BOOK THE FIFTH.

CH. I.—How the Duke of Burgundy, making War upon the Swiss, was defeated

by them at the Foot of the Mountains, near Granson.—1476.

After the Duke of Burgundy had conquered all Lorraine, and received of

the king St. Quentin, Ham, and Bohain, with all the constable’s goods

which could be found, he agreed to meet the king at Auxerre. The king and

he were to have an interview upon a river, with a bridge built over it

after the same manner as that at Picquigny for King Louis and the King

of England; and several messengers passed and repassed continually about

this affair. And the Duke of Burgundy resolved to put the greatest part

of his army, that had been much fatigued and harassed in the siege of

Nuz and their expedition into Lorraine, into quarters of refreshment,

and to canton the rest in such towns as belonged to the Count of Romont

and others near to Berne and Friburg; upon which towns he had resolved

to make war for their insolent behaviour during the siege of Nuz,

for their having assisted the enemy in taking from him the county of

Ferrette, and for their usurpation of some part of the Count of Romont’s

territories. The king was extremely desirous of this interview, and

earnestly entreated the duke to let his army lie still in their quarters

of refreshment, and not to attempt anything against the poor Swiss. Upon

the approach of this army, the Swiss sent ambassadors to the duke, and

offered to restore whatever they had taken from the Count of Romont. On

the other hand, the Count of Romont pressed him to come in person to his

assistance; and, contrary to sober counsel and what all declared would

be the best, considering the season and the shattered state of his

army, the duke resolved to march against them himself; it being agreed

between the king and him, under both their hands, that as to the affair

of Lorraine, there should be no dispute between them.

With this shattered and fatigued army the duke marched out of Lorraine

into Burgundy, where the ambassadors of the old German leagues, called

Swiss, came to him, and offered, besides the restitution before

mentioned, to abandon all alliances that were contrary to his interest

(and particularly that with the King of France), to enter into alliance

with him, and (for a small sum of money) to serve him against the king

with 6000 men, whenever he should require their assistance. But the duke

would hearken to no overtures, for his ruin was decreed. The new allies

(as they term them in those parts), namely, Basle, Strasburg, and other

imperial towns situated near the head of the Rhine, had heretofore joined

with Sigismund, Duke of Austria, at the time when he was at war with the

Swiss; but now a confederacy was made between them and the Swiss for ten

years, at the solicitation and expense of the King of France, at the time

that the county of Ferrette was taken from the Duke of Burgundy, and his

Governor Pierre d’Archambault (who was the cause of all his misfortunes

afterwards) put to death at Basle. A prince ought narrowly to observe and

watch the conduct of those persons he appoints as governors over his new

conquests; for, instead of easing his subjects, administering justice,

and treating them with more gentleness than before, this Archambault

proceeded quite otherwise and oppressed them with all manner of violence

and extortion, and was the occasion of great mischief both to himself,

his prince, and abundance of brave men besides. This alliance (which,

as I said before, was to be ascribed wholly to the king’s management)

proved afterwards very advantageous to his majesty’s interest, and more

so than most people were able to foresee, for I esteem it as one of the

wisest and most important actions of his reign, and the most prejudicial

to his enemies; for if the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were once in a low

condition, there would be none left to cope with the king, or oppose him

in any of his designs—I mean of his subjects, and in his own kingdom, for

all the rest sailed under his wind. For this reason, it was of great

importance to combine Duke Sigismund and these new confederates in an

alliance with the Swiss, between whom there had been great enmity for a

long time; but it put his majesty to the expense of several embassies and

a vast sum of money.

All hopes of an accommodation being entirely vanished, the Swiss

ambassadors returned to acquaint their masters with the Duke of

Burgundy’s absolute refusal of their propositions, and to make

preparations for their defence. The duke marched with his army into

the Pays de Vaud (in Savoy), which the Swiss had taken from the Count

of Romont, and he took three or four towns belonging to Monsieur de

Chasteau-Guyon, which the Swiss had seized upon but defended very ill.

From thence he advanced to besiege a place called Granson[503] (which

also belonged to Monsieur de Chasteau-Guyon), into which they had thrown

700 or 800 of their best troops; and because it was near them, they had

resolved to defend it to the last extremity. The duke’s army was mightily

increased, for he daily received considerable reinforcements out of

Lombardy and Savoy; and he entertained strangers rather than his own

subjects, of whom he might have formed a sufficient army that would have

been more faithful and valiant: but the death of the constable had filled

him with strange jealousies of them, and various other imaginations.

He had a fine train of artillery, and he lived in great pomp and

magnificence in the camp, to show his grandeur and riches to the Italian

and German ambassadors who were sent to him; and he had all his valuable

jewels, plate, and rich furniture with him: besides, he had great designs

upon the duchy of Milan, where he expected to find a considerable party.

It was not many days after the duke’s investing Granson, before the

garrison being terrified with his continual battering it with cannon,

surrendered at discretion, and were all put to the sword.[504] The

Swiss were assembled, but they were not very numerous[505], as several

of them have told me (for that country produced not so many soldiers as

was imagined, and still fewer than at present, because of late many of

them have left their husbandry, and followed the wars), and of their

confederate troops there were not many, because they were obliged to

hasten at short notice to the relief of their friends in Granson; and

when their army was ready to march, they received advice that the

garrison had all been put to the sword.

The Duke of Burgundy, contrary to the opinion of his officers, resolved

to advance and meet the enemy at the foot of the mountains, to his great

disadvantage; for he was already posted in a place much more proper for

an engagement, being fortified on one side with his artillery, and on the

other by a lake, so that in all appearance there was no fear of his being

injured by the enemy. He had detached a hundred of his archers to secure

a certain pass at the entrance of the mountains[506], and was advancing

forward himself, when the Swiss attacked him, while the greatest part of

his army was still in the plain. The foremost troops designed to fall

back; but the infantry that were behind, supposing they were running

away, retreated towards their camp, and some of them behaved themselves

handsomely enough; but, in the end, when they arrived in their camp, they

wanted courage to make a stand and defend themselves, and they all fled,

and the Swiss possessed themselves of their camp, in which were all their

artillery, a vast number of tents and pavilions, besides a great deal of

valuable plunder, for they saved nothing but their lives.[507] The duke

lost all his finest rings, but of men, not above seven men-at-arms; the

rest fled, and the duke with them. It may more properly be said of him,

“That he lost his honour and his wealth in one day,” than it was of King

John of France, who, after a brave defence, was taken prisoner at the

battle of Poictiers.

This was the first misfortune that ever happened to the Duke of Burgundy

in his whole life: for by the rest of his enterprises he always acquired

either honour or advantage. But what a mighty loss did he sustain that

day by his perverseness and scorn of good advice! How greatly did his

family suffer! in what a miserable condition it is at present! and

how like to continue so! How many great princes and states became his

enemies, and openly declared against him, who but the day before the

battle were his friends, or at least pretended to be so! And what was the

cause of this war? A miserable cart-load of sheep-skins that the Count of

Romont had taken from a Swiss, in his passage through his estates. If God

Almighty had not forsaken the Duke of Burgundy, it is scarce conceivable

he would have exposed himself to such great dangers upon so small and

trivial an occasion; especially considering the offers the Swiss had made

him, and that his conquest of such enemies would yield him neither profit

nor honour; for at that time the Swiss were not in such esteem as now,

and no people in the world could be poorer. A gentleman, who had been

one of their first ambassadors to the Duke of Burgundy, told me, that

one of his chief arguments to dissuade the duke from invading them was,

that there was nothing for him to gain from them; for their country was

barren and poor, and he believed that, if all his countrymen were taken

prisoners, all the money they could raise for their ransom would not buy

spurs and bridles for his army.

