, "I believe you will have another war with the
English." And in this wish he expressed the vows of every Frenchman
upon the face of the earth. If, therefore, we have it in contemplation
to avoid a future war with the English, do not let us have too much
confidence in the French, that they will favor us in this view.[6]
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[6] See a letter from Dr Franklin, containing remarks on Mr Adams's
opinions of the policy and designs of the French Court, dated July the
22d, 1783. _Franklin's Correspondence_, Vol. IV. p. 138. Also a letter
from Mr Laurens, Vol. II. p. 486.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 10th, 1783.
Sir,
Upon the receipt of the despatches by Barney, I sent off your letters
for Messrs Willinks & Co. and I received last night an answer to the
letter I wrote them upon the occasion. They have engaged to remit Mr
Grand a million and a half of livres in a month, which has relieved Mr
Grand from his anxiety.
This Court has refused to Dr Franklin any more money. They are
apprehensive of being obliged to take a part in the northern war, and
their own financiers have not enough of the confidence of the public
to obtain money for their own purposes.
Your design of sending cargoes of tobacco and other things to
Amsterdam, to Messrs Willinks & Co. is the best possible to support
our credit there. The more you send, the more money will be obtained.
Send a Minister too; residing there, he may promote it much. It is a
misfortune, that I have not been able to be there, but this post
cannot be deserted. Instruct your Minister to inquire whether the
House of Hope could be persuaded to engage with Willinks in a new
loan. This should be done with secrecy and discretion. If that House
would undertake it, you would find money enough for your purpose, for
I rely upon it, the States will adopt a plan immediately for the
effectual payment of interest. This is indispensable. The foundation
of a happy government can only be laid in justice; and as soon as the
public shall see, that provision is made for this, you will no longer
want money.
It is a maxim among merchants and monied men, that "every man has
credit who does not want it." It is equally true of States. We shall
want it but little longer, if the States make provision for the
payment of interest, and therefore we shall have enough of it. There
is not a country in the world whose credit ought to be so good,
because there is none equally able to pay.
Enclosed is a pamphlet of Dr Price's, for your comfort. You will see
by it, that the only nation we have reason to fear wants credit so
much, that she is not likely to have it always, and this is our
security. By some hints from Mr Hartley, he will probably return to
London, and not be here again. The present Ministry is so undecided
and feeble, that it is at least doubtful whether they will make the
definitive treaty of peace.
With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 11th, 1783.
Sir,
In my letter to you of yesterday, I hinted in confidence, at an
application to the house of Hope. This is a very delicate measure. I
was induced to think of it merely by a conversation which M. Van
Berckel, (who will soon be with you, as he sailed the 26th of June
from the Texel,) had with M. Dumas. It would be better to be steady to
the three Houses already employed, if that is possible. You will now
be able to converse freely with that Minister upon the subject. I
should not advise you to take any decisive resolution at Philadelphia,
but leave it to your Minister to act as shall appear to him best upon
the spot. The Houses now employed are well esteemed, and I hope will
do very well. But no House in the Republic has the force of that of
Hope.
All depends, however, upon the measures to be taken by Congress and
the States for ascertaining their debts, and a regular discharge of
the interest. The ability of the people to make such an establishment
cannot be doubted; and the inclination of no man who has a proper
sense of public honor can be called in question. The Thirteen States,
in relation to the discharge of the debts of Congress, must consider
themselves as one body animated by one soul. The stability of our
confederation at home, our reputation abroad, our power of defence,
the confidence and affection of the people of one State towards those
of another, all depend upon it. Without a sacred regard to public
justice no society can exist; it is the only tie which can unite men's
minds and hearts in pursuit of the common interest.
The commerce of the world is now open to us, and our exports and
imports are of so large amount, and our connexions will be so large
and extensive, that the least stain upon our character in this respect
will lose us in a very short time advantages of greater pecuniary
value than all our debt amounts to. The moral character of our people
is of infinitely greater worth than all the sums in question. Every
hesitation, every uncertainty about paying or receiving a just debt,
diminishes that sense of moral obligation of public justice, which
ought to be kept pure, and carefully cultivated in every American
mind. Creditors at home and abroad, the army, the navy, every man who
has a well founded claim upon the public, have an unalienable right to
be satisfied, and this by the fundamental principles of society. Can
there ever be content and satisfaction? Can there ever be peace and
order? Can there ever be industry or decency without it? To talk of a
sponge to wipe out this debt, or of reducing or diminishing it below
its real value, in a country so abundantly able to pay the last
farthing, would betray a total ignorance of the first principles of
national duty and interest.
Let us leave these odious speculations to countries that can plead a
necessity for them, and where corruption has arrived at its last
stages; where infamy is scarcely felt, and wrong may as well assume
one shape as another, since it must prevail in some.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 11th, 1783.
