the Court of Russia; our servant asked if the Prince was at home, and
received for answer, that he was. We were shown into the Prince's
apartment, who received us very politely. While we were here, Mr
Markoff came in. He also is a Minister Plenipotentiary, adjoined to
the Prince in the affair of the mediation. I told him we proposed to
do ourselves the honor of calling on him. He answered, "As you are an
old acquaintance I shall be very happy to see you." Whether this was a
turn of politeness, or whether it was a political distinction, I know
not. We shall soon know, by his returning, or not returning, our
visit. The Prince asked where I lodged, and I told him. This indicates
an intention to return the visit.
We went next to the Dutch Ambassador's, M. de Berkenrode. He was not
at home, or not visible. Next to the Baron de Blome, Envoy
Extraordinary of the King of Denmark; not at home. Next to M.
Markoff's. The porter answered, that he was at home. We alighted, and
were going to his apartment, when we were told he was not come in. We
left a card, and went to the other Dutch Ambassador's, M. Brantzen,
who was not at home; _en passant_, we left a card at the Swedish
Minister's, and returned home, the heat being too excessive to pursue
our visits any further.
Thus, we have made visits to all the Ministers, who are to be present
at the signature of the definitive treaty. Whether the Ministers of
the Imperial Courts will be present, I know not. There are many
appearances of a coldness between France and Russia, and the Emperor
seems to waver between two opinions, whether to join in the war that
threatens, or not. Perhaps the Ministers of the Imperial Courts will
write for instructions whether to return or not our visit.
After I had begun this letter, Captain Barney came in, and delivered
me your duplicate of No. 12, November the 6th, 1782; duplicate of No.
14, December the 19th, 1782, and triplicate of No. 16, April the 14th,
1783, and the original of your letter of the 18th of April, 1783, not
numbered. The last contained my account. But as I have never received
any of this money from Dr Franklin, or M. Gerard, but have my salary
from Messrs Willinks & Co. at Amsterdam, I am extremely sorry you have
had so much trouble with this affair.
Although in your later letters you say nothing of my resignation, or
the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it soon, and then I shall
have an opportunity to settle the affair of my salary at
Philadelphia.
After reading your letters to me, I went out to Passy to see those
addressed to us all. Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, and myself, (Mr Laurens
being still in England) read them all over together. We shall do all
in our power to procure the advantages in the definitive treaty, you
mention. The state of parties is such in England, that it is
impossible to foresee when there will be a Ministry, who will dare to
take any step at all. The coalition between Lord North and his
connexions, and Mr Fox and his, is a rope of sand. Mr Fox, by pushing
the vote in the House of Commons disapproving the peace, and by
joining so many of the old Ministers in the new administration, has
justly excited so many jealousies of his sincerity, that no confidence
can be placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry, that the most
amiable men in the nation, Portland, and the Cavendishes, should have
involved themselves in the same reproach.
In short, at present, Shelburne, Pitt, Townshend, and the
administration of which they were members, seem to have been the only
ones, who, for a moment, had just notions of their country and ours.
Whether these men, if now called to power, would pursue their former
ideas, I know not. The Bible teaches us not to put our trust in
Princes, and _a fortiori_ in Ministers of State.
The West India commerce now gives us most anxiety. If the former
British Ministry had stood, we might have secured it from England,
and, in that case, France would have been obliged to admit us to their
islands, _se defendendo_. The first maxim of a statesman, as well as
that of a statuary, or a painter, should be to study nature; to cast
his eyes round about his country, and see what advantages nature has
given it. This was well attended to, in the boundary between the
United States and Canada, and in the fisheries. The commerce of the
West India Islands, falls necessarily into the natural system of the
commerce of the United States. We are necessary to them and they to
us; and there will be a commerce between us. If the government forbid
it, it will be carried on clandestinely; France can more easily
connive at a contraband trade than England. But we ought to wish to
avoid the temptation to this. I believe, that neither France nor
England will allow us to transport the productions of their Islands to
other parts of Europe.