But to return to the battle; the king had many spies and scouts abroad

about the country (most of them despatched by my orders), and it was

not long before he received an account of this defeat, at which he was

extremely pleased, and if he was grieved at anything, it was because so

few of the enemy had been slain. The king, for his better intelligence,

and to countermine the duke’s designs, had removed to Lyons; and being

a prince of great wisdom and penetration, he was afraid lest the duke

should, by force of arms, annex Switzerland to his own dominions. The

house of Savoy was at the Duke of Burgundy’s absolute disposal. The Duke

of Milan was his ally.[508] King René of Sicily intended to deliver

Provence into his hands; so that if his affairs had been crowned with

success, he would have been lord of all the countries from the western to

the eastern sea, and the people of France could not have stirred out of

the kingdom by land without the duke’s permission, if he had possessed

Savoy, Provence, and Lorraine. To every one of these princes the king

now sent ambassadors. The Duchess of Savoy was his sister[509], but in

the duke’s interest; the King of Sicily was his uncle[510], yet he was

exceedingly cautious of receiving his ambassadors, and when he did, he

referred all to the Duke of Burgundy. The king also sent to the German

confederates, but with some difficulty; for the roads being blocked up,

he was forced to employ mendicants, pilgrims, and such kind of people.

The confederate towns replied somewhat haughtily, “Tell your king (said

they), if he does not declare for us, we will patch up a peace with

the duke, and declare against him!” and the king was afraid they would

have done so.[511] However, as yet he had no inclination to declare

war against the duke, and was very fearful he might hear of his secret

negotiations with these countries.

CH. II.—How, after the Defeat near Granson, the Duke of Milan, René, King

of Sicily, the Duchess of Savoy, and others, abandoned their Alliance

with the Duke of Burgundy.—1476.

But let us now take a view of the sudden alteration of affairs after this

battle, how negotiations were set on foot, and with what prudence and

judgment our king managed his affairs; for it may serve as a fair example

to such young princes who foolishly undertake enterprises, without any

foresight, without any experience, or without consulting such persons as

are capable of advising them. The first step the Duke of Burgundy made,

was to despatch the Lord of Contay to the king, with many submissive and

friendly expressions, contrary both to his temper and custom. See what

a change one hour had made in him! He entreated the king not to break

the truce, excused himself for not having met his majesty at Auxerre

according to the agreement between them, and assured the king that in

a little time he would attend him there, or at any other place that

his majesty might be pleased to name. The king received his envoy very

kindly, and promised to comply with his demands; for he thought it not

convenient to do otherwise at that juncture of time; as his majesty was

aware of the loyalty and affection of the duke’s subjects towards their

prince, and that by their assistance he would quickly be recruited[512];

and therefore he had a mind to see the end of the war, without giving

any occasion to either party of making a peace. But how kindly soever

the Lord of Contay was entertained by the king, the people treated him

with nothing but libels and lampoons; and ballads were publicly sung in

the streets, to extol the courage of the conquerors and to jeer at the

conquered.

As soon as Galeas, who was Duke of Milan at that time, had received an

account of this defeat, he was extremely pleased, notwithstanding his

alliance with the duke; which alliance indeed was only the effect of

fear, upon account of the great favour and interest which the Duke of

Burgundy had in Italy. The Duke of Milan immediately sent a citizen of

Milan to the king (a person of no promising aspect), who by the mediation

of others, was directed to me, and brought me letters from his master.

I informed the king of his arrival, and his majesty commanded me to

receive his instructions; for he was not yet reconciled to the Duke of

Milan, who had forsaken his alliance, and made a new one with the Duke

of Burgundy, though he and the king had married two sisters.[513] The

design of his embassy was, to signify to the king that his master the

Duke of Milan was informed that the king and the Duke of Burgundy had

agreed upon an interview, in order to a final peace and alliance between

them, which would be much to the prejudice of the duke his master; and

he urged several arguments (but of no great force) against it: but at

last, in the conclusion of his speech, he told the king that, if he would

promise to make no such truce or treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, the

Duke of Milan would pay him immediately 100,000 ducats. After the king

had heard the substance of his embassy, he ordered him to be brought into

his presence, and (there being nobody there but myself) his majesty spoke

thus to him in short: “Here is Monsieur d’Argenton, who has told me so

and so; pray tell your master I will have none of his money, and that my

yearly revenue is thrice as much as his. As for war or peace, I will act

as I please. However, if he repents having left me to enter into a league

with the Duke of Burgundy, I am content our old alliance shall be renewed

and confirmed.” The ambassador returned the king most humble thanks; and

concluded by his answer that he was no covetous prince; and entreated

his majesty that he would cause the said alliance to be published in the

same form as before, for he was sufficiently empowered to promise that

his master would do the same. The king consented, and after dinner it was

proclaimed[514], and an ambassador was immediately despatched from the

king to Milan, where it was proclaimed with great pomp and solemnity.

This was one of the Duke of Burgundy’s first strokes of misfortune: and

this was the first great man that abandoned his interest, who but three

weeks before had sent a magnificent and solemn embassy to him to desire

his alliance.

René, King of Sicily, had a design to make the Duke of Burgundy his

heir, and to put Provence into his hand; and accordingly the Lord of

Chasteau-Guyon[515] (who is now in Piedmont), and several other of the

Duke of Burgundy’s officers, were sent with 20,000 crowns to raise

soldiers to take possession of Provence. But upon the news of this

defeat, they had much ado to escape themselves, and the Count of Bresse

seized upon their money. The Duchess of Savoy had received information

of it also, and sent immediately to the King of Sicily to extenuate the

loss, and strengthen him in his alliance. But the messengers, who were

natives of Provence, were apprehended, and by that means the treaty

between the King of Sicily and the Duke of Burgundy was discovered. The

king our master immediately sent a good body of troops towards Provence,

and despatched ambassadors to the King of Sicily, to invite him to come

to him, and to assure him he should be heartily welcome; or otherwise

his majesty would be obliged to provide for his own safety by force of

arms. The King of Sicily was persuaded to visit the king at Lyons, and

was received with great honour and civility. I happened to be present

at his arrival, and after their first compliments of salutation, John

Cossé[516], Seneschal of Provence (a person of honour, and of a noble

family in the kingdom of Naples), addressed himself to the king in the

following manner: “Be not surprised, sire, if the king, my master and

your uncle, has offered to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir; for it

was the advice of his council (and particularly mine), upon this ground,

that notwithstanding you were his nephew and sister’s son, yet you had

injuriously taken from him the castles of Bar and Angers, and used him

unhandsomely in all his other affairs. We therefore promoted this treaty

with the Duke of Burgundy, that your majesty being informed of it, might

thereby be the better inclined to do us justice, and be put in mind that

my master is your uncle. But we never intended to bring that treaty to a

conclusion.”

