heard, and all these intrigues were carried on at one time. The King
of France’s commissioners, who had had a conference with the English,
reported their proposals, and the King of England’s envoys returned to
their camp. At last it was agreed upon by the ambassadors on both sides,
that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the
performance of the articles; after which the King of England should
return into his own country, upon the receipt of 72,000 crowns, and that
the Lord Howard and Sir John Chene[456], his Master of the Horse, should
be left as hostages till he was arrived in England. Lastly, a pension of
16,000 crowns a year was promised to the privy councillors of the King of
England—viz., to the Lord Hastings, 2000 crowns a year, who would never
give an acquittance for it[457]; to the Chancellor[458], 2000; and the
rest to the Lord Howard, the Master of the Horse, Chalanger, Sir Thomas
Montgomery[459], and several others; besides a great deal of ready money
and plate that was distributed among the rest of the King of England’s
retinue.
The Duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxemburg, having notice of these
proceedings, came in mighty haste[460] to the King of England, attended
only with sixteen horse in his retinue. The King of England was extremely
surprised at his unexpected arrival, and demanded what it was that
brought him thither, for he saw by his countenance that he was angry.
The duke told him he was come to discourse with him. The King of England
asked whether it should be in public or private? Then the duke asked him
if he had made a peace; the king told him, he had made a truce for nine
years, in which the Duke of Bretagne and himself were comprehended, and
he desired they would accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into
a violent passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well,
began to commemorate the glorious achievements of his predecessors on
the throne of England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had
spared no pains, nor declined any danger, that might render them famous,
and gain them immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed
against the truce, and told the king he had not invited the English over
into France out of any necessity he had of their assistance, but only to
put them in a way of recovering their own right and inheritance; and to
convince them he could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved
not to make use of the truce till the king had been three months in
England[461]; and having delivered himself after this manner, he took his
leave of the king, and returned to Luxemburg. The King of England and his
council were extremely displeased with his language, but others who were
adverse to the peace highly extolled it.
CH. IX.—How the King entertained the English in Amiens, and of the Place
appointed for the Interview of the two Kings.—1475.
In order to bring the peace to a conclusion, the King of England
advanced within half a league of Amiens, and the King of France being
upon one of the gates[462], saw his army marching at a great distance.
To speak impartially, his troops seemed but raw and unused to action
in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner
of discipline. Our king sent the King of England 300 cartloads of the
best wines in France as a present; and I think the carts made as great
an appearance as the whole English army. Upon the strength of the truce,
numbers of the English came into the town, where they behaved themselves
very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince’s honour;
for they entered the town all armed, and in great companies, so that if
the King of France could have dispensed with his oath, never was there
so handsome an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them;
but his majesty’s design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle
a firm and lasting peace, that might continue during his reign. The king
had ordered two large tables to be placed on each side of the street, at
the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good
dishes of all sorts of food most proper to relish their wine, of which
there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce; and
abundance of servants to wait on them, but not a drop of water was drunk.
At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions,
persons of rank and condition, to entertain those that had a mind to
take a hearty glass; amongst these were the Lord of Craon, the Lord of
Briquebec[463], the Lord of Bressure[464], the Lord de Villiers, and
several others. Those English who were within sight of the gate, saw
the entertainment, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take
their horses by the bridles, and lead them to the tables, where every
man was treated handsomely as he came, in his turn, to their very great
satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went,
or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or
ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, where they had
whatever they had a mind to call for, without paying for it, according
to the King of France’s orders, who bore all the expense of that
entertainment, which lasted three or four days.
You have already heard how dissatisfied the Duke of Burgundy was with
the truce, but the Constable was much more so; for having deceived all
parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He sent therefore
his confessor to the King of England with letters of credence to this
purpose, to desire him for God’s sake not to depend on the oaths and
promises of the King of France, but for the present to accept of Eu and
St. Valery for his winter quarters, for in two months time he would
manage affairs so as that his troops should be better accommodated;
but he said nothing about security, he only gave him great hopes: and
lest the want of money should have forced the king to consent to this
truce, he offered to lend him 50,000 crowns, and made him several other
fair proposals besides. By this time the King of France had ordered
the two towns of Eu and St. Valery to be burnt, because the Constable
had proposed to deliver them up to the English, and the English were
informed of it. However, the King of England returned this answer to
the Constable, that the truce was already concluded, and could not be
altered; but if he had performed his promise, it had never been made.
Which answer stung the Constable to the very soul, and made him desperate
on all sides.
I have already given you an account of the king’s noble entertainment
of the English at Amiens. One night the Lord of Torcy[465] came to the
king, and told him their numbers in the town were so considerable, that
he apprehended there might be some danger in it but his majesty was
angry with him for it, so everybody else was silent. The next day was
Childermas-day, on which the king neither spoke himself, nor permitted
any one else to apply to him about business, but took it as an ill omen,
and would be very pettish when any such thing was proposed, especially
by those who waited on him, and knew his temper. However, on the morning
I speak of, when the king was dressed, and had gone in to his devotions,
one came to me with news that there were at least 9,000 English in the
town. I resolved to risk his displeasure, and acquaint him with this
fact; whereupon, entering into his closet, I said, “Sir, though it be
Childermas-day, I think myself bound in duty to inform your majesty of
what I have heard.” Then I gave him an account of the number of troops
already in the town, and that more were coming in every moment; that
they were all armed, and that nobody durst shut the gate upon them for
fear of provoking them. The king was not offended, but left his prayers,
and told me, that for once he would put off the devotions of that day.
He commanded me immediately to get on horseback, and endeavour to speak
with some of the English officers of note, to desire them to order their
troops to retire; and if I met any of his captains, to send them to him,
for he would be at the gate as soon as I.
I met three or four English commanders of my acquaintance, and spoke to
them according to the king’s directions; but for one that they commanded
to leave the town, there were twenty came in. After me, the king sent the
Lord of Gié[466] (now Marshal of France), and having found me, we went
together into a tavern, where, though it was not nine o’clock, there had
already been 111 reckonings to pay that morning. The house was filled
with company, some were singing, some were asleep, and all were drunk;
upon seeing which, I concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform
the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, and
ordered 200 or 300 men-at-arms to be armed privately in their captains’
houses, and some of them he posted at the gate by which the English
entered. The king ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter’s
lodgings at the gate, where his majesty dined, and did several English
officers the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. The King of
England had been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it,
and sent to the King of France to desire his majesty to admit no more
of his troops into the town. The King of France sent him word back, he
would not do that, but if he pleased to send a party of his own guards
thither, the gate should be delivered up to them, and they might let in
or shut out whomever they pleased. In short, so they did, and several of
the English, by their king’s express command, were ordered to evacuate
the town.