The utmost we may hope to obtain would be permission to import the
productions of the French Islands into France, giving bond to land
them in some port of that kingdom, and the productions of the English
Islands into some port of Great Britain, giving bonds to land them
there. It must, however, be the care of the Minister, who may have to
negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, to obtain as ample
freedom in this trade as possible.
While I was writing the above, my servant announced the Imperial
Ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He said, that he was happy that
the circumstances of the times afforded him an opportunity of forming
an acquaintance with me, which he hoped would be improved into a more
intimate one. I said, his Excellency did me great honor, and begged
him to sit, which he did, and fell into a conversation of an hour. We
ran over a variety of subjects, particularly the commerce which might
take place between the United States and Germany, by the way of
Trieste and Fiume, and the Austrian Netherlands, and the great
disposition in Germany to migration to America. He says he knows the
country round about Trieste very well, having an estate there; that
it is a very extensive and a very rich country, which communicates
with that maritime city, and that the navigation of the Adriatic sea,
though long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do with the
Barbary powers. He said, he thought all the powers of the world ought
to unite in the suppression of such a detestable race of pirates, and
that the Emperor had lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the
subject. I asked him if he thought France and England would agree to
such a project, observing that I had heard that some Englishmen had
said, "if there were no Algiers, England ought to build one." He said,
he could not answer for England.
It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the conversation, which turned
upon the frugal and industrious character of the Germans, the best
cultivators in Europe, and the dishonorable traffic of some of the
German Princes in men, a subject he introduced and enlarged on
himself. I said nothing about it. Rising up to take leave, he repeated
several compliments he had made when he first came in, and added, "The
Count de Vergennes will do me the honor to dine with me one of these
days, and I hope to have that of your company. We will then speak of
an affair upon which the Count de Vergennes and you have already
conversed."
This shows there is something in agitation, but what it is I cannot
conjecture; whether it is to induce us to make the compliment to the
two Imperial Courts to sign the definitive treaty as mediators,
whether there is any project of an association for the liberty of
navigation, or whether it is any other thing, I cannot guess at
present, but I will write you as soon as I know. Whatever it is, we
must treat it with respect, but we shall be very careful how we
engage our country in measures of consequence without being clear of
our powers, and without the instructions of Congress.
I went out to Passy, and found from Mr Jay, that he had made his visit
there, in the course of the day, but had said nothing to Dr Franklin
or him about the dinner with the Count de Vergennes. In the course of
the day, I had visits from the Prince Bariatinski and M. de Markoff,
the two Ministers of the Empress of Russia. The porter told these
gentlemen's servants, that I was at home, but they did not come up,
but only sent up their cards.
While I was gone to Passy, Monsieur de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary from
the King of Denmark, called and left his card. Thus the point of
etiquette seems to be settled, and we are to be treated in character
by all the Powers of Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, July 5th, 1783.
Sir,
Your favors of the 12th and 29th of May were delivered to me on the 3d
of this month by Captain Barney. Every assistance, in my power, shall
be given to Mr Barclay. Mr Grand will write you the amount of all the
bills which have been paid in Holland, which were accepted by me. You
may banish your fears of a double payment of any one bill. I never
accepted a bill without taking down in writing a very particular
description of it, nor without examining the book, to see whether it
had been accepted before. I sent regularly, in the time of it, copies
of these acceptances to Dr Franklin, and I have now asked him to lend
them to me, that I may copy them and send them to you. The Doctor has
promised to look up my letters, and let me have them. The originals
are at the Hague, with multitudes of other papers, which I want every
day.
Among the many disagreeable circumstances attending my duty in Europe,
it is not the least, that instead of being fixed to any one station, I
have been perpetually danced about from "post to pillar," unable to
have my books and papers with me, unable to have about me the
conveniences of a house-keeper for health, pleasure, or business, but
yet subjected in many articles to double expenses.