Sir,
As there are certain particulars, in which it has appeared to me, that
the friendship of a French Minister has been problematical, at least,
or rather, not to exist at all, I have freely mentioned them to
Congress; because I hold it to be the first duty of a public Minister,
in my situation, to conceal no important truth of this kind from his
masters.
But ingratitude is an odious vice, and ought to be held in detestation
by every American citizen. We ought to distinguish, therefore, between
those points, for which we are not obliged to our allies, from those
in which we are.
I think, then, we are under no particular obligations of gratitude to
them for the fisheries, the boundaries, exemption from the tories, or
for the progress of our negotiations in Europe.
We are under obligations of gratitude, for making the treaty with us
when they did; for those sums of money, which they have generously
given us, and for those, even, which they have lent us, which I hope
we shall punctually pay, and be thankful still for the loan; for the
fleet and army they sent to America, and for all the important
services they did. By other mutual exertions, a dangerous rival to
them, and I may be almost warranted in saying, an imperious master,
both to them and us, has been brought to reason, and put out of the
power to do harm to either. In this respect, however, our allies are
more secure than we. The House of Bourbon has acquired a great
accession of strength, while their hereditary enemy has been weakened
one half, and incurably crippled.
The French are, besides, a good natured and humane nation, very
respectable in arts, letters, arms, and commerce, and, therefore,
motives of interest, honor, and convenience, join themselves to those
of friendship and gratitude, to induce us to wish for the continuance
of their friendship and alliance. The Provinces of Canada and Nova
Scotia in the hands of the English are a constant warning to us to
have a care of ourselves, and, therefore, a continuance of the
friendship and alliance of France is of importance to our
tranquillity, and even to our safety. There is nothing, which will
have a greater effect to overawe the English, and induce them to
respect us and our rights, than the reputation of a good understanding
with the French. My voice and advice will, therefore, always be for
discharging, with the utmost fidelity, gratitude, and exactness, every
obligation we are under to France, and for cultivating her friendship
and alliance by all sorts of good offices. But I am sure, that to do
this effectually, we must reason with them at times, enter into
particulars, and be sure that we understand one another. We must act a
manly, honest, independent, as well as a sensible part.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 12th, 1783.
Sir,
Reports have been spread, that the Regency of Algiers has been
employed in fitting out ships to cruise for American vessels. There
are reports too, that Spain has an armament prepared to attack their
town. How much truth there may be in either, I cannot pretend to say.
Whether Congress will take any measures for treating with these
piratical States, must be submitted to them. The custom of these
Courts, as well as those of Asia and Africa, is to receive presents
with Ambassadors. The Grand Pensionary of Holland told me, that the
Republic paid annually to the Regency of Algiers a hundred thousand
dollars. I hope a less sum would serve for us; but in the present
state of our finances, it would be difficult to make any payment. Mr
Montgomery, of Alicant, has ventured to write a letter to the Emperor
of Morocco, in consequence of which, his Majesty was pleased to give
orders to all his vessels to treat American vessels with all
friendship. Mr Montgomery ventured too far, however, in writing in the
name of the United States, and what will be the consequences of the
deception I know not.
Dr Franklin lately mentioned to Mr Jay and me, that he was employed in
preparing, with the Portuguese Ambassador, a treaty between the United
States and Portugal. The next Ambassador's day at Versailles, I asked
him if we could be admitted to the Brazils? He said, no, they admitted
no nation to the Brazils. I asked, if we were admitted to the Western
Islands? He said he thought Madeira was mentioned. I told him, I
thought it would be of much importance to us to secure an admission to
all the Azores, and to have these Islands, or some of them, made a
depot for the sugars, coffee, cotton, and cocoa, &c. of the Brazils.
He liked this idea, and went immediately, and spoke to the Ambassador
upon it. He said, the Ambassador had told him, that they could furnish
us with these articles at Lisbon, fifteen per cent cheaper than the
English could from their West India Islands.
This treaty, I suppose, will be submitted to Congress before it is
signed, and I hope Congress will give a close attention to it, in
order to procure an exemption from as many duties as possible, and as
much freedom and security of trade in all their ports of Europe and
the Western Islands as possible. If any particular stipulations should
be necessary, concerning the free admission of all the articles of our
produce, as rice, wheat, flour, salt-fish, or any other, the members
of Congress may readily suggest them.
I could wish that the Court of Lisbon had sent a Minister to
Philadelphia to negotiate a treaty there. I wish that advantages may
not be lost by this method of preparing treaties here, by Ministers
who have made no particular study of the objects of them.[7] Benefits
on both sides may escape attention in this way. A good treaty with
Portugal is of so much consequence to us, that I should not wonder if
Congress should think it necessary to send a Minister to Lisbon to
complete it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[7] See the draft of a Treaty with Portugal, in _Franklin's
Correspondence_, Vol. IV. p. 150.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 13th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday Colonel Ogden arrived with the originals of what we had
before received in duplicates by Captain Barney. The ratification of
the Dutch treaty had been before received and exchanged. The
ratification of their High Mightinesses is in the safe custody of M.