And then, in order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, they
consulted what place would be most convenient for the interview of the
two kings, and persons were appointed to survey it; the Lord du Bouchage
and I were chosen to represent our master; and the Lord Howard, one
Chalanger, and a herald, represented the King of England. Upon our
taking a view of the river, we agreed the best and securest place was
Picquigny, a strong castle some three leagues from Amiens, belonging
to the Vidame[467] of Amiens, which had been burnt not long before by
the Duke of Burgundy; the town lies low, the River Somme runs through
it, and is not fordable or wide near it. On the one side, by which our
king was to come, was a fine champaign country; and on the other side it
was the same, only when the King of England came to the river, he was
obliged to pass a causeway about two bow-shots in length, with marshes
on both sides, which might have produced very dangerous consequences to
the English, if our intentions had not been honourable. And certainly,
as I have said before, the English do not manage their treaties and
capitulations with so much cunning and policy as the French do, let
people say what they will, but proceed more ingenuously, and with greater
straightforwardness in their affairs; yet a man must be cautious, and
have a care not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling with them.
After we had fixed upon the place, our next consultation was about a
bridge which was ordered to be built, large and strong, for which purpose
we furnished our carpenters with materials. In the midst of the bridge
there was contrived a strong wooden lattice, such as the lions’ cages are
made with, the hole between every bar being no wider than to thrust in
a man’s arm; the top was covered only with boards to keep off the rain,
and the body of it was big enough to contain ten or twelve men of a side,
with the bars running across to both sides of the bridge, to hinder any
person from passing over it either to the one side or the other; and in
the river there was only one little boat rowed by two men, to convey over
such as had a mind to cross it.
I will now relate the reason that induced the king to have the place
of their interview contrived after such a fashion, that there should
be no passage from one side to the other; and perhaps the time may
come, when this may be useful to some persons, who may have the same
occasion. During the minority of Charles VII. the kingdom of France was
much infested by the English. Henry V. lay before Rouen[468], and had
straitened it very much, and the greatest part of those in the town were
either subjects, or partisans of John, Duke of Burgundy, who was then
reigning.
There had been a long and great difference[469] between John, Duke
of Burgundy, and the Duke of Orleans, and the whole kingdom, or most
of it, was engaged in their quarrel, to the prejudice of the king’s
affairs; for faction never begins in any country, but it is difficult
to extinguish, and dangerous in the end. In this quarrel that I speak
of, the Duke of Orleans had been killed in Paris one year before.[470]
Duke John had a powerful army, and advanced to raise the siege of Rouen;
that he might do it with more ease, and assure himself of the king’s
friendship, it was agreed that the king[471] and he should have an
interview at Montereau-Fault-Yonne, where a bridge was erected, with a
barrier in the midst, and in the middle of the barrier a little wicket,
which was bolted on both sides; by which means, and by the consent of
both parties, they might pass to either side. The king came on one side,
and Duke John on the other, both attended with a strong party of their
guards, but especially Duke John; they met, and had a long conference
upon the bridge, and about the duke’s person there were not above three
or four at the most. In the height of their discourse, the duke (either
by the persuasion of others, or out of a desire to pay a more than
ordinary respect to his majesty) unbolted the wicket on his side, and it
being opened by the others, he passed through it to the king, and was
immediately slain[472], himself and all those who attended him; which
was the occasion of abundance of mischief that ensued afterwards, as
everybody knows: but this is not material to my design, so I shall speak
of it no farther, only let me tell you, you have the story just as the
king told it me himself, when he sent me to choose a place, commanding
expressly that there should be no door; for said he, if that had not
been, there had been no means of inviting the duke to the other side, and
then that misfortune had been prevented,—the principal contrivers and
executors of which were some of the murdered Duke of Orleans’ servants,
who were present at that time, and had great authority with King Charles
VII.
CH. X.—Of the Interview between the two Kings, and of their swearing to
the Truce which had been concluded before; and how some fancied the Holy
Ghost descended upon the King of England’s Tent in the Shape of a White
Pigeon.—1475.
The barrier being finished, and the place fitted for the interview, as
you have already heard, on the next day, which was the 29th of August,
1475, the two kings appeared. The King of France came first, attended by
about 800 men-at-arms: on the King of England’s side, his whole army was
drawn up in order of battle; and though we could not discover their whole
force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the
body of troops that were with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison
with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was
given out that twelve men of a side were to be with each of the kings
at the interview, and that they were already chosen from among their
greatest and most trusty courtiers. With us we had four of the King of
England’s party to view what was done among us, and they had as many of
ours, on their side, to have an eye over their actions. As I said before,
our king came first to the barrier, attended by twelve persons; among
whom were John, Duke of Bourbon, and the Cardinal his brother. It was
the king’s royal pleasure (according to an old and common custom that he
had), that I should be dressed like him on that day.
The King of England advanced along the causeway (which I mentioned
before) very nobly attended, with the air and presence of a king:
there were in his train his brother the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of
Northumberland[473], his chamberlain the Lord Hastings, his Chancellor,
and other peers of the realm; among whom there were not above three
or four dressed in cloth of gold like himself. The King of England
wore a black velvet cap upon his head, with a large fleur de lys made
of precious stones upon it: he was a prince of a noble and majestic
presence, but a little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before
when the Earl of Warwick drove him out of his kingdom; then I thought
him much handsomer, and to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never
beheld a more handsome person. When he came within a little distance
of the barrier, he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a
foot of the ground; and the King of France, who was then leaning against
the barrier, received him with abundance of reverence and respect. They
embraced through the holes of the grate, and the King of England making
him another low bow, the King of France saluted him thus:—“Cousin, you
are heartily welcome; there is no person living I was so ambitious
of seeing, and God be thanked that this interview is upon so good an
occasion.” The King of England returned the compliment in very good
French.
Then the Chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and Bishop of
Lisle[474]) began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are
always provided) that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded
between the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the
instrument was produced which contained the articles the King of France
had sent to the King of England. The Chancellor demanded of our king,
whether he had dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to
them? The king replied, Yes: and King Edward’s letters being produced
on our side, he made the same answer. The missal being then brought and
opened, both the kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the
other upon the holy true cross, and both of them swore religiously to
observe the contents of the truce, which was, that it should stand firm
and good for nine years complete; that the allies on both sides should
be comprehended; and that the marriage between their children should be
consummated, as was stipulated by the said treaty. After the two kings
had sworn to observe the treaty, our king (who had always words at
command) told the King of England in a jocular way, he should be glad to
see his majesty at Paris; and that if he would come and divert himself
with the ladies, he would assign him the Cardinal of Bourbon for his
confessor, who he knew would willingly absolve him, if he should commit
any sin by way of love and gallantry. The King of England was extremely
pleased with his raillery, and made his majesty several good repartees,
for he knew the cardinal was a jolly companion.