The king took his speech very wisely and well; and he knew it was true,

for Monsieur Cossé was the person that managed the whole affair. In a

few days after, all their differences were adjusted; the King of Sicily

and all his retinue were largely presented with money[517]; and the

king entertained him among the ladies, and treated him in every respect

as he loved to be treated; so that a perfect reconciliation took place

between them, and no mention was made of the Duke of Burgundy, for not

only King René but all his allies had abandoned him; and this was another

misfortune occasioned by his defeat. The Duchess of Savoy[518], who for

a long time had been suspected to be her brother’s enemy, sent a private

messenger (called the Lord of Montaigny), who addressed himself to me,

to endeavour her reconciliation, and to represent the reasons which had

induced her to abandon the interest of the king her brother, and to

state her doubts of the king. However, to speak impartially, she was a

lady of great wisdom, and my master’s true sister. She was unwilling

to proceed to an open rupture with the Duke of Burgundy, but seemed

desirous to temporise and to renew her friendship with the king. And she

continued to send him news of the duke’s adventures, that the king might

treat her more favourably; and he ordered me to despatch her envoy with

all expedition, to give her good encouragement, and to invite her into

France. Thus another of the Duke of Burgundy’s confederates fell off

from him, and endeavoured to abandon his alliance. In Germany they began

universally to declare against the duke; and several towns of the empire,

as Nuremberg, Frankfort, and others, joined in a confederacy with the new

and old allies of Switzerland against him; and it seemed that whatever

mischief could be done to him, was quite pardonable.

The poor Swiss were mightily enriched by the plunder of his camp.[519]

At first they did not understand the value of the treasure they were

masters of, especially the common soldiers. One of the richest and most

magnificent tents in the world was cut into pieces. There were some of

them that sold quantities of dishes and plates of silver for about two

sous of our money, supposing they had been pewter. His great diamond

(perhaps the largest and finest jewel in Christendom), with a large pearl

fixed to it, was taken up by a Swiss, put up again into the case, thrown

under a wagon, taken up again by the same soldier, and after all offered

to a priest for a florin, who bought it, and sent it to the magistrates

of that country, who returned him three francs as a sufficient

reward.[520] They took also three very rich jewels, called the Three

Brothers, another large ruby called La Hatte, and another called the Ball

of Flanders, which were the fairest and richest in the world; besides a

prodigious quantity of other goods, which has since taught them what fine

things may be purchased for money; for their victories, the esteem the

king had of their service afterwards, and the presents he made them, have

enriched them prodigiously.

The king made every one of their ambassadors that was sent in the first

embassy to his majesty very considerable presents in plate or money, by

which means he pacified them for not openly declaring and entering into

an alliance with them; and they returned with their purses well filled,

and their persons clothed in silk, besides a promise of a pension of

40,000 florins of the Rhine (which he paid afterwards, but he saw the

event of a second battle first), 20,000 to the towns, and 20,000 to the

governors of them.[521] Nor should I tell an untruth in saying, that

from the battle of Granson to the death of our master, their towns and

magistrates received of his majesty above a million of Rhine florins; and

by the towns I mean only four, Berne, Lucerne, Friburg, Zurich, and their

cantons, or mountains. Schwytz also is another of their cantons, though

but a small village; yet I have seen an ambassador of that village, who,

though he was in a mean dress, yet gave his opinion with the others. The

other cantons are Glaris and Underwald.

CH. III.—How the Duke of Burgundy was again defeated by the Swiss, near

the Town of Morat.—1476.

But to return to the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs. He assembled forces

on all sides, and, in three weeks’ time, he had as many as he had had

in the late battle. His quarters were at Losanne, in Savoy[522], where

you, my Lord of Vienne, attended him with your counsels in an illness,

which melancholy and vexation for the dishonour he had sustained, had

occasioned; and truly I am of opinion, that from the very day of his

defeat, his understanding was never so good as it had been before. The

account I give you of the great army he had assembled again, I received

from the Prince of Tarento[523], who in my presence made the same

relation to the king. This prince had come to the duke’s court about

a year before, with a very splendid equipage, in the hope of marrying

his daughter, the heiress of Flanders. And, indeed, he appeared to be a

king’s son by the gracefulness of his person, and the splendour of his

appearance and retinue; for his father, the King of Naples[524], had

spared no cost to set him off. The Duke of Burgundy did but dissemble

with him; for, at the same time, he was in treaty with the Duchess of

Savoy for her son, besides others elsewhere. The Prince of Tarento

(called Don Frederic of Arragon) and his council, growing weary of his

delays, sent a herald, who was a clever person, to our king, to desire

his majesty to grant the prince a passport to return safely through his

dominions into his own country, for his father had sent for him. The

king granted it very willingly, because he believed it would redound to

the Duke of Burgundy’s dishonour, and would lessen his interest abroad.

However, before the return of the messenger, the German confederates had

taken the field, and lay encamped not far from the Duke of Burgundy.

The prince took his leave of the duke the night before the battle[525],

in obedience to his father’s command; for in the first engagement he had

given signal proofs of his valour. There are some (my Lord of Vienne) who

affirm, that he left the army by your advice; and I heard him say, upon

his arrival at court, to the Duke of Astoly[526], called the Count Julio,

and to several others, that your lordship transmitted an account into

Italy of all that happened both in the first and second battles, several

days before they were fought.[527]

At the prince’s departure, the confederates (as I said before) were

encamped near the Duke of Burgundy, with a design to give him battle,

and raise the siege of Morat, a small town near Berne, belonging to the

Count of Romont. The confederates (as I was informed by those who were

present in that action) might be about 30,000 foot, all choice troops

and well armed: that is to say, 11,000 picked men, 10,000 halberdiers,

and 10,000 musketeers, besides a body of 4000 horse. The confederate

forces were not all arrived; so that only those mentioned above were

in the engagement, and they were more than was necessary. The Duke of

Lorraine arrived at their camp also with a small reinforcement, which

was of great advantage to him afterwards, for the Duke of Burgundy was

in possession of his whole dukedom. Nor was it to his prejudice that our

court began to grow weary of him, though I believe he was never conscious

of it himself. But when a great person has lost all, those that support

and maintain him soon grow weary of him. The king gave him a small sum

of money, and sent a strong party of troops with him through the duchy

of Lorraine, to conduct him safely into Germany, and then to return. The

Duke of Lorraine had not only lost that country, but also the country of

Vaudemont, and most part of Barrois (the rest being secured by the king,

so that all was gone); and, which was worse, all his subjects, and even

his domestics, had sworn allegiance to the Duke of Burgundy, and that

voluntarily, without any compulsion; so that his condition seemed past

recovery. However, in such cases God always remains judge and arbitrator,

and decides such affairs according to His own pleasure.

When the Duke of Lorraine had passed through his own dominions, after

several days’ march, he arrived at the camp of the confederates not many

hours before the engagement. Though he brought but few men, yet his

arrival was much to his honour and advantage, for otherwise he would have

had a poor reception. Just as he arrived, both armies were advancing to

engage; for the allies had lain three days or more strongly encamped at

a small distance from the Duke of Burgundy, whose army, after some small

resistance, was entirely defeated and put to flight.[528] Nor did he

escape so well as in the first engagement: for the Swiss not having then

a body of horse, he lost not above seven men-at-arms; but at this battle

of Morat they had 4000 good horse, who pursued the Burgundians a great

way, and cut off a considerable number of them. Besides, their whole body

of infantry was engaged with the duke’s foot, who were very numerous;

for, besides his own subjects, and a considerable body of English, who

were in his pay, he had great reinforcements out of Piedmont and Milan,

as I said before. And when the Prince of Tarento was with the king, he

told me he had never seen a finer army in his life; for, as they marched

over a bridge, he caused them to be numbered, and they amounted to 23,000

men in pay, besides those that belonged to the train of artillery, and

followed the camp. To me this seems a very great number, yet there are

some who make it much greater, and upon very slight grounds will multiply

armies prodigiously.