Mr Livingston has not informed me of any determination of Congress
upon my letter to you of the 17th of November, which distresses me
much on Mr Thaxter's account, who certainly merits more than he has
received, or can receive, without the favor of Congress.
I thank you, Sir, most affectionately for your kind congratulation on
the peace. Our late enemies always clamor against a peace, but this
one is better for them than they had reason to expect after so mad a
war. Our countrymen too, I suppose, are not quite satisfied. This
thing and that thing should have been otherwise, no doubt. If any man
blames us I wish him no other punishment than to have, if that were
possible, just such another peace to negotiate, exactly in our
situation. I cannot look back upon this event without the most
affecting sentiments, when I consider the number of nations concerned,
the complications of interests, extending all over the globe, the
characters of actors, the difficulties which attended every step of
the progress, how everything labored in England, France, Spain, and
Holland, that the armament at Cadiz was upon the point of sailing,
which would have rendered another campaign inevitable, that another
campaign would have probably involved France in a continental war, as
the Emperor would in that case have joined Russia against the Porte;
that the British Ministry was then in so critical a situation, that
its duration for a week or a day depended upon its making peace; that
if that Ministry had been changed, it could have been succeeded only
either by North and Company, or by the coalition; that it is certain,
that neither North and Company, nor the coalition, would have made
peace upon any terms, that either we or the other Powers would have
agreed to; and that all these difficulties were dissipated by one
decided step of the British and American Ministers. I feel too
strongly a gratitude to Heaven for having been conducted safely
through the storm, to be very solicitous whether we have the
approbation of mortals or not.
A delay of one day might, and probably would, have changed the
Ministry in England, in which case all would have been lost. If, after
we had agreed with Mr Oswald, we had gone to Versailles to show the
result to the Count de Vergennes, you would have been this moment at
war, and God knows how or when you would have got out. What would have
been the course? The Count de Vergennes would have sprinkled us with
compliments, the holy water of a Court. He would have told us; "you
have done, gentlemen, very well for your country. You have gained a
great deal. I congratulate you upon it, but you must not sign till we
are ready; we must sign altogether here in this room." What would have
been our situation? We must have signed against this advice, as Mr
Laurens says he would have done, and as I believe Mr Jay and I should
have done, which would have been the most marked affront, that could
have been offered, or we must have waited for France and Spain, which
would have changed the Ministry in England, and lost the whole peace,
as certainly as there is a world in being. When a few frail vessels
are navigating among innumerable mountains of ice, driven by various
winds, and drawn by various currents, and a narrow crevice appears to
one, by which all may escape, if that one improves the moment and sets
the example, it will not do to stand upon ceremonies, and ask, which
shall go first, or that all may go together.
I hope you will excuse this little excursion, and believe me to be,
with great respect and esteem, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 7th, 1783.
Sir,
We cannot as yet obtain from Mr Hartley, or his principals, an
explicit consent to any one proposition whatever. Yet England and
France, and England and Spain are probably agreed, and Holland, I
suppose, must comply. Our last resource must be to say, we are ready
to sign the Provisional Treaty, _totidem verbis_, as the Definitive
Treaty.
I think it is plain, that the British Ministry do not intend to sign
any treaty till Parliament rises. There are such dissensions in the
Cabinet, that they apprehend a treaty laid before Parliament, if it
did not obtain advantages, of which they have no hope, would furnish
materials to overthrow them. A new administration is talked of, under
Lord Temple. The West India commerce is now the object, that interests
us the most nearly. At dinner with the Duc de la Vauguyon, on Saturday
last, he told me, that he believed the commerce between the French
West India Islands and the United States, would be confined to ships
built in France, and navigated by French seamen.
