learning, and in the knowledge of general history, ancient and modern,
and particularly the history of France, England, Holland, and America.
He should be well versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of
nature and nations, of legislation and government, of the civil Roman
law, of the laws of England, and the United States, of the public law
of Europe, and in the letters, memoirs, and histories of those great
men, who have heretofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted
the affairs of nations, and the world. He should be of an age to
possess a maturity of judgment, arising from experience in business.
He should be active, attentive, and industrious, and above all, he
should possess an upright heart, and an independent spirit, and should
be one, who decidedly makes the interest of his country, not the
policy of any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest,
or those of his family, friends, and connexions, the rule of his
conduct.
We hear so much said about a genteel address, and a facility in
speaking the French language, that one would think a dancing master
and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman.
Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither in America nor
Europe, has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by fluency in
French, nor will any great thing ever be effected by such
accomplishments alone. A man must have something in his head to say,
before he can speak to effect, how ready soever he may be at
utterance. And if the knowledge is in his head, and the virtue in his
heart, he will never fail to find a way of communicating his
sentiments to good purpose. He will always have excellent translators
ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he
desires.
As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a
first or second conversation, and even in these, it is regarded no
more by men of sense of any country, than another thing, which I heard
disputed with great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate,
the Sensible. The question was, what were the several departments of
an Ambassador and a Secretary of Legation. After a long and shrewd
discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes, "that the
Secretary's part was to do the business, and that of an Ambassador to
keep a mistress." This decision produced a laugh among the company,
and no ideas of the kind will ever produce anything else, among men of
understanding.
It is very true, that it is possible, that a case may happen, that a
man may serve his country by a bribe well placed, or an intrigue of
pleasure with a woman. But it is equally true, that a man's country
will be sold and betrayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce,
where it will be once served. It is very certain, that we shall never
be a match for European statesmen in such accomplishments for
negotiation, any more than, I must and will add, they will equal us in
any solid abilities, virtues, and application to business, if we
choose wisely among the excellent characters, with which our country
abounds.
Among the Ministers, who have already crossed the Atlantic to Europe,
there have been none exceeding Mr Jay and Mr Dana, in all the
qualifications I have presumed to enumerate, and I must say, that if I
had the honor to give my vote in Congress, for a Minister at the Court
of Great Britain, provided that injustice must be finally done to him,
who was the first object of his country's choice, such have been the
activity, intelligence, address, and fortitude of Mr Jay, as well as
his sufferings in his voyage, journeys, and past services, that I
should think of no other object of my choice than that gentleman. If
Congress should neglect all their old Ministers, and send a fresh one
from America, they cannot be at a loss, for there are in that country
great numbers of men well qualified for the service. These are most
certainly better known by name to Congress than to me, and, therefore,
I shall venture no further, but conclude, by wishing this arduous
business well settled, and by assurances to Congress, and to you, Sir,
of my warmest attachment and respect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, February 13th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
On my return, the night before last, from a journey to the State of
New York, I found your favors of the 6th, the 7th, the 17th, the 19th,
and the 23d of September. They contain important and useful
information; and that particularly of the 6th is replete with matter,
which deserves an attention, that I lament not having it in my power
to give it at this moment, as the express, by which this goes to
Baltimore, is on the wing.
I congratulate you most sincerely upon having surmounted all the
obstacles, that opposed themselves to the completion of our important
connexion with the United States [of Holland]. It has, I think, given
the last blow to the pride of Britain. Its power, so far as it could
endanger us, was past recovery before, except as it derived force from
its pride, which, like the last struggles of a dying man, gave an
appearance of vigor to the body, which it was about to destroy.
This covers a ratification of the treaty. The first copy sent by Mr
Jefferson has not been signed by me, owing to my absence. That
gentleman has not yet sailed from Baltimore, having been delayed by a
number of the enemy's cruisers, which infest the Bay.
We this day received the speech of his Britannic Majesty. It breathes
so much the language of peace, that I begin to think it will be
unnecessary to give Mr Jefferson the trouble of going over at all. The
delays he has met with leave you longer without intelligence from
hence, than I would ever wish you to be, though no important event has
taken place, except the evacuation of Charleston. Our distress for
want of money has rather increased, than diminished. This object will
demand your attention, full as much if the war should be terminated,
as if it should continue. The army, and the other public creditors,
begin to grow very uneasy, and our present exhausted situation will
not admit of internal loans, or such taxes as will suffice to give
them relief.
I have sent you three different sets of cyphers, not thinking it
advisable to send duplicates. Be pleased to let me know whether any
and which have arrived safe.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, March 2d, 1783.
Sir,
I am very much of your opinion, that all places in general, in foreign
countries, under the United States, should be filled with Americans,
but am sometimes requested to transmit to Congress applications and
recommendations in so pressing a manner, and by persons of
distinction, that it would be scarcely civil to refuse.