The Lord of Contay arrived at our court not long after the battle, and

owned in my presence, that the Duke of Burgundy lost in that battle 8000

of his standing forces, besides those that followed the camp; and, by

the best information I could get, I presume that the number of the slain

in all, might amount to near 18,000 men; which is not at all improbable,

if we consider the great bodies of horse that the princes of Germany

had there, and the vast number of those that were slain in the duke’s

camp before Morat. The duke fled himself as far as Burgundy, in great

disconsolateness, and not without reason; he stopped at a place called La

Rivière[529], where he rallied what forces he could. The Germans pursued

only that night, and then gave over the chase, without following him any

farther.

CH. IV.—How, after the Battle of Morat, the Duke of Burgundy seized upon

the Duchess of Savoy, and how she was delivered by our King, and sent

back into her own Country.—1476.

This defeat drove the Duke of Burgundy almost to despair; for by what

he had observed since his first loss at Granson, he perceived all

his friends and allies were resolved to abandon him; and his defeat

at Granson happened not above three weeks previously.[530] In this

apprehension, by the advice of some people, he caused the Duchess of

Savoy and one of her sons, who is now Duke of Savoy[531], to be brought

into Burgundy by force. Her eldest son at that time was saved by some of

the servants belonging to the family; for those who committed this act

of violence did it in fear, and were obliged to use more haste than was

convenient. That which moved the duke to this exploit, was a suspicion

lest she should retire to the king her brother, though, as he pretended,

all this misfortune was caused him by his great affection to the house of

Savoy. The duke ordered her to be conducted to the Castle of Rouvre[532],

near Dijon, and placed some small guard about her, but whoever had a mind

had liberty to visit her. Among the rest, the Lord of Chasteau-Guyon

and the Marquis of Rotelin came to wait on her highness, between whom

and two of her daughters the duke had treated of marriage, though at

that time neither of them had been concluded, but both have been since.

Her eldest son Philibert, at that time Duke of Savoy, was conveyed to

Chambery by those who contrived his escape[533], at which place he found

the Bishop of Geneva, who was a son of the house of Savoy, but a very

headstrong man, and governed wholly by a Commander de Ranvers.[534] With

this bishop and his governor, the Commander de Ranvers, the king managed

affairs so artfully, that the Duke of Savoy and a younger brother of

his[535], called the Prothonotary, with the Castles of Chambery and

Montmeillan[536], were delivered into his majesty’s hands; and he already

had another castle in his possession, in which were all the jewels

belonging to the duchess.

As soon as the duchess found, upon her arrival at Rouvre, that she was

attended by her whole train of maids of honour and a host of other

servants, as I said before; and observed the Duke of Burgundy wholly

intent upon raising men, and that her guards did not retain that dread

and awe of their master which they formerly had, she resolved to send

to her brother the king, to propose a peace and beg his assistance; yet

she would have been unwilling to have put herself into his power, had

she been in any other place but where she was, for there had been a

great long-standing quarrel between them. The duchess sent a gentleman

of Piedmont, named Riverol[537], who was steward of her house, and had

instructions to apply to me. As soon as I had received his message, and

communicated it to the king, his majesty ordered him to be introduced

into his presence; and after he had given him audience, he told him that

he would not abandon his sister in this extremity, notwithstanding the

differences that had been between them; and if she would trust to him,

he would send the Governor of Champagne, who was then Charles d’Amboise,

Lord of Chaumont, to fetch her.

Monsieur Riverol took his leave of the king, and posted with all speed

to his mistress with the news. The duchess was overjoyed to hear it, yet

she immediately sent another agent to the king, to desire his majesty

would give his word that she should have liberty to return into Savoy

whenever she pleased, and that he would restore to her not only the

duke her son and his young brother, but the castles and places which

he had seized upon, and would defend and maintain her authority in

Savoy; and then she would renounce all other alliances, and keep herself

entirely in his interest. The king promised to grant all she desired,

and immediately despatched an express to the Lord of Chaumont to go

and deliver her; which was well attempted, and as well performed; for

the Lord of Chaumont, with a strong detachment[538], went to Rouvre,

without the least disorder or damage to the country through which he

marched, and brought away the Duchess of Savoy and her whole train to

the next garrison belonging to the king. When the king despatched this

last message to the Duchess of Savoy, his majesty had left Lyons, where

he had sojourned full six months, on purpose to defeat and countermine

the designs of the Duke of Burgundy, without violating the truce; and if

we seriously consider the posture of the duke’s affairs, we shall see

that the king was a greater enemy to him in not opposing him openly, but

creating him new enemies underhand, than if he had declared open war

against him; for upon such a declaration, the duke would have abandoned

his rash enterprises and designs, and that would not have occurred which

happened to him afterwards.

The king having left Lyons, continued his journey directly to Rouanne,

from whence he came down the River Loire to Tours. Upon his arrival

there, his majesty received the news of his sister’s deliverance, at

which he was extremely pleased, and sent an express immediately to direct

her to come to him, and ordered a sum of money to be remitted to defray

the expense of her journey. When the king was informed of her approach,

he sent several persons of quality to meet her, and went himself as far

as the gate of Plessis-du-Parc, where he received her with abundance of

tenderness and civility, and saluted her thus, “My Lady of Burgundy, you

are heartily welcome.” She knew well by his countenance that he was in a

merry humour, and replied very prudently, “that she was no Burgundian,

but a true French woman, and ready to obey him in whatever he might

command.” The king conducted her to her apartment, and entertained her

with great splendour; but the truth is he was very desirous to be rid

of her, and she being a cunning woman, and understanding his temper

perfectly well, was even more desirous to be gone than he was to have her

go. The management of this whole affair was committed to me, and the king

ordered me to supply her with money during her stay at court, to provide

for her return, to furnish her wardrobe with silks, and to draw up the

form of their alliance for the time to come. The king used his utmost

endeavours to break off the matches that I mentioned before, but she

excused herself, and pretended that the affections of her daughters were

so far engaged, that it would be impossible to break them off; and when

the king found that, he pressed it no farther.

After the duchess had been at Plessis about seven or eight days, the king

and her highness entered into a mutual oath of amity for the future, and

instruments to that purpose were interchangeably delivered[539]: after

which she took her leave, and the king ordered her to be conducted safely

into her own country; and her children, castles, jewels, and whatever

belonged to her besides, were punctually restored to her. Both were

extremely pleased to be rid of one another upon such handsome terms; and

ever after they continued very good friends, as a brother and sister

ought to do.

CH. V.—How the Duke of Burgundy lived in a solitary manner for some

weeks at La Rivière, and how the Duke of Lorraine retook Nancy in the

meantime.—1476.

But to continue the chief subject of these Memoirs, we are obliged to

return to the Duke of Burgundy, who, after his defeat at Morat (in

the year 1476), had fled to a town called La Rivière, at the entrance

into Burgundy, where he lay six weeks, under pretence of raising men

to recruit his army; but he proceeded very slowly in that affair, and

instead of being active and vigorous, he lived like a hermit, and all

his actions seemed rather the effect of sullenness and obstinacy than

anything else, as will appear by what follows.