"So then, M. le Duc," said I, laughing, "you have adopted the ideas of
the British navigation act. But suppose the United States should adopt
them too, and make a law, that no commerce should be carried on with
any West India Islands, French, English, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish,
but in ships built in America, and navigated with American seamen? We
can import sugar from Europe. But give me leave to tell you, that this
trade can never be carried on without a great number of seamen, which
the French vessels being all large require, and your navigators are
too slow. The trade itself was only profitable to us as a system, and
little vessels, with a few hands, run away at any season of the year,
from any creek or river, with a multitude of little articles,
collected in haste. Your merchants and mariners have neither the
patience to content themselves with much and long labor, and dangerous
voyages for small profits, nor have they the economy, nor can they
navigate vessels with so few hands." "Aye, but we think," said the
Duke, "if we do not try, we shall never learn to do these things as
well and as cheap as you." The Duke told me, some days before, that he
had had a great deal of conversation with the Count de Vergennes, and
he found he had a great many good ideas of commerce. The Count
himself told me a few weeks ago, "in our regulations of the commerce
between our Islands and you, we must have regard to our shipping, and
our nurseries of seamen for our marine; for," said he, smiling
politely enough, "without a marine, we cannot go to your succor."
In short, France begins to grow, for a moment, avaricious of
navigation and seamen. But it is certain, that neither the form of
government, nor the national character, can possibly admit of great
success in it. Navigation is so dangerous a business, and requires so
much patience, and produces so little profit among nations who
understand it best, and have the best advantages for it, where
property is most secure, lawsuits soonest and cheapest ended, (and by
fixed certain laws,) that the French can never interfere much with the
Dutch, or Americans, in ship building or carrying trade. If any French
merchants ever begin to carry on this commerce, between America and
the Islands, they will break to pieces very soon, and then some new
plan must be adopted. The English, for aught I know, will make a
similar law, that the communications between us and their Islands
shall be carried on in British built ships, or ships built in Canada
or Nova Scotia, and navigated by British seamen. In this case, we must
try what we can do with the Dutch and Danes. But the French and
English will endeavor to persuade them to the same policy, for the Duc
de la Vauguyon told me, that he thought it a common tie (_lien
commun_.) In this they will not succeed, and we must make the most we
can of the Dutch friendship, for luckily, the merchants and Regency of
Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their Islands by the
treaty. Happily, Congress will have a Dutch Minister, with whom they
may consult upon this matter, as well as any others, but I should
think it would not be convenient to invite an English or French
Minister to be present at the consultation.
I am at a loss, Sir, to guess what propositions made to us Congress
have been informed of, which they had not learned from us. None have
been made to us. The Dutch Ambassadors did once propose a meeting to
us, and had it at my house. Dr Franklin came, but Mr Jay did not, and
Mr Laurens was absent. The Ambassadors desired to know, whether we had
power to enter into any engagements, provided France, Spain, and
Holland, should agree to any, in support of the armed neutrality. We
showed them the resolution of Congress, of the 5th of October, 1780,
and told them, that Mr Dana had been since vested with a particular
commission to the same effect. We never heard anything further about
it.
Not seeing, at the time, any probability that anything would come of
this, nor intending to do anything of any consequence in it, if we
should hear further of it, without the further orders of Congress, we
did not think it necessary to write anything about it, at least, till
it should put on a more serious appearance. If the Count de Mercy's
dinner, to which we are to be invited, with the Count de Vergennes,
should produce any insinuations on this subject, (which I do not,
however, expect) we shall inform you, and request the orders of
Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, July 9th, 1783.
Sir,
Since the dangerous fever I had in Amsterdam, two years ago, I have
never enjoyed my health. Through the whole of the last winter and
spring, I have suffered under weaknesses and pains, which have
scarcely permitted me to do business. The excessive heats of the last
week or two have brought on me a fever again, which exhausts me in
such a manner, as to be very discouraging, and incapacitates one for
everything. In short, nothing but a return to America will ever
restore my health, if even that should do it.