After some discourse to this purpose, our king, to show his authority,
commanded us who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind to have a
little private discourse with the King of England. We obeyed, and those
who were with the King of England, seeing us retire, did the same,
without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had been alone
together for some time, our master called me to him, and asked the King
of England if he knew me? The King of England replied he did, and named
the places where he had seen me, and told the king that formerly I had
endeavoured to serve him at Calais[475], when I was in the Duke of
Burgundy’s service. The King of France demanded, if the Duke of Burgundy
refused to be comprehended in the treaty (as might be expected from his
obstinate answer), what the King of England would have him do? The King
of England replied, he would offer it him again, and if he refused it
then, he would not concern himself any farther, but leave it entirely
to themselves. By degrees the king came to mention the Duke of Bretagne
(who indeed was the person he aimed at in the question), and made the
same demand about him. The King of England desired he would not attempt
anything against the Duke of Bretagne, for in his necessity he had
never found so true and faithful a friend.[476] The king pressed him no
farther, but recalling his retinue, took his leave of the King of England
in the handsomest and most civil terms imaginable, and saluted all his
attendants in a most particular manner: and both the kings at a time (or
very near it) retired from the barrier, and mounting on horseback, the
King of France returned to Amiens, and the King of England to his army.
The King of England was accommodated by the King of France with whatever
he wanted, even to the very torches and candles. The Duke of Gloucester,
the King of England’s brother, and some other persons of quality, were
not present at this interview, as being averse to the treaty; but they
recollected themselves afterwards, and the Duke of Gloucester waited on
the king our master at Amiens, where he was splendidly entertained, and
nobly presented both with plate and fine horses.[477]
As the king returned from this interview, he spoke to me by the way
upon two points: one was, that the King of England had been so easily
persuaded to come to Paris. His majesty was not at all pleased with it,
and he told me, “He is a very handsome prince, a great admirer of the
ladies, and who knows but some of them may appear to him so charming, as
may give him a desire of making us a second visit. His predecessors have
been too often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his
company so near, though on the other side of the water, I shall gladly
esteem him as my friend and brother.” Besides, the king was displeased
to find him so obstinate in relation to the Duke of Bretagne, on whom
he would fain have made war, and to that purpose made another overture
to him by the Lord du Bouchage and the Lord of St. Pierre. But when the
King of England saw himself pressed, he gave them this short but generous
answer, “That if any prince invaded the Duke of Bretagne’s dominions,
he would cross the seas once more in his defence.” Upon which they
importuned him no farther.
When the king had arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three
or four of the English lords, who had attended upon the King of England
at the interview, came to sup with his majesty; and the Lord Howard being
of the number, he told the king in his ear, that if he desired it, he
would find a way to bring his master to him to Amiens, and to Paris too,
to be merry with him for some time. Though this offer and proposition
were not in the least agreeable to the king, yet his majesty dissembled
the matter pretty well, and fell a washing his hands, without giving a
direct answer; but he whispered me in the ear, that what he suspected
was at last come really to pass. After supper they fell upon the subject
again; but the king put it off with the greatest wisdom imaginable,
pretending that his expedition against the Duke of Burgundy would require
his departure immediately. Though these affairs were of very great
importance, and great prudence was used on both sides to manage them
discreetly; yet there were some pleasant occurrences among them, worthy
to be transmitted to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder (considering
the great mischiefs which the English have brought upon this kingdom, and
the recentness of their date), that the King of France should be at so
much labour and expense to send them home in a friendly manner, that he
might make them his friends for the future, or at least divert them from
making war against him.
The next day, a great number of English came to Amiens, some of whom
reported that the Holy Ghost had made that peace, and prophecies were
produced to confirm it; but their greatest argument to support this
opinion was that, during the time of their interview, a white pigeon came
and sate upon the King of England’s tent, and could not be frightened
away by any noise they could make in the camp. But some gave another
reason, and that was, that a small shower of rain having fallen that
day, and soon after the sun shining out very warmly, the poor pigeon,
finding that tent higher than the rest, came thither only to dry herself.
And this reason was given me by a Gascon gentleman, called Louis de
Breteilles[478], who was in the King of England’s service. He was very
much displeased at this peace; and having been an old acquaintance of
mine, he told me privately, that we did but laugh at the King of England.
Among the rest of our discourse, I asked him how many battles the King of
England had won. He told me nine, and that he had been in every one of
them in person. I demanded next how many he had lost? He replied, never
but one, and that was the one in which we had outwitted him now; for he
was of opinion that the ignominy of his returning so soon, after such
vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace and stain to his arms than
all the honour he had gained in the nine former victories. I acquainted
the king with this smart answer, and the king replied, “He is a shrewd
fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of his tongue.” The next
day he sent for him, and had him to dinner at his own table, and made him
very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his master’s service, and
live in France; but finding he was not to be prevailed on, he presented
him with 1000 crowns, and promised that he would do great things for his
brothers in France. Upon his going away, I whispered him in the ear, and
desired him to employ his good offices to continue and propagate the love
and good understanding which had now begun between the two kings.
The king was in the greatest concern imaginable, for fear he should drop
some word or other, that might make the English suspect he had imposed
upon them, and laughed at them. The next morning after the interview, his
majesty being in his closet, with only three or four of us with him, he
began to droll and jest about the wines and presents which he had sent to
the English camp; but, turning suddenly round, he perceived a merchant
of Gascony, who lived in England, and had come to court to beg leave to
export a certain quantity of Bordeaux wines, without paying the duties;
the obtaining of which privilege would have been very advantageous to
him. The king was much surprised at the sight of him, and wondered how
he came thither. The king asked him of what town in Guienne he was; and
whether he had married in England? The merchant replied, yes, he had a
wife in England, but the estate he had there was but small. Before he
went out, the king appointed a person to go with him to Bordeaux, and
I had also some discourse with him by his majesty’s express command.
The king gave him a considerable employment in the town where he was
born, granted him the exemption of the duties upon his wines, and gave
him 1000 francs to bring over his wife; but he was to send his brother
into England for her, and not go thither to fetch her himself; and this
penalty the king imposed upon himself for having used his tongue too
freely.