Such an instance is the following, and if Congress should depart from
the general rule, I suppose, that no person at Leghorn has so good
pretensions.
The application to me is this,--"Messrs Touissaint, Doutremont & Co.,
merchants of great credit at Leghorn, who obtained, fortyfive years
ago, letters of nobility from the Court of France, pray the gentlemen,
the deputies of the United States of America, to grant them the place
of Consul, or of Agent of their commerce at Leghorn."
At least, if Congress, or their Ministers, have occasion for a
correspondent in that city, they will not be at a loss.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, April 14th, 1783.
Sir,
I received two days ago your favors of the 22d and 23d of January,
with the declarations for the cessation of hostilities, on which a
doubt of much importance to the people of this country is started, to
wit, to know at what period hostilities ceased on this coast, that is,
what is meant by "as far as the Canaries." If it means in the same
_latitude_, hostilities ceased here the 3d of March, and a great
number of vessels must be restored. If it does not mean a latitudinal
line, what does it mean, which carries any certainty with it? The
terms of the provisional treaty also occasion much debate. A variety
of questions have been started, but these I shall speak of in my
letter to you in conjunction with your colleagues, that you may, if
opportunity should offer before the Definitive Treaty is concluded,
find some means to rid them of their ambiguity.
It would give me pain to find, that the Dutch do not attain their
objects in the close of the war, and still more to impute their
misfortunes to any desertion of their interests by France, since I
confess freely to you, that her conduct, as far as I have observed it,
has appeared to me in the highest degree generous and disinterested.
The extreme langour of the Dutch, their divisions, and the less than
nothing that they have done for themselves, entitle them to little.
Without the uncommon exertions of France, they would not have had a
single settlement left, either in the East or West Indies. So that
they lay absolutely at her mercy, and, therefore, I was pleased to
find their instructions to their Ministers so expressed as to leave no
room to fear, that they would obstruct the peace, when they
contributed so little to the prosecution of the war. But I rather
pitied, than blamed their weakness; they were torn by factions, and
clogged by an executive, which strove to find reasons for having no
execution.
Congress, the day before yesterday, agreed to ratify the Provisional
Articles as such, and to release their prisoners, in which the British
took the lead. The tories have little reliance upon the effect of the
recommendations of Congress; great numbers of them have sailed, and
are daily sailing for Nova Scotia.
With respect to your salary, I must pray you to settle with Dr
Franklin the amount of bills drawn in your favor. You will, with those
that go by this conveyance, receive the amount of three quarters'
salary, at two thousand seven hundred and seventyseven dollars and
sixtyeight ninetieths per quarter, which were laid out in bills at six
shillings three pence, this money, for five livres, which was a very
advantageous exchange for you. This, however, Congress have directed,
by the enclosed resolution, to be altered, and your salaries to be
paid in bills at the rate of five livres, five sous per dollar. As
this resolution retrospects you will have, with the bills transmitted
to you, livres more than is due for three quarters' salary. This will
be deducted from the last quarter, for which I will get a warrant, and
leave it with the Treasury here for you or your order. By settling
this matter with Dr Franklin, and redrawing upon your banker in
Holland, you will leave my accounts unembarrassed, which is of
consequence to me, as I have determined to quit the place I now hold,
in the course of a few weeks, and enjoy in retirement the pleasures of
peace. I have charged no commissions on these money transactions, nor
do I propose to charge any.
Your account of contingent expenses is before a committee. Should
Congress agree to accept your resignation, (which I am sorry to see
you offer, since the connexions you have formed, and the experience
you have acquired, might render you particularly serviceable in
Holland) it will be best that you settle it with them yourself on your
arrival. The want of permanent funds, and the opposition which some
States have given to every attempt to establish them, the demands of
the public creditors, and particularly of the army, have excited much
uneasiness here. Satisfactory measures will, I hope, be adopted to
calm it, and do ample justice. The army, whose proceedings I transmit,
have done themselves honor by their conduct on this occasion. Too much
praise could not be given to the commander-in-chief, for the share he
had in the transaction, if he was not above all praise.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, April 14th, 1783.
Sir,
You may easily imagine our anxiety to hear from America, when you know
that we have no news to this hour, either of your reception of the
news of peace, or that of the treaty with Holland, four copies of
which I put on board different vessels at Amsterdam, in October.
We have been in equal uncertainty about the turn, which affairs might
take in England. But by letters from Mr Laurens we expect him every
day, and Mr David Hartley with him, in order to complete the
definitive treaty. It would have been more agreeable to have finished
with Mr Oswald. But the present Ministry are so dissatisfied with what
is past, as they say, though nobody believes them, that they choose to
change hands.