Dumas, at present at the Hague.
I believe we shall accept of the mediation of the two Imperial Courts
at the definitive treaty, as it is a mere formality, a mere
compliment, consisting wholly in the Imperial Ministers putting their
names and seals to the parchment, and can have no ill effect. The
inclination of the Count de Vergennes seems to be, that we should
accept it, and as he calls upon us to decide in the affirmative or
negative, I believe we shall give an answer in the affirmative.
The Empress has promised to receive Mr Dana, as soon as the definitive
treaty shall be signed, and he has prepared a treaty of commerce,
which will be valuable if he can obtain it.
The Emperor of Germany has caused to be intimated several ways, his
inclination to have a treaty of commerce with us; but his rank is so
high, that his House never makes the first formal advance. I should
think it advisable, that we should have a treaty with that power for
several reasons.
1st. Because, as Emperor of Germany, and King of Bohemia and Hungary,
he is at the head of one of the greatest interests and most powerful
connexions in Europe. It is true it is the greatest weight in the
scale, which is, and has been, from age to age, opposite to the House
of Bourbon. But for this very reason, if there were no other, the
United States ought to have a treaty of commerce with it, in order to
be in practice with their theory, and to show to all the world, that
their system of commerce embraces, equally and impartially, all the
commercial States and countries of Europe.
2dly. Because the present Emperor is one of the greatest men of this
age. The wisdom and virtue of the man, as well as of the monarch; his
personal activity, intelligence, and accomplishments; his large and
liberal principles in matters of religion, government, and commerce,
are so much of kin to those of our States, (perhaps indeed so much
borrowed from them, and adopted in imitation of them,) that it seems
peculiarly proper we should show this respect to them.
3dly. Because, that if England should ever forget herself again so
much as to attack us, she may not be so likely to obtain the alliance
or assistance of this Power against us. A friendship once established
in a treaty of commerce, this power would never be likely to violate,
because she has no dominions near us, and could have no interest to
quarrel with us.
4thly. Because the countries belonging to this power upon the Adriatic
sea, and in the Austrian Flanders, are no inconsiderable sources of
commerce for America. And if the present negotiations between the two
Imperial Courts and the Porte shall terminate in a free navigation of
the Danube, the Black sea, and the Archipelago, the Emperor's
hereditary dominions will become very respectable commercial
countries.
5thly. Because, although we have at present a pleasant and joyful
prospect of friendship and uninterrupted alliance with the House of
Bourbon, which I wish may never be obscured, yet this friendship and
alliance will be the more likely to continue unimpaired, for our
having the friendship and commerce of the House of Austria. And (as in
the vicissitudes of human affairs all things are possible) if in
future times, however unlikely at present, the House of Bourbon
should deal unjustly by us, demand of us things we are not bound to
perform, or any way injure us we may find in the alliance, of Austria,
England, and Holland a resource against the storm. Supernumerary
strings to our bow, and provisions against possible inconveniences,
however improbable, can do us no harm.
If we were not straitened for money, I should advise Congress to send
a Minister to Vienna. But as every Mission abroad is a costly article,
and we find it difficult, at present, to procure money for the most
necessary purposes, I should think it proper for Congress to send a
commission to their Minister at Versailles, London, Madrid,
Petersburg, or the Hague, who might communicate it to the Court of
Vienna, by means of the Imperial Ambassador. The Emperor in such a
case would authorize his Ambassador at that Court to prepare and
conclude a treaty, and in this way the business may be well done,
without any additional expense.
M. Favi, _Charge d'Affaires_ of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the
Emperor's brother, has called upon me so often to converse with me
upon this subject, that I doubt not he has been employed, or at least
knows that it would be agreeable to his Court and their connexions,
although he has never made any official insinuations about it. This
gentleman has been employed by the Republic of Ragusa to consult
American Ministers upon the subject of commerce too. I have told him,
that the American ports were open to the Ragusan Vessels, as well as
to all others, and have given him the address, by which they propose
to write to Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 14th, 1783.
Sir,
A jealousy of American ships, seamen, carrying-trade, and naval power,
appears every day more and more conspicuous. This jealousy, which has
been all along discovered by the French Minister, is at length
communicated to the English. The following proclamation, which will
not increase British ships and seamen in any proportion as it will
diminish those of the United States, will contribute effectually to
make America afraid of England, and attach herself more closely to
France. The English are the dupes, and must take the consequences.