His concern and grief for his first defeat at Granson was so great, and

made such a deep impression on his spirits, that it threw him into a

violent and dangerous fit of sickness; for whereas before, his choler and

natural heat were so great that he drank no wine, but only in a morning

took a little tisane, and ate conserve of roses, to refresh himself; this

sudden melancholy had so altered his constitution, that he now drank

the strongest wine that could be got, without any water at all; and to

reduce the rush of blood to his heart, his physicians were obliged to

apply cupping-glasses with burning tow to his side. But this (my Lord of

Vienne) you know better than I, for your lordship attended on him during

the whole course of his illness, and it was by your persuasion that the

duke was prevailed upon to cut his beard, which was of a prodigious

length. In my opinion his understanding was never so perfect, nor his

senses so sedate and complete, after this fit of sickness, as before. So

violent are the passions of men unacquainted with adversity, who never

seek the true remedy for their misfortunes, especially princes, who are

naturally haughty: for in such cases our best method is to have recourse

to God, to reflect on the many vile transgressions by which we have

offended His Divine goodness, to humble ourselves before Him, and to make

an acknowledgment of our faults: for He determines all things as it seems

best to His heavenly wisdom, and who dare question the justness of His

dispensations, or impute any error to Him? It is also well to unbosom

ourselves freely to some intimate friends, not to keep our sorrows

concealed, but to expatiate on every circumstance of them, without being

ashamed or reserved; for this mitigates the rigour of our misfortunes,

revives the heart, and restores their usual vigour and activity to our

dejected spirits. There is another remedy also, and that is labour and

exercise (for as we are but men, these sorrows cannot be dissipated

without great pains and application, both in public and private), which

is a much better course than that which the duke took in hiding himself,

and retiring from all manner of company; for by that means he grew so

terrible to his own servants, that none of them durst venture to come

near him to give him either counsel or comfort, but suffered him to go on

in that melancholy state of life, fearing lest their advising him to the

contrary, might have turned to their destruction.

During these six weeks (or thereabouts) that he lay at La Rivière with

very few troops (nor was it to be wondered at, after the loss of two such

great battles as you have heard before), many declared themselves openly

against him, his friends were grown cold, his subjects were defeated and

rebellious, and began (as is usual) to murmur and contemn their master on

account of his misfortunes. He lost several little towns in Lorraine, as

Vaudemont, Espinal, and others. All the neighbouring states began to make

preparations to invade him; and the vilest and most insignificant of them

were now the most forward in doing him mischief. The Duke of Lorraine

(upon this report) assembled a small body of forces, and besieged

Nancy[540]; the small towns about it were most of them in his possession

already; but the Duke of Burgundy was master of Pont-à-Mousson, about

four leagues off. Amongst those that were besieged in Nancy, there was

a gentleman of the house of Croy, called the Lord of Bievres[541], a

good officer, and a person of honour, whose forces were made up out of

several countries. There was also an Englishman called Colpin, a brave

soldier (though of no great birth), who with other officers belonging to

the garrison of Guynes, had entered the service of the Duke of Burgundy.

This Colpin had the command of about 300 English in the town, and though

they were not pressed either by approaches or batteries[542], they began

to be uneasy at the duke’s slowness in marching to their relief[543]:

and indeed he was highly to blame; for the quarters where he lay were

at so great a distance from Lorraine, that he could do them no service,

and certainly it would have been better for him to have defended what

was left, than to have meditated revenge on the Swiss for what he had

lost. But his perverseness in following no counsel but his own, turned

greatly to his disadvantage; for notwithstanding that he was daily

pressed to relieve that place, yet he continued (without any necessity)

at La Rivière full six weeks; whereas if he had done otherwise, he

might easily have raised the siege of Nancy, for the Duke of Lorraine’s

forces were not numerous[544], and so long as the country of Lorraine

was in his possession, he had free communication between his other

territories (through Luxembourg and Lorraine) into Burgundy; so that if

his intellects had been as right and his judgment as sound as they were

formerly, he would certainly have marched with greater expedition to

their relief.

Whilst the garrison of Nancy lay in continual expectation of being

relieved, it happened that the above-mentioned Colpin, who commanded

the English troops in the town, was killed by a cannon ball; his death

was a vast prejudice to the Duke of Burgundy’s concerns, for a prince

very often is preserved from great inconveniences by the management

of one single person, provided he has wisdom and valour, although his

extraction be mean; and in this particular I knew no man more careful

than our master, for certainly never prince was more fearful of losing

his men than his majesty. Upon the death of Colpin, the English under

his command began to murmur and despair of relief. They were not aware

of the Duke of Lorraine’s weakness, and that the Duke of Burgundy had

many ways of reinforcing his army; and besides, the English, not having

been abroad for a long time, had but little experience in foreign wars,

and were wholly ignorant in regard to a siege. In short, they mutinied

for a composition, and plainly told the governor, Monsieur de Bievres,

that if he would not consent to a capitulation, they would make one

without him. Though Bievres was a good knight, yet he wanted courage and

resolution. He remonstrated, entreated, and begged of them to have a

little patience; whereas, in my opinion, if he had hectored, and carried

matters with an air of greater authority and resolution, he had succeeded

better; but God had ordered it otherwise: for had they held out but three

days longer, the Duke of Burgundy would have certainly raised the siege.

But, in short, the governor complied with the English, and the town was

surrendered[545] to the Duke of Lorraine, upon condition of saving their

goods and sparing their persons.

The next day, or at furthest two days after the surrender, the Duke of

Burgundy appeared with a very good army, considering his condition,

for several of his own subjects had marched up through the province

of Luxembourg to join him. The Duke of Lorraine and he faced one

another[546], but no action of importance happened between them, the Duke

of Lorraine being too weak to attempt anything. The Duke of Burgundy,

in his old obstinate way, was resolved to besiege Nancy again[547],

though it had been much wiser in him not to have undertaken it at that

time; but when God is pleased to change the fortune of princes, he puts

these obstinate inclinations into them. Had the Duke of Burgundy been

persuaded to have garrisoned the little places about the town, as he was

advised, he would quickly have reduced it to great straits, and would

have forced it to surrender in a short time, for it was but ill provided

with provisions, and the multitude in the town would have presently

distressed it; while he would have had time to recruit his army, and put

them into quarters of refreshment; but he took quite another course.

CH. VI.—Of the Count of Campobasso’s great Treachery, and how he

prevented the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a Gentleman who would have

revealed it to him before his Execution, and how the Duke also rejected

the Information that was sent him by the King.—1476.

Whilst the Duke of Burgundy was pushing on the siege of Nancy (so

unfortunately for himself, his subjects, and many others who were not at

all concerned in his quarrel), many of his own party began to enter into

a conspiracy against him, and new enemies, as you have heard, surrounded

and invaded him on all sides. Among the rest there was the Count Nicolo

Campobasso, of the kingdom of Naples, who had been banished from thence

for espousing the interest of the house of Anjou[548], and whom, after

the death of Nicholas, Duke of Calabria, the Duke of Burgundy had

entertained in his service, with several other of the Duke of Calabria’s

servants. This count was very poor, both in money and lands; at his first

coming to him, the Duke of Burgundy gave him 40,000 ducats in ready

money, to raise a troop in Italy, which was to consist of 400 lances, and

to be commanded and paid by himself. From that very moment, as I said

before, he began to form designs against the life of his master, and

continued to carry on his secret practices to the time of which I am now

speaking; for, finding his master’s power declining, he began to practise

underhand with the Duke of Lorraine, and such of the king’s officers and

servants in Champagne as were not far from the Duke of Burgundy’s army.