It will be proposed, I believe, to make a temporary arrangement of
commercial matters, as our powers are not competent to a durable one,
if to any. Congress will, no doubt, soon send a Minister with full
powers, as the treaty of commerce with Great Britain is of great
importance, and our affairs in that country require an overseer.
It is confidently asserted, in letters from Holland, that M. Markow,
the Minister Plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia, has received
from his mistress a full power to come to Paris, to the assistance of
the Prince Bariatinski at a Congress for a general pacification. There
is, as yet, no answer received from the Emperor. If the two Imperial
Courts accept of the mediation, there will be a Congress; but I
suppose it will relate chiefly to the affairs of Holland, which are
not yet arranged, and to the liberty of neutral navigation, which is
their principal point. I wish success to that Republic in this
negotiation, which will help to compose their interior disorders,
which are alarming.
I know not whether it will be insisted or expected, that we should
join in the Congress, nor do I know what we have to do in it, unless
it be to settle that point as far as it relates to us. There is
nothing in difference between us and Great Britain, which we cannot
adjust ourselves, without any mediation.
A spring passage to America is so great an object, that I should be
very sorry to have the negotiations spun out to such a length as to
oblige me to lose it, and I take it for granted, I shall now receive
the acceptance of my resignation by the first ships.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Paris, May 21st, 1783.
Sir,
I am just now honored with yours of the 19th of January, by the way of
London. We have not yet had the happiness to receive, as we should be
disposed to do with open arms, our excellent old friend Jefferson, and
begin to fear that the news of peace has determined him not to come.
I thank you, Sir, for your polite congratulations; when the tide
turned, it flowed with rapidity, and carried the vessel, as I hope,
into a safe harbor.
As to the loan in Holland, I have never troubled you, nor any one else
in America, with details of the vexations of various kinds, which I
met with in the negotiation of it; indeed, I never thought it prudent
or safe to do it. If I had told the whole truth, it could have done no
good, and it might have done infinite mischief. In general, it is now
sufficient to say, that private interest, party spirit, factions,
cabals, and slanderers, have obstructed, perplexed, and tortured our
loan in Holland, as well as all our other affairs, foreign and
domestic. But as there has been a greater variety of clashing
interests, English, French, Stadtholderian, Republican, and American,
mixing in the affair of our loan in Holland, it has been more puzzled
than anything else. If, in the bitterness of my soul, I had described
the fermentation, and mentioned names, and drawn characters, I might
have transmitted a curious tale, but it would have only served to
inflame old animosities, and excite new ones.
A great many things are said to me, on purpose that they may be
represented to you or to Congress. Some of these I believe to be
false, most of them I suspect, and some of them that are true would do
no good. I think it necessary, therefore, to employ a little
discretion in such cases.
Messrs Willinks & Co. will write you from time to time, as they tell
me they have done, the state of the loan. Mr Grand wants all the
money, but they wait your orders. The loan has been and will be damped
by transmitting the money to France, but your necessities were so
urgent, that you could not avoid it.
In my opinion, if you had a Minister at St James's, and he were
authorised to borrow money generally, in England or elsewhere, it
would serve you greatly, by causing an emulation even in Holland,
besides the money you would procure in London, which would not be a
trifling sum.
I wish I were in Congress, that I might assist you in persuading our
countrymen to pay taxes and build ships.
With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, May 24th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose copies, to be laid before Congress, of
several papers. 1st. Mr Hartley's full powers of May 14th. 2dly. The
order of the King of Great Britain in Council, for regulating the
American trade, of May 14th. 3dly. Articles proposed by the American
Ministers to Mr Hartley, April 29th. 4thly. Mr Hartley's observations
left with us May 21st. And 5thly. Mr Hartley's proposition of the same
day.[4]
This proposition, however, upon inquiry, we find Mr Hartley does not
incline to subscribe to, before he sends it to his Court for their
orders. So that we have not yet given him our opinion of it. He has
sent a courier to London, before whose return we hope to have further
intelligence from Philadelphia.
The present British Ministry discover an indecision and timidity,
which indicate instability. Some persons from England imagine, that my
Lord Shelburne will come in again. The change would produce a longer
delay; but I think would be no disadvantage to America. If he had
continued in power, I think we should have finished, or been ready to
finish, before now with Mr Oswald. Mr Hartley's dispositions, however,
are very good, and if left to his own judgment, would be liberal and
fair.