CH. XI.—How the Constable endeavoured to excuse himself to the King of
France, upon the Conclusion of the Peace with the English; and how a
Truce was likewise made for Nine Years between the Duke of Burgundy and
the King of France.—1475.
The next day after the interview, the Constable despatched one of his
servants, called Rapine, with letters to the king, who preferred him
afterwards for having been faithful to his master; the king ordered
the Lord du Lude[479] and myself to receive his message. At the same
time the Lord of Contay, whom I have mentioned so often, had returned
from the Duke of Burgundy’s court with his head full of designs against
the Constable; so that the Constable looked upon himself as ruined
and undone, and knew not to which of the saints he should address
his devotions. Rapine’s message was very submissive; he told us that
his master was very sensible that many accusations and charges had
been brought against him to the king, but his majesty would know from
experience, that he had no traitorous intentions. However, to give the
king greater evidence of his loyalty, he made some proposals to his
majesty, that if he pleased to order matters so, he would persuade the
Duke of Burgundy to join his forces with the king’s, and destroy the
King of England and his whole army on their return; and by his manner
of speaking, it seemed to us that his master was in the height of
despair. We told him that peace was already concluded with the English,
and that we were not desirous of beginning a new war. The Lord du Lude
proceeded so far as to ask Rapine if he did not know how his master had
disposed of his ready money? I was amazed that this question (for Rapine
had the character of being a good servant) did not give him a hint of
his master’s impending ruin, discover the designs that were forming
against him, and make the Constable fly, especially when he reflected
on the danger he had escaped only the year before. But I have seen but
very few people in my time, that knew how to fly from danger in time.
Some have not profited by the experience they might have had of their
neighbours’ misfortunes; others never travelled into foreign countries,
which is certainly a great fault in a man of quality, for to have seen
the world gives a man great wisdom and presence of mind; others are too
passionately fond of their wives, their children, or their estates; and
one or other of these reasons has been the ruin of many a brave man.
After we had given his majesty an account of Rapine’s message, he called
for one of his secretaries. There were then in his presence only the Lord
Howard[480], an English courtier, who knew nothing of our intrigue with
the Constable, the Lord of Contay, who was newly returned from the Duke
of Burgundy, and we two who had been in discourse with Rapine. The king
dictated a letter to the Constable, in which his majesty acquainted him
with what had been transacted the day before in relation to the truce.
He told him, that at that instant he had many weighty affairs upon his
hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them; and then turning
to the English nobleman and the Lord of Contay, he told them, “I do not
mean his body—I would have his head with me, and his body where it is.”
After the letter was read, it was delivered to Rapine, who was mightily
pleased with it, and took it as a great compliment in the king to say,
that he wanted such a head as his master’s, for he did not understand
the ambiguity of the phrase. The King of England sent two letters,
which the Constable had written to him[481], to the King of France, and
acquainted his majesty with all the proposals he had ever made him, by
which it may easily be discerned into what a miserable condition he had
brought himself, when every one of these three great princes desired his
destruction.
As soon as the King of England had received his money, and delivered the
Lord Howard and Sir John Cheyne, his master of the horse, as hostages,
as he had promised till he was landed in England, he retreated towards
Calais by long and hasty marches; for he was apprehensive of the Duke of
Burgundy’s anger, and of the hatred of the peasants; and indeed if any of
his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be knocked on the head.
At the beginning of our affairs with the English, you may remember that
the King of England had no great inclination to make this descent;
and as soon as he came to Dover, and before his embarkation there, he
entered into a sort of a treaty with us. But that which prevailed with
him to transport his army to Calais, was, first, the solicitation of the
Duke of Burgundy, and the natural animosity of the English against the
French, which has existed in all ages; and next, to reserve to himself
a great part of the money which had been liberally granted him for that
expedition; for, as you have already heard, the kings of England live
upon their own demesne revenue, and can raise no taxes but under the
pretence of invading France. Besides, the king had another stratagem by
which to content his subjects, for he had brought along with him ten
or twelve of the chief citizens of London, and other towns in England,
all fat and jolly, the leaders of the English commons, of great power
in their country, such as had promoted the war, and had been very
serviceable in raising that powerful army. The king ordered very fine
tents to be made for them, in which they lay; but, that not being the
way of living they had been used to, they soon began to grow weary of
the campaign, for they expected they should come to an engagement within
three days after their landing, and the king multiplied their fears and
exaggerated the dangers of a war, on purpose that they might be better
satisfied with a peace, and aid him to pacify the murmurs of the people
upon his return into England; for since Arthur’s days, never King of
England invaded France with so great a number of the nobility and such
a formidable army. But, as you have heard, he returned immediately into
England upon the conclusion of the peace, and reserved the greatest part
of the money that had been raised to pay the army for his own private
use; so that in reality, he accomplished most of the designs he had in
view.[482] The King of England was not of a complexion or turn of mind
to endure much hardship and labour, and those any King of England who
designs to make any considerable conquest in France, must expect to
suffer. Besides our king was in a tolerable posture of defence, though
in all places he was not so well prepared as he ought to have been, by
reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. Another great design
the King of England had in view, which was the accomplishment of the
marriage between our present King Charles VIII. and his daughter[483],
and this wedding, causing him to wink at several things, was a great
advantage to our master’s affairs.
After all the English, except their hostages, were landed in England,
the King of France retired towards Laon, to a little town called
Vervins, bordering upon the marshes of Hainault; for the Chancellor of
Burgundy and other ambassadors were at Avesnes in Hainault with the
Lord of Contay, with a commission from the Duke of Burgundy to treat of
an accommodation; and the king himself had a great desire to obtain a
general peace. The vast numbers of the English had put him into great
alarm; he had seen enough of their exploits in his time in his kingdom,
and had no mind to see any more of them. The Chancellor, who was one of
the Duke of Burgundy’s plenipotentiaries, as you have heard, sent news to
the king, that if he pleased to send his ambassadors to a bridge half way
between Avesnes and Vervins, he and his colleagues would certainly meet
them there. The king sent them word he would come thither himself; and
though some persons whom he consulted endeavoured to dissuade his majesty
from it, yet he went, and took the English hostages along with him; and
they were present when the king gave audience to the ambassadors, who
had a strong guard of archers and other soldiers; but no business was
despatched then, only the king took them to dinner with him.