His first proposal to the Duke of Lorraine was, to delay the siege of

Nancy, by not taking care to provide a sufficient quantity of provisions

and ammunition, so that the army would be unable to carry it on for want

of necessaries; and, indeed, it was no hard matter for him to do this,

for he was entrusted with this charge, and had the greatest influence

with the duke his master. With our officers he dealt more freely, and

promised to take or kill the Duke of Burgundy, provided he were continued

in the command of his 400 lances upon the same footing as before, and had

20,000 crowns and a good county in France besides.

Whilst he was driving his bargains after this manner, several of the

Duke of Lorraine’s officers attempted to throw themselves into the

town; some of them got in, but others were taken, and among the rest

one Cifron[549], a gentleman of Provence, who had managed the whole

affair between Campobasso and the Duke of Lorraine. The Duke of Burgundy

immediately commanded this Cifron to be hanged, affirming that when a

prince had once invested a town, and erected batteries to play upon it,

if any endeavoured to reinforce and strengthen the garrison, they were

condemned to death by the laws of war. However, this was not practised

in our wars, which, in other respects, are much more cruel than those

of Italy or Spain, where that custom prevails. But, right or wrong,

this gentleman was to die by the Duke of Burgundy’s express order. The

gentleman, finding that his death was inevitable, sent to acquaint the

duke that, if he pleased but to admit him to his presence, he would make

a discovery of something that nearly concerned his person. Some gentlemen

who heard his proposal, brought the news of it to the duke at a time when

the Count of Campobasso was with him, either by accident, or else on

purpose, having intelligence that Cifron was taken, and fearing he would

discover all he knew; for he knew the whole intrigue from one end to the

other, and that was the secret he would have discovered to the duke.

The duke answered those that brought him this message, that it was only

an artifice to gain time, and that if he had anything to discover, he

might tell it to them. The Count of Campobasso highly applauded this

answer, there being only himself, who was the chief commander in the

army, and a secretary that was writing, then present. The prisoner sent

word, again, that he could discover it to nobody but the duke himself;

upon which the duke ordered him to be carried to execution immediately,

and his orders were obeyed. As he was going to the place of execution,

Cifron entreated several to intercede with the duke to save his life,

and he would discover a secret that was of greater importance to him

than the best province in his dominions. Several of his acquaintance had

compassion on him, and went to desire the duke that, for their sake, he

would vouchsafe to admit him into his presence; but this treacherous

count stood at the door of the wooden house in which the duke lodged,

refused them entrance, and told them, “The duke commands that he be

immediately executed,”[550] and sent messengers on purpose to hasten

the provost; so that finally poor Cifron was hanged, to the unspeakable

prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy, for whom it had been, much better to

have treated this unfortunate gentleman with more humanity, and heard

what he had to say; for then, perhaps, he might have been alive to this

day, and his house in a more flourishing condition, considering what

occurrences have happened since in this kingdom.

But we have reason to believe that God had otherwise ordained it, as a

punishment for his late disloyalty to the Count of St. Paul, Constable

of France, of which you have heard elsewhere in these Memoirs; how he

seized upon his person, contrary to his solemn promise and engagement,

delivered him to the king to be put to death, and sent all his letters

and contracts to serve as an evidence against him at his trial. And

though the duke had just reason to bear a mortal hatred against the

constable, and to pursue him even to death, yet he should have done it

without breaking his faith; nor can all the reasons that could be alleged

in this case extenuate the crime, or cover the dishonour that will always

be a stain and blot on the duke’s character; for notwithstanding the

safe-conduct and protection that he granted the constable, he yet seized

upon him afterwards, and sold him for covetousness, not only to obtain

the town of St. Quentin and other fortresses, inheritances and moveables

belonging to the constable, but also in the hope of taking Nancy the

first time he besieged it; for after many excuses and dissimulations he

delivered up the constable, for fear that the king’s army in Champagne

might interrupt his enterprise; his majesty having threatened to do so

by his ambassadors, unless he should perform his articles, by which the

first that took the constable was obliged to deliver him up within eight

days, or to see him executed himself. But the duke had deferred his

surrender for several days longer than was agreed upon between them; and

the fear of being called to account for this, and of being interrupted in

the siege of Nancy, prevailed with him to deliver up the constable, as

you have heard.

And it is worthy of our observation, that as, in his first siege of

Nancy, he was guilty of that dishonourable action towards the constable;

and in his second, he ordered Cifron to be hanged (for he would not

hear him, like a person whose understanding was infatuated, and his

ears stopped to his own ruin)—so, in the same place he was deceived and

betrayed himself by the very person in whom he reposed most confidence

(and not altogether unjustly, if we reflect upon what has been said

before), both in regard to the constable and Nancy. But the determination

of such events depends only upon God; and I have given my opinion only

to illustrate my proposition, that a good prince ought never to consent

to such a base and ignominious action, whatsoever plausible reasons may

be urged in vindication of it; for it often happens that those who give

their advice in such an affair do it either out of flattery, or fear of

contradicting their prince, though, when the thing is done, they are

heartily sorry for it, knowing how liable they are to be punished in this

world and the next; however, such counsellors as these are better far

off, than near any prince.

Thus you have seen how God, the sole Governor of human affairs, raised

up the Count of Campobasso to be the instrument of His vengeance in the

case of the constable, in the same place, and after the same manner, but

with more circumstances of cruelty; for he betrayed the very person who

had entertained him in his service when he was old, poor, and friendless,

and had given him an annual sum of 10,000 ducats, with which to pay his

soldiers, besides other posts of great advantage. And, when he first

began his conspiracy he was on his journey into Italy with 40,000 ducats

to raise his regiment; and yet, in that very journey, he made overtures

in two several places, first, to a physician at Lyons, called Simon of

Pavia, next, to another person in Savoy, as you have already heard;

and at his return with his regiment, being quartered in certain small

towns in the county of Marle in Lannois, he fell to his old practices,

and offered to deliver up all the towns he held; or, if that were not

sufficient, if the king would but face his master, and pretend to give

him battle, when they were drawn up, and ready to engage, upon a signal

to be agreed on between the king and him, he would come over to him

and join his majesty’s army with the troops under his command; but the

king was not pleased with this last overture by any means. He offered,

likewise, the first time his master lay in the field, either to take

him prisoner, or kill him, as he was reviewing his army; and indeed he

might easily have done it; for the duke’s custom was, as soon as he was

alighted from his horse, at the place where his army was to encamp, to

pull off the rest of his armour, and with his cuirass only, to mount upon

a little palfrey, and, attended only by eight or ten archers on foot,

or two or three gentlemen of his bed-chamber, to ride about the army,

and see that it was strongly enclosed; so that with a small party of ten

horse, the count might have performed this execrable action without much

difficulty. The king, observing the restless malice of this man against

his master, and that he was conspiring against him even during the time

of the truce between them, and being not well informed of the object of

these overtures, resolved upon showing a singular piece of friendship and

generosity to the Duke of Burgundy, and sent him in writing, by the Lord

of Contay (whom I have so often mentioned in these Memoirs), the whole

progress of the count’s conspiracy. I was present at the delivery of the

letters, and I am sure the Lord of Contay acquitted himself faithfully

to his master; but the duke would give no credit to his information,

and said, that if there was any truth in it, the king would never have

communicated it. This was long before the duke’s arrival before Nancy,

and I verily believe he never took any notice of it to the count, for he

continued his old practices afterwards.