The idea of reviving the trade, upon the plan of the laws of Great
Britain before the war, although those laws were calculated so much
for the advantage of that country and so little for the advantage of
ours, might be admissible for a few months, until Ministers could be
appointed on both sides to frame a treaty of commerce; provided no
advantage should be ceded by it, in the negotiation of such treaty,
and provided, that such a temporary convention for trade should
neither delay nor influence the definitive treaty. It is much to be
wished, that the definitive treaty of peace, and a permanent treaty of
commerce, could be signed at the same time. This, however, seems now
to be impossible; and, therefore, some temporary regulation of
commerce seems unavoidable. But we are as yet too uncertain of the
sentiments of the Court of St James, to be able to foresee, whether we
shall be able to agree with them. Mr Hartley has been here four weeks,
and nothing has been done, although he was very sanguine before he
left London, that he should send home a convention in less than half
of four days.
Congress will see by Mr Hartley's commission, that they are become the
"good friends" of the King of Great Britain. Mr Hartley on his first
arrival here communicated to us in form, an invitation from the
Ministers, with the knowledge and consent of the King, to all the
American Ministers to go to London, with the assurance, that we should
be there presented at Court, and treated in all respects like the
Ministers of any other sovereign State. He also communicated the
desire of his Court, that the two Powers should interchange Ministers
as soon as possible. I hope that the first ship will bring a Minister
for that Court, or a commission to some one to go there, because I
think it would have been useful to us to have had one there three
months ago, and that it would not be less useful now. The permanent
treaty of commerce, nevertheless, should not he hastily concluded, nor
before Congress shall have had an opportunity to judge of the project,
suggest their amendments, and transmit their orders.
No preliminaries are yet signed with the Dutch, and I am very anxious
for their lot.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[4] These papers will be found in the Correspondence of the
Commissioners for making peace.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, May 30th, 1783.
Sir,
On the 28th of this month, the letter which you did me the honor to
write me on the 13th of February, which arrived at the Hague, I
received, enclosed with the ratification of the treaty with their High
Mightinesses, which will be exchanged by M. Dumas, as the conferences
here for the definitive treaty will not admit of my taking so long a
journey at this time.[5]
This arrival in season to exchange the ratifications before the
departure of M. Van Berckel, which is to be in about three weeks, is
fortunate. I hope that the first ships from America will bring my
letter of recall from that Republic, and another Minister, or credence
to some one now in Europe, to take my place.
I am happy to find that any letters of mine in September last
contained information that you think of consequence, although, not
having my letter book here, I am not able to recollect the subject.
The final completion of the negotiation with Holland gives me a
pleasure, which will not be equalled, but by that of the definitive
treaty of peace, which languishes at present for want of decisive
instructions from Mr Hartley, in such a manner, as gives cause to
suspect that the present Ministry are not firm in their seats.
The presence of a Minister in Holland would encourage your loan of
money there, but it would be quickened still more, by your sending a
Minister to London, with powers to borrow money there. Emulation is
the best spring; or call it rivalry, or jealousy, if you will, it will
get you money if you put it in motion.
I have received two cyphers from you, Sir, one beginning with No. 1,
and ending with No. 1011. The other beginning with Amsterdam, and
ending with Provinces.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] The particulars of the ratification will be seen in M. Dumas's
Correspondence.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 9th, 1783.
Sir,
The enclosed, No. 121 of the _Politique Hollandais_ having translated
a few sentences of mine, and the author intending to insert more, as
he has already inserted a good deal of the same correspondence, I
think it proper to transmit you a short relation of it.
In 1780, at Paris, a number of pamphlets of Mr Galloway's were sent me
from England. I wrote to a friend an answer to them. He sent it to
London to be published. But whether the printers were afraid, or from
what other motive, I know not. I heard nothing of them until the
spring and summer of 1782, when some of them appeared in print, in
Parker's General Advertiser, under the title of "_Letters from a
distinguished American_," &c. but with false dates.
There are in those letters so many of the characteristic features of
the Provisional Treaty, of the 30th of November, 1782, that the
publication of them in England, at the time when they appeared, may be
supposed to have contributed, more or less, to propagate such
sentiments as the more private circulation of them before had
suggested to a few. And as they were written by one of your Ministers
at the conferences for peace, who repeated and extended the same
arguments to the British Ministers in the course of the negotiation,
it is proper that you should be informed of them. Whether I have in
any former letter mentioned this subject, or not, I do not recollect.
If I have, I pray you to excuse the repetition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 16th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday afternoon, the duplicate of your letter of the 14th of
April, No. 16, was brought in to me, with the post-mark "Brest" upon
it. As soon as I had read it, I went out to Passy, in hopes that other
despatches had arrived there, but I found none. While I was there, a
packet of newspapers addressed to us all was brought in, with the
post-mark of Brest on it. I still hope and believe, that other
despatches, by the same conveyance, will appear in a few days, but
whether they are still in the post office, or whether the Duc de
Lauzun intends to bring them in person, is uncertain.
I think, Sir, there is no room to doubt the justice of your opinion,
that the latitude of the Canaries is meant, and, consequently, that
hostilities ceased on the whole coast of the United States on the 3d
of March.