One of the English that was there began to repent of the peace, and
told me at the window, that had they seen many such men of the Duke of
Burgundy’s before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded so soon. The
Viscount of Narbonne[484] (now called the Lord of Fouez) overhearing him,
replied, “Could you be so weak as to believe the Duke of Burgundy had
not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them into quarters
of refreshment, but you were in such haste to be at home again, that six
hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent you quickly back
into England.” The Englishman was in a passion, and answered with much
warmth, “I plainly see, as everybody said, that you have done nothing but
cheat us. Do you call the money your king has given us a pension? It is a
tribute, and, by St. George, you may prate so much as will bring us back
again to prove it.” I interrupted their discourse, and turned it into a
jest; but the Englishman would not understand it so, and I informed the
king of it, and his majesty was highly offended with the Viscount of
Narbonne.
The King of France had but a short conference with the Chancellor and
the rest of the plenipotentiaries at that time; for it was agreed they
should wait on his majesty at Vervins, and so they did. When they were
at Vervins, the king appointed Tanneguy du Chastel, and Pierre Doriole,
Chancellor of France, to negotiate with them, and committed the whole
management of the affair to them. Great representations were made, and
both sides were very zealous for the advantage of their masters. The
king’s ambassadors made their report and acquainted his majesty that the
Duke of Burgundy’s commissioners had been haughty in their language, but
they had given them as good as they brought, and then repeated their
answers. The king was not pleased with them, and told them there had been
too many of those smart answers already; and that as the debate was only
about a truce, not a final peace, he would have no more such expressions
used, and therefore he would treat with them himself. Whereupon his
majesty requested the Chancellor and the rest of the Duke of Burgundy’s
plenipotentiaries to attend him in his chamber, where none of his court
being present but the Lord Admiral, the late Bastard of Bourbon, the Lord
du Bouchage, and myself, he concluded a truce with them for nine years to
come[485], whereby all things were to be restored that had been taken:
but the ambassadors desired the king that it might not yet be proclaimed
by sound of trumpet, as the usual manner was, in order to save the duke’s
oath to the King of England (when he swore in his passion he would not
accept of the benefit of the truce till the king had been in England
three months), lest he should think their master had spoken otherwise
than he designed.
The King of England being highly disgusted at the Duke of Burgundy’s
rejection of his truce, and present endeavour to make a separate peace
with the king, despatched a great favourite of his, called Sir Thomas
Montgomery, to the king at Vervins, and he happened to arrive there
at the very time the king was negotiating with the Duke of Burgundy’s
envoys. Sir Thomas desired, on behalf of the King of England, his master,
that the King of France would not consent to any other truce with the
duke than what was already made. He also pressed his majesty not to
deliver St. Quentin into the duke’s hands; and, as farther encouragement,
he offered to pass the seas next spring with a powerful army to assist
him, provided his majesty would continue the war against the Duke of
Burgundy, and compensate him for the prejudice he should sustain in his
duties upon wool at Calais, which would be worth little or nothing in war
time (though at other times they were valued at 50,000 crowns a year). He
proposed, likewise, that the King of France should pay one half of his
army, and he would pay the other himself. The King of France returned the
King of England abundance of thanks, and made Sir Thomas a present of
plate; but as to the continuation of the war, he begged to be excused,
for the truce was already concluded, and upon the same terms as that
which had been agreed to between them; only the Duke of Burgundy pressed
mightily to have a separate truce by himself[486]; which he excused as
well as he could, to please and satisfy the English ambassador, who
with this answer returned into England, and the hostages with him. The
king was extremely surprised at the King of England’s offers, which
were delivered only before me: he conceived it would be very dangerous
to bring the King of England into France again, for between those two
nations (when together) any trifling accident might raise some new
quarrel, and they might easily make friends again with the Duke of
Burgundy,—which consideration greatly forwarded the conclusion of the
treaty with the Burgundians.
_A Treaty or Truce of Commerce made for Nine Years between
Louis XI. and Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, at Vervins,
September 13. 1475._
1. That there shall be a good and firm truce concluded; and
all hostilities cease, both by sea and land and on fresh
waters, between the king and the duke, their heirs, successors,
territories, and subjects, from the 13th day of September, for
nine years—_viz._, to 1484, without any manner of contravention
on either side, under the pretence of letters of mark,
countermark, reprisals, debts, or otherwise whatsoever; and
supposing anything done contrary hereunto, restitution shall
be made without delay, that is, within eight days after the
imparting of the fact by one party to the other; and if that be
not done, the party aggrieved shall by force of arms recover
such places as have been voluntarily given, or taken from him,
and the other shall make no resistance; and yet the truce shall
not be violated thereby; and the party that shall not make the
said restitution, shall bear all the other’s charge.
2. All the subjects and servants on either side, of what
quality, condition, or nation soever they be, shall follow
their occupations peaceably, and quietly, and without any
molestation whatsoever, as in time of peace.
3. No manner of hostilities shall be committed during the
truce, but all persons whatsoever, without distinction, shall
go, sojourn, converse, or trade in the dominions of each other
without any safe-conduct, and without any molestation or injury
whatsoever; only armed soldiers shall not enter into each
other’s territories in a greater number than fourscore or a
hundred horse.
4. All persons of all ranks and vocations, during the truce,
shall return to the enjoyment and possession of their
benefices, places, lands, signiories, and other estates, in the
condition wherein they shall find them; and shall be admitted
without any molestation or delay, without being obliged to
do homage anew, but either in person or by their substitutes
making oath before the proper officer that they will do nothing
in prejudice to the party to whom they belong; and upon the
expiration of the truce they shall be left in full obedience to
the party whose they are at present: nevertheless, the king is
content to give up Rambures entirely to the lord of it, without
putting any guard into it, upon condition he swears and signs
before the person who shall make that restitution, that during
the truce, and after the expiration of it, he shall do nothing
that is prejudicial to the king and his dominions, nor to the
Duke of Burgundy and his territories, nor put any garrison into
the place, that shall endamage either party.
5. As to the fortresses of Beaulieu and Vervins, the duke
consents, that upon the actual restitution of the town and
bailiwick of St. Quentin, and the places concerning which
treaties have been made between the king and himself, they
shall be demolished, and the revenue and lordships remain in
the possession of the lords of them.
6. The lands and signiories of La Fere, and Chastellez,
Vandeul, and St. Lambert, depending on the Count of Marle,
shall remain under the king’s obedience; but the signiory and
revenue thereof are to be the count’s.
7. The castles, towns, territories, and chastellanies of Marle,
Jassy, Montcornet, St. Goubain, and Assy, shall be under the
duke’s obedience; but the revenue shall belong to the said
count.