CH. VII.—How the Duke of Lorraine with a powerful Army of Germans took

the field, and encamped at St. Nicholas, whilst the Duke of Burgundy lay

before Nancy; and how the King of Portugal, who was in France at that

time, paid a visit to the Duke in his Camp before that Town.—1477.

But now to proceed with our principal subject. You must know that the

Duke of Burgundy besieged Nancy in the depth of winter, with a small

army which was ill provided and ill paid. Several of his officers had

entered into a conspiracy against him, and there was a general mutiny

among the common soldiers, who censured and despised all his enterprises;

which, as I have observed at large before, is the common fate in times of

adversity; but nobody practised against his person and dominions except

the Count of Campobasso, for his subjects were all loyal to him. The

Duke of Burgundy being in this miserable condition, the Duke of Lorraine

treated with the old and new allies[551] (whom I have mentioned before)

for a supply of troops to enable him to give the duke battle, and raise

the siege of Nancy. They all readily consented, and every town furnished

him with a body of troops, so that now his only want was money for their

subsistence. The king by his ambassadors in Switzerland encouraged him

extremely in this enterprise, and remitted him 400,000 francs to pay his

Swiss: and the Lord of Craon, the king’s lieutenant in Champagne, was

quartered in Barrois with a body of 700 or 800 lances and frank-archers,

commanded by experienced officers. The Duke of Lorraine, by help of the

king’s favour and money, assembled a good body of Swiss, both horse and

foot; for, besides the troops that were in his own pay, they furnished

him with some at their own expense. He had also many French volunteers,

and the king’s army (as you have already heard) was quartered in Barrois,

not with a design to commit any act of hostility, but only to wait the

issue of a battle, which was every day expected; for the Duke of Lorraine

had marched with his Germans to St. Nicholas[552], not far from Nancy.

The King of Portugal[553] had now been in France for nine months or

thereabouts; for our king, being in an alliance with him against the

King of Castile[554], the King of Portugal flattered himself that he

would assist him with a powerful army to make war upon his adversary on

the side of Biscay or Navarre, for he had several towns in Castile, upon

the frontiers of Portugal, and some upon our borders, as the Castle of

Burgos, and others; so that I am of opinion, if our king had assisted

him, as he was sometimes inclined to do, the King of Portugal might have

succeeded in his designs; but, by degrees, the king’s mind changed, and

the King of Portugal was amused with fair words, and fed with hopes, for

a year or more.

In the meantime the King of Portugal’s affairs in Castile began to

decline: for, when he came into France, almost all the nobility of

Castile were in his interest; but his long stay in France tired their

patience, and they began to grow weary, and made their peace with

Ferdinand and Isabella, who now reign. The King of France indeed had

promised to assist him, but he excused himself afterwards upon account of

the war in Lorraine, pretending that if the Duke of Burgundy prevailed,

he feared that he would afterwards invade his dominions. The King of

Portugal, who was a very good and just prince, took a fancy to pay a

visit to the Duke of Burgundy, who was his cousin-german[555], and to try

whether his good offices could effect a pacification between the king

and the duke, supposing that when this obstacle was removed, the king

would certainly assist him; for he was ashamed to return into Portugal or

Castile without having been successful in his solicitations at our court,

especially after coming thither in so imprudent a manner, and contrary to

the opinion of the greatest part of his council.

With this design the King of Portugal began his journey towards the

latter end of the winter, and being arrived at the Duke of Burgundy’s

camp before Nancy[556], he began to discourse with him about what the

king had told him in relation to a peace: but he found it would be no

easy matter to accommodate things between them, their demands ran so

high; and therefore he stayed but two days, before he took his leave of

his cousin, and returned to Paris. The Duke of Burgundy pressed him to

stay, and command the body of troops that were to defend the pass at

Pont-à-Mousson, near Nancy, for he had received intelligence that the

German army was posted at St. Nicholas. The King of Portugal excused

himself, by saying that he was neither armed nor provided for such an

enterprise; and upon this he returned to Paris, where he had resided so

long already. At last the King of Portugal grew suspicious of the King

of France, and fancied his majesty had a design to seize on him, and

deliver him up to his enemy the King of Castile. Upon the strength of

this imagination he put himself into a disguise, and with two more in

his company, resolved to go to Rome, and enter some religious house: but

he was taken in that disguise by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf[557];

at which our king was extremely concerned, and being ashamed of what had

passed, ordered several ships to be equipped on the coast of Normandy,

and gave the command of them to Master George le Grec[558], with orders

to conduct him safe into Portugal, which he performed accordingly.

The occasion of his war against the King of Castile was in favour of his

sister’s daughter[559], which sister was wife to Don Henry, late King of

Castile[560], and had a beautiful daughter still living (but unmarried),

in Portugal: but Queen Isabella[561], who was sister to the said King

Henry, disputed the young lady’s right of succession to the crown of

Castile, pretending she was illegitimate, and born in adultery. Many

others were of the same opinion, objecting impotence in King Henry, and

proving it by arguments, which for certain reasons I shall here omit.

However this may be, and though the young lady was born in wedlock, and

under the veil of marriage, yet the crown of Castile was enjoyed by Queen

Isabella of Castile, and her husband the King of Arragon and Sicily, who

now reigns. The King of Portugal was very ambitious of making a match

between his niece and our King Charles VIII., who is now reigning; and

indeed that was the great design of his journey into France, which

turned so much to his disadvantage, for not long after his return into

Portugal he died. Wherefore (as I have already observed in the beginning

of these Memoirs), it highly concerns a prince to be very careful in the

choice of persons qualified to be sent on embassies to foreign courts;

for if those ambassadors that came to our king from the King of Portugal

upon the above-mentioned proposal (at which I was present by deputation

from our king), had been as wise as they ought, they would have informed

themselves better of our affairs before they advised their master to

undertake a journey which proved so disadvantageous and dishonourable to

him.

CH. VIII.—How the Duke of Burgundy, by rejecting the Counsel of several

of his Officers, was defeated and slain in a Battle between him and the

Duke of Lorraine, not far from Nancy.—1477.

I could willingly have omitted this relation of the King of Portugal’s

affairs, had it not been to show, that one prince ought not rashly to put

himself into the power of another, nor go in person to solicit his own

supplies. But to proceed with my history:—The King of Portugal had not

left the Duke of Burgundy’s camp above a day, before the Duke of Lorraine

and his army of Germans broke up from St. Nicholas, and advanced towards

the Duke of Burgundy, with a resolution to give him battle. The Count

of Campobasso joined them that very day, and carried off with him about

eight score men-at-arms; and it grieved him much that he could do his

master no greater mischief. The garrison of Nancy had intelligence of

his design, which in some measure encouraged them to hold out; besides,

another person[562] had got over the works, and assured them of relief,

otherwise they were just upon surrendering, and would have capitulated in

a little time, had it not been for the treachery of this count; but God

had determined to finish this mystery.