In these circumstances, however, we have negotiations to go through,
and your despatches to answer. The liberal sentiments in England
respecting the trade are all lost for the present, and we can get no
answer to anything. It is the same thing with the Dutch. One of the
Dutch Ambassadors told me yesterday at Versailles, that now, for five
weeks, the English had never said one word to them, nor given them any
answer. These things indicate, that the Ministry do not think
themselves permanent.
The Count de Vergennes asked Dr Franklin and me, yesterday, if we had
made our visits. We answered, that we had, and that they had been
promptly returned. "The thing in agitation," says the Count, "is for
you to determine whether your definitive treaty shall be signed under
the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, or not. Ours and the Spanish
treaty with England are to be so finished, and if you determine in
favor of it, you have only to write a letter to the Ministers of the
Imperial Courts, who are here." I told him, in the present case, I
did not know what a mediation meant. He smiled, but did not seem to
know any better than I; at least, he did not explain it. We told him
we would determine upon it soon.
How we shall determine, I cannot say. For my own part, I see no harm
in accepting the mediation, nor any other good, than a compliment to
the two empires. In Europe it may be thought an honor to us, and,
therefore, I shall give my voice, as at present informed, in favor of
it, as it seems rather to be the inclination of the Count de Vergennes
that we should.
Your late despatches, Sir, are not well adapted to give spirits to a
melancholy man, or to cure one sick with a fever. It is not possible
for me, at present, to enter into a long detail in answer to them. You
will be answered, I suppose, by all the gentlemen jointly. In the
meantime, I beg leave to say to you a few words upon two points.
1st. The separate article never appeared to me of any consequence to
conceal from this Court. It was an agreement we had a right to make;
it contained no injury to France or Spain. Indeed, I know not what
France has, or ever had, to do with it. If it had been communicated to
this Court, it would probably have been communicated to Spain, and she
might have thought more about it than it was worth. But how you could
conceive it possible for us to treat at all with the English, upon
supposition, that we had communicated every, the minutest thing, to
this Court, when this Court were neither obliged, nor thought proper,
to communicate anything whatever to us, I know not. We were bound by
treaty no more than they to communicate. The instructions were found
to be absolutely impracticable. That they were too suddenly
published, is very true.
2dly. A communication of the treaty to this Court, after it was agreed
upon, and before it was signed, would have infallibly prevented the
whole peace. In the first place, it was very doubtful, or rather, on
the contrary, it is certain, the English Minister never would have
consented that we should have communicated it. We might, it is true,
have done it without his consent or knowledge; but what would have
been the consequence? The French Minister would have said, the terms
were very good for us, but we must not sign till they signed; and this
would have been the continuance of the war for another year, at least.
It was not so much from an apprehension, that the French would have
exerted themselves to get away from us terms that were agreed on, that
they were withheld. It was then too late, and we have reasons to
apprehend, that all of this kind had been done, which could be done.
We knew they were often insinuating to the British Ministers things
against us, respecting the fisheries, tories, &c. during the
negotiation, and Mr Fitzherbert told me, that the Count de Vergennes
had "fifty times reproached him for ceding the fisheries, and said it
was ruining the English and French commerce both." It was not
suspicion, it was certain knowledge, that they were against us on the
points of the tories, fisheries, Mississippi, and the western country.
All this knowledge, however, did not influence us to conceal the
treaty. We did not, in fact, conceal it. Dr Franklin communicated the
substance of it to the Count and M. de Rayneval. So did I. In a long
conversation with the Count and M. de Rayneval together, I told them
the substance of what was agreed upon, and what we further insisted
on, and the English then disputed. But the signing before them is the
point. This we could not have done, if we had shown the treaty, and
told them we were ready. The Count would certainly have said to us,
you must not sign till we sign. To have signed after this would have
been more disagreeable to him, and to us too. Yet we must have signed
or lost the peace. The peace depended on a day.