8. As to this truce, so far as it concerns persons returning
to their possessions on either side, the Bastard of Burgundy,
the Sieur de Renty, Jean de Chassa, and Philip de Commines, are
wholly excepted.
9. All infractions made on either side of this truce, shall
be severely punished according to the demerits of them, and
reparation shall be made, within six days after they come to be
known, by the conservators of the truce on either side.
10. The conservators are on the king’s part: for the county
of Eu, St. Valery, and the adjacent places, the Marshal
de Gamaches; for Amiens, Beauvoisis, and the neighbouring
marches, Monsieur de Torcy; for Compiègne, Noyon, and those
marches, the Bailiff of Vermandois; for the county of Guyse,
La Tierache, and Rathelois, the Sieur de Villiers; for the
chastellany of La Fere and Laon, the Provost of the city
of Laon; for all Champagne, the governor thereof; for the
countries of the king about the marches of Burgundy, Monsieur
de Beaujeu; for the bailiwick of Lyonnois, the Bailiff of Lyon;
for all the sea-coast of France, the lord admiral.
11. On the part of the Duke of Burgundy: for the country
of Ponthieu and Vimeux, Monsieur Philip de Crevecœur, Lord
des Cordes; for Corbie and the provostship of Feüilloy
and Beauquesne, the Lord of Contay; for Peronne, and the
provostship of Peronne, the Lord of Clary, and in his absence
the Lord de la Hargerie, and likewise for the provostships and
towns of Montdidier, Roye, and the adjacent countries; for
Artois, Cambresis, and Beaurevoir, John de Longueval, Lord of
Vaux; for the country of Marle, the Lord of Humbercourt; for
the country of Hainault, the Lord of Aimeries, Grand Bailiff
of Hainault; for the country of Liege and Namur, the Lord of
Humbercourt; for the country of Luxembourg, the governor of
the said country of Luxembourg, the Marquis of Rothelin; for
the country of Burgundy, duchy and county, &c., subject to the
duke, the Marshal of Burgundy; for the country of Mâconnois and
adjacent places, Monsieur de Clessy, Governor of Mâconnois; for
the country of Auxerre and places adjacent, Monsieur Tristan de
Toulonjon, Governor of Auxerre; for the town and chastellany of
Bar-sur-Seine, the Sieur d’Eschauez; for the sea of Flanders,
Monsieur de Lalain, admiral; for the sea of Holland, Zealand,
Artois, and Boulonnois, the Count of Boukam, admiral of those
parts.
12. If any of the conservators of the truce on either side
shall contravene the same, the king and the duke shall appoint
others well instructed in the premises, in the room of them.
13. The conservators, or their deputies in their lawful
absence, shall meet once a week alternately, on the borders
of the territories of each prince, to hear complaints and to
redress them; and if great difficulty should arise, they are to
refer the same to the superior councils, who shall determine
them.
14. The decisions of the conservators are to be obeyed, without
any appeals whatsoever.
15. The allies on both sides are comprehended in this truce, if
they have a mind to it, and if they intimate the same in due
time; but if any of the king’s allies shall, for themselves, or
in favour of him, make war on the said Duke of Burgundy, he is
free to oppose them with his arms, and the king is to give them
no manner of assistance, without making an infraction of the
truce: and the king is in the same position in respect to the
allies of the Duke of Burgundy.
16. The king shall declare himself in favour of the Duke of
Burgundy against the Emperor of the Romans, the citizens of
Cologne, and all that shall assist them; and he promises to
give them no manner of aid against the duke and his territories.
17. Seeing this treaty has been on foot since the month of May,
1474, all the places the king has taken since that time from
the duke shall be restored.
18. Narcy and Gerondenelles shall be demolished, if that be not
already done, and the lands remain in the possession of the
rightful owners.
19. The king, in consideration of this truce, and in order to
a perpetual peace, will deliver up the town and bailiwick of
St. Quentin to the duke or his commissaries, only the king
is to take away the artillery he brought thither, but not to
meddle with the artillery of the town, nor any other that was
in it before the Duke of Burgundy lost the possession of it;
and the duke may appoint persons to make an inspection hereof;
but is obliged to maintain the inhabitants in their rights and
privileges, and to treat them as good subjects.
20. As to all other things and places, not expressly mentioned,
they are to remain in their present state during the truce.
21. Lastly, if the king does not deliver up St. Quentin as
aforesaid, the duke is not obliged to the observance of the
nine years’ truce any longer than to the 1st of May, 1476.
CH. XII.—How the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy swore the Death
of the Constable, who, retiring into the Duke’s Country, was, by his
Command, delivered to the King, and publicly executed.—1475.
Immediately upon the conclusion of the truce, they proceeded in their
designs against the constable; and, to shorten the process, they began
where they left off at Bouvines, and the agreement in writing was
renewed on both sides. For the duke’s concurrence in this affair, it was
stipulated that he should enjoy St. Quentin, Ham, Bohain, and whatever
else the constable held under the said duke, besides all the constable’s
moveable goods, wherever they could be found.[487] In the next place,
they arranged how he was to be besieged in Ham, where at that time
he was; and it was resolved, that whoever of the two should have the
fortune to take him first, should see justice executed upon him within
eight days, or surrender him to the other. Everybody began immediately
to have some suspicion of this confederacy, and the constable’s chief
servants began to forsake him, as for instance, Monsieur de Genly, and
several others of his principal companions. The constable having received
information that the King of England had delivered his letters, and
discovered all his secret practices, and knowing they were his enemies
who had promoted the truce, grew extremely fearful about his condition,
and sent a message to the Duke of Burgundy that, if he would please
to give him a safe-conduct, he would wait on his highness, and impart
several things to him of great importance concerning his own affairs. The
duke hesitated at first, but at last he sent him one.
In the meantime, this great man was irresolute and wavering in his
mind, and could not tell whither he should fly for security: for he had
received information from all hands of his intended ruin, and had seen
copies of the agreement signed against him at Bouvines. Sometimes he
consulted his Lorraine servants, and then he resolved to go with them
into Germany, and (there being no danger of travelling that way) to
carry such a sum of money with him as would purchase some place upon
the Rhine, where he might live securely till he could make his peace
either with the king or the Duke of Burgundy. Another time, he was for
staying in the fine Castle of Ham, which he had been at vast expense in
fortifying, on purpose to defend himself in such a case of necessity;
and indeed it was as well provided with ammunition and provision as any
castle that I ever knew; but he had no soldiers that he could depend on,
for all his garrison were subjects either of the king or of the Duke
of Burgundy; and perhaps his fear was so great, he durst not discover
his condition to them; for I verily believe if he had, he would have
been deserted only by a very few; nor would it have been so dangerous
for him to have been besieged by both princes at once as by one, for it
would have been impossible for their two armies to have agreed. At last
he resolved to put himself into the Duke of Burgundy’s hands, upon the
strength of his safe-conduct; and accordingly, attended only by fifteen
or twenty horse, he went[488] directly to Mons, in Hainault, of which the
Lord of Aimeries, who was his particular friend, was governor. He stayed
with him till he could hear further from the Duke of Burgundy, who had
begun a war against the Duke of Lorraine, for sending him a defiance as
he lay in his trenches before Nuz, and for the ravages and devastations
he had committed in the province of Luxembourg.
The king having received information of the constable’s departure,
resolved to attempt some action that might prevent his reconciliation
with the Duke of Burgundy; wherefore he marched with all expedition
towards St. Quentin[489], with a detachment of 700 or 800 men-at-arms,
whom he had assembled on a sudden, being privately advised of what number
of troops the garrison consisted. Upon the king’s approach, some of
the citizens came out to meet his majesty, and submitted themselves to
him. The king commanded me to enter the town, and order the garrison to
evacuate their quarters, which I did; and our men-at-arms having entered,
the king himself followed, and was well received by the inhabitants; upon
which some of the constable’s party fled after him into Hainault. As soon
as the king was in possession of St. Quentin, he immediately despatched
a courier with the news of it to the Duke of Burgundy, to let him
understand that all hope of recovering it by the constable’s interest was
now entirely lost. Upon receiving this news, the Duke of Burgundy sent
his commands to the Lord of Aimeries (his grand bailiff in Hainault) to
keep such guards in Mons that the constable might not escape, and in the
meantime to confine him to his house. The bailiff durst not disobey the
duke’s orders, yet his guards were not so strict but the constable might
have escaped if he had pleased.
What account can we give of Fortune in this place? This person was seated
between the territories of these rival princes; he was possessed of
several strong castles, had 400 men-at-arms well paid, and all his own
creatures, under his control, and had had the command of them a dozen
years: he was a person of great wisdom and valour, was very rich, and
had great experience; and yet none of all these powerful advantages
could, in the time of danger and distress, either afford him relief, or
inspire him with courage enough to attempt his escape. One may say (and
not without reason) that deceitful Fortune had assumed another air, and
begun to regard him with a frowning aspect: but alas! Fortune is nothing
but a poetical fiction; such surprising mysteries as these are far above
her power to effect; and, when I reflect upon what, has already been
said, and what may farther be urged, I cannot help thinking but that God
had forsaken him; and if it were no offence in any man to judge (which
it would be, and especially for me), I should maintain that the most
probable cause of all his misfortunes, was his restless endeavours and
designs to foment and continue the war between the king and the Duke of
Burgundy, upon which alone his authority and power depended; nor indeed
was this very difficult to accomplish, upon account of their humours and
dispositions, which were naturally in themselves so vastly different.
That person would indeed be guilty of the greatest ignorance, who should
believe Fortune or Chance had such an influence over human affairs as to
force a man of his experience in the world, to incur the simultaneous
displeasure of two such mighty princes, who in their lives never agreed
in any one point but his ruin and destruction; and it would be more
astonishing still, that she should have created an enmity between him
and the King of England, who had married his niece[490], and had a great
value and respect for all his wife’s relations, and particularly for
those of the house of St. Paul. To speak impartially (neither can it be
otherwise), God had withdrawn His grace from him, or else he would never
have incensed these three powerful princes, and have managed his affairs
so ill as not to have one friend left that would give him a night’s
entertainment in his distress; so that God Himself was the Fortune that
did this: and as it has happened formerly, so it will happen to many
hereafter, who, after a long continuance of ease and prosperity, must
expect to fall into great misfortunes and adversity.
As soon as the king was informed of the constable’s being arrested in
Hainault by the Duke of Burgundy’s order, he sent to require the duke
either to deliver him up to him, or perform their agreement. The duke
promised he would, and accordingly he caused the constable to be removed
to Peronne, and placed a strong guard upon him. The Duke of Burgundy had
made himself master of several places in Lorraine and Barrois, and had
formally invested Nancy[491], which made a vigorous defence. The king
had a considerable army in Champagne, of which the duke was extremely
afraid; for by the truce he had no liberty to invade the Duke of
Lorraine’s territories, who had put himself under the king’s protection.
The Lord du Bouchage and the other ambassadors strongly pressed the Duke
of Burgundy to perform his agreement. The duke told them always he would,
and yet the eight days (by which time the constable was to be either
executed or delivered to the king) were expired a month since. At last,
finding himself hard pressed, and fearing the king might put a stop to
his conquests in Lorraine, which he extremely desired to complete, in
order to open a passage through Luxembourg into Burgundy, and join all
his territories together (for if this little duchy were once subdued,
he might go from Holland almost as far as Lyons, without leaving his
own dominions); for these reasons he wrote to his chancellor and to the
Lord of Humbercourt (both of them the constable’s inveterate enemies)
immediately to repair to Peronne, and on a certain day to deliver the
constable[492] to such ambassadors as the king should send to receive him
(for in the duke’s absence, they two had the administration of all his
affairs); and he sent the Lord of Aimeries orders to deliver him to them.
In the meantime the Duke of Burgundy vigorously pushed the siege of
Nancy, in which town there was a strong garrison that made a brave
defence. One of the Duke of Burgundy’s captains, called the Count of
Campobasso (born in Naples, but banished that kingdom upon account of
his having espoused the interest of the house of Anjou), had lately
entered into a correspondence[493] with the Duke of Lorraine (a near
relation and next heir to the house of Anjou, after the death of King
René[494], his maternal grandfather), and promised to prolong the siege
by not providing the army with ammunition, and other things that were
necessary for the taking of the town by force. It was indeed in his
power, for he was then a person of the greatest influence in the army,
and therefore his villany and perfidiousness to his master were the
greater, as you shall hear hereafter; and this was a kind of earnest
of all the misfortunes that happened afterwards to the duke. I really
believe the duke expected he would have been master of the town before
the day came on which he would be obliged to deliver up the constable,
and then he would not have done it. Besides, if the king had had him
sooner, his majesty would have attempted something more in favour of the
Duke of Lorraine than he did; for the king was informed of his intrigue
with Campobasso. But the king would not engage in the quarrel between
them, though he was not bound by treaty to stand still, and let the Duke
of Burgundy overrun Lorraine. Besides, he had a considerable army upon
the frontiers, but, for several reasons of state, he thought it better to
stand neutral.
The Duke of Burgundy not being able to take Nancy[495] before the day
on which the constable was to be delivered up, and that day being come,
those who were commissioned to deliver him (being the constable’s mortal
enemies), delivered him willingly at the gates of Peronne into the
hands of the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, and the Lord of St.
Pierre, who conducted him to Paris. I have been since informed by several
persons, that within three hours messengers came post from the duke with
orders to the Lord of Aimeries not to deliver up the constable till after
the taking of Nancy; but they arrived too late. Immediately upon his
arrival at Paris his trial began[496], and the duke sent all his papers
and whatever he thought might be brought in evidence against him. The
king pressed the court to despatch, and persons were appointed to manage
his trial: so that upon the proofs that the King of England had before
given in against him, and those that the Duke of Burgundy now furnished,
the constable was found guilty, condemned, executed, and all his estates
confiscated.
CH. XIII.—A Digression concerning the Duke of Burgundy’s Error in
delivering up the Constable to the King, contrary to the Safe-conduct
which he had given him; and what happened to him afterwards.—1475.
The whole management of this affair was very strange. I do not speak it
either to excuse the constable’s faults, or to upbraid the duke or the
king, for both of them had been sufficiently injured by him: but there
was no necessity for the Duke of Burgundy, who was so potent a prince
and of such an illustrious and honourable family, to have given him his
protection in order to imprison him; and without dispute, it was the
highest act of injustice and severity imaginable to deliver him up to
a person who, he was sure, would put him to death, especially upon the
account of avarice. After this dishonourable action the duke’s good
fortune was strangely altered; so that by reflecting upon what God has
done in our time, and does still every day, it is evident He will not let
injustice go long unpunished, and that all these strange dispensations
proceed solely from Him; for these sudden chastisements are beyond the
power of nature, especially when they are inflicted on such as commit
violence or cruelty, who are commonly great persons, as kings, princes,
or potentates. The house of Burgundy had been in a very prosperous and
flourishing condition for a long time, and for a hundred years, or
thereabouts, four of that family had reigned in as great splendour and
reputation as any house in Christendom. Others, perhaps, were more
potent, but they were involved in wars and afflictions, whilst this
family enjoyed an uninterrupted career of peace and plenty.
The first great person of this family was Philip the Bold[497], brother
to Charles V., King of France[498], who married the daughter and heiress
of the Earl of Flanders, countess of that country, Artois, Burgundy,
Nevers, and Rethel. The second was John. The third was Philip the Good,
who annexed to his hereditary territories the duchies of Brabant,
Luxembourg, Limbourg, Holland, Zealand, Hainault, and Namur. The last
was Charles, who after his father’s death was reputed to be one of
the richest and most powerful princes in Christendom, and possessed,
in jewels, plate, household stuff, and books, more than any other
three houses of Europe could boast of. Of ready money I have seen more
elsewhere (for Duke Philip the Good had levied no taxes for a long time),
and yet he left his son above 300,000 crowns in ready cash, and at peace
with all his neighbours; but that was of no long continuance. Yet I will
not lay the beginning of the wars solely to his charge, for there were
other persons as deeply concerned in that affair as himself.
Immediately upon the death of his father, his subjects, upon very little
importunity, willingly granted him a supply for ten years, each country
by itself; which could not amount to less than 350,000 crowns per annum,
besides the revenue of Burgundy; and at the time of the constable’s being
delivered up to the king, he had raised an additional 300,000 crowns,
and had by him in his coffers 300,000 more. All the goods he could
obtain of the constable’s were not worth 80,000 crowns (for in money he
had but 76,000), and yet for so poor and inconsiderable an advantage,
he committed so base and dishonourable an act. But he paid dearly for
it; for God stirred up a new enemy[499] against him, who was impotent
and inconsiderable both in power, years, and experience; and made him
jealous of his subjects, and suspicious of his best servants, and place
his greatest confidence in another[500], who constantly betrayed him. And
are not these the same steps and methods in which God Almighty proceeded
in the Old Testament with those whose fortunes he intended to change from
better to worse, from prosperity to adversity? Yet the duke’s heart never
relented: but to the end he imputed all his success to his own wisdom and
sagacity, and before his death was more potent and in greater renown than
any of his predecessors.
Yet before the surrendering of the constable, he was grown very diffident
and distrustful of his best subjects, and seemed to hate and despise
them; for he had sent for 1000 Italian lances, and had numbers of them in
his army before Nuz. The Count of Campobasso had 400 Italian men-at-arms
under his command, but no revenue of his own; for, as I said before,
being a partisan of the house of Anjou, upon account of the wars which
they had raised in the kingdom of Naples, he was banished, and having
lost all his estate, he had served ever since either in Provence or
Lorraine under René, King of Sicily, or Nicholas the son of John, Duke
of Calabria; after whose death the Duke of Burgundy entertained most of
his servants, and particularly all the Italians, and among the rest this
count, and one James Galeot, a gentleman of great courage, honour, and
loyalty.
When this Count of Campobasso went into Italy to raise his men, he
received from the duke 40,000 crowns by way of advance. Passing by Lyons,
he accidentally fell into the acquaintance of a certain physician called
Simon of Pavia, by whom he signified to the king that, if his majesty
would comply with his demands, at his return he would betray the Duke of
Burgundy into his hands; and he made the same proposals to the Lord of
St. Priest[501], the king’s ambassador at that time in Piedmont. When he
came back, and was quartered with his forces in the county of Marle,
he offered the king, upon his arrival at the duke’s camp, either to
kill him, or make him prisoner, which he designed to execute thus:—The
duke was accustomed to ride about the camp upon a little ambling nag,
attended but by few of his guards, which, as he said truly, would be a
fair opportunity of effecting his purpose. If this was disapproved of,
he had another offer to make, which was, that when the king and the Duke
of Burgundy should be drawn up in order of battle, and ready to engage,
he would come over to the king’s side with his whole battalion, upon
certain conditions which he stated. But the king utterly abhorred his
treachery[502], and sent the Lord of Contay very generously to acquaint
the duke of his intentions to betray him; but the duke was so far from
believing it, that he looked upon it as an artifice of the king’s, and
showed the count greater favour than before. From whence it is evident,
that God Almighty had infatuated his understanding, in not suffering him
to believe the clear proof given by the king. But though Campobasso was
treacherous and disloyal, James Galeot was quite of another stamp; and
having acquired great reputation in the world, died at last with as much
honour as he had lived.