The Duke of Burgundy, having intelligence of the approach of the Duke

of Lorraine’s army, called a kind of council, contrary to his custom,

for generally he followed his own will. It was the opinion of most of

his officers that his best way would be to retire to Pont-à-Mousson,

which was not far off, and dispose his army in the towns about Nancy;

affirming, that as soon as the Germans had thrown a supply of men

and provisions into Nancy, they would march off again; and the Duke

of Lorraine being in great want of money, it would be a great while

before he would be able to assemble such an army again; and that their

supplies of provisions could not be so great but before half the winter

was over, they would be in the same straits as they were now; and that

in the meantime the duke might raise more forces, and recruit himself:

for I have been told by those who ought to know best, that the Duke of

Burgundy’s army did not then consist of full 4000 men[563], and of that

number not above 1200 were in a condition to fight. Money he did not

want; for in the Castle of Luxembourg (which was not far off), there were

in ready cash 450,000 crowns, which would have raised men enough. But God

was not so merciful to him as to permit him to take this wise counsel,

or discern the vast multitude of enemies who on every side surrounded

him. Therefore he chose the worst plan, and like a rash and inconsiderate

madman, resolved to try his fortune, and engage the enemy with his weak

and shattered army[564], notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine had a

numerous force of Germans, and the king’s army was not far off.

As soon as the Count of Campobasso arrived in the Duke of Lorraine’s

army, the Germans sent him word to leave the camp immediately, for

they would not entertain such traitors among them. Upon which message

he retired with his party to Condé[565], a castle and pass[566] not

far off, where he fortified himself with carts and other things as

well as he could, in hopes, that if the Duke of Burgundy were routed,

he might have an opportunity of coming in for a share of the plunder,

as he did afterwards. Nor was this practice with the Duke of Lorraine

the most execrable action that Campobasso was guilty of; but, before

he left the army, he conspired with several other officers (finding it

was impracticable to attempt anything against the Duke of Burgundy’s

person) to leave him just as they came to the charge; for, at that

time, he supposed it would put the army into the greatest terror and

consternation; and if the duke fled, he was sure he could not escape

alive, for he had ordered thirteen or fourteen sure men, some to run as

soon as the Germans came up to charge them, and others to watch the Duke

of Burgundy, and kill him in the rout; which was well enough contrived,

for I myself have seen two or three of those who were thus employed

to kill the duke. Having thus settled his conspiracy at home, he went

over to the Duke of Lorraine upon the approach of the German army; but,

finding they would not entertain him, he retired to Condé, as I said

before.

The German army marched forward, and with them a considerable body of

French horse, whom the king had given leave to be present in that action.

Several parties lay in ambush not far off, that if the Duke of Burgundy

were routed, they might surprise some person of quality, or take some

considerable booty. By this every one may see into what a deplorable

condition this poor duke had brought himself, by his contempt of good

counsel. Both armies being joined, the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, which

had been twice beaten before, and were weak and ill-provided besides,

were quickly broken and entirely defeated. Many saved themselves by

flight; the rest were either taken or killed[567]; and among them the

Duke of Burgundy himself was killed on the spot.[568] Not having been in

the battle myself, I will say nothing of the manner of his death; but

I was told by some, that they saw him beaten down but, being prisoners

themselves, were not able to assist him; yet, whilst they were in sight,

he was not killed, but a great body of men coming that way afterwards,

they killed and stripped him in the throng, not knowing who he was.

This battle was fought on the 5th of January, 1476, upon the eve of

Twelfth-day.

_The Epitaph of Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, who

was killed before Nancy, in Lorraine, in the year 1476, on

Twelfth-eve._

Carolus hoc busto Burgundæ gloria gentis

Conditur, Europæ qui fuit ante timor.

Ganda rebellatrix hoc plebs domitore, cremata

Post patriæ leges perpete pressa jugo est.

Nec minùs hunc sensit tellus Leodina cruentum,

Cùm ferro et flammis urbs populata fuit.

Monte sub heritio Francas cum rege cohortes,

In pavidam valido truserat ense fugam.

Hostibus expulsis Eduardum in regna locavit

Anglica, primævo restituens solio.

Bella ducum, regumque, et Cæsaris omnia spernens

Totus in effuso sanguine lætus erat.

Denique dum solitis fidit temerarius armis,

Atque Lotharingo cum duce bella movet,

Sanguineam vomuit media inter prælia vitam,

Aureaque hostili vellera liquit humo.

Ergò triumphator longæva in sæcla renatus,

Palmam de tanto principe victor habet.

O tibi qui terras quæsisti (Carole) cœlum

Det Deus, et spretas anteà pacis opes.

Nunc dic Nanceios cernens ex æthere muros,

A clemente ferox hoste sepulchror ibi.

Discite terrenis quid sit confidere rebus,

Hic toties victor denique victus adest.

_At the foot of the tomb are engraven the following verses_:

Dux jacet hîc Carolus Belgarum ilia ignea virtus

Cui Mavors dederat bella gerenda pater:

Quem timuit subditis animosus Gallus in armis,

Cuique Alemannorum terga dedêre duces,

Quique animum Hesperias bellis agitabat in urbes,

Sed subitò invertit sors temulenta viam:

Nam cùm Ranerium bello sibi provocat hostem,

Occubuit fuso milite stratus humi:

Et ne tanta viri laus intestata jaceret,

Hoc victor victi condidit ossa loco.

ECCE LEO CECIDIT, IAM PAX

QUÆSITA VIGEBIT.

NOCTE REGUM SUCCUBUIT

CAROLUS.

CH. IX.—A Digression concerning the Virtues of the Duke of Burgundy, and

the Time of his House’s Prosperity.

I saw a seal-ring of his, after his death, at Milan, with his arms cut

curiously upon a sardonyx that I have often seen him wear in a riband at

his breast, which was sold at Milan for two ducats, and had been stolen

from him by a varlet that waited on him in his chamber. I have often seen

the duke dressed and undressed in great state and formality, and by very

great persons; but, at his last hour, all this pomp and magnificence

ceased, and both he and his family perished (as you have heard already)

on the very spot where he had delivered up the constable not long before,

out of a base and avaricious motive; but may God forgive him! I have

known him a powerful and honourable prince, in as great esteem and as

much courted by his neighbours (when his affairs were in a prosperous

condition), as any prince in Europe, and perhaps more so; and I cannot

conceive what should have provoked God Almighty’s displeasure so highly

against him, unless it was his self-love and arrogance, in attributing

all the success of his enterprises, and all the renown he ever acquired,

to his own wisdom and conduct, without ascribing anything to God: yet,

to speak truth, he was endowed with many good qualities. No prince ever

had a greater desire to entertain young noblemen than he; or was more

careful of their education. His presents and bounty were never profuse

and extravagant, because he gave to many, and wished everybody should

taste of his generosity. No prince was ever more easy of access to his

servants and subjects. Whilst I was in his service he was never cruel,

but a little before his death he became so, which was an infallible sign

of the shortness of his life. He was very splendid and pompous in his

dress, and in everything else, and, indeed, a little too much. He paid

great honours to all ambassadors and foreigners, and entertained them

nobly. His ambitious desire of glory was insatiable, and it was that

which more than any other motive induced him to engage eternally in wars.

He earnestly desired to imitate the old kings and heroes of antiquity,

who are still so much talked of in the world, and his courage was equal

to that of any prince of his time.

But all his designs and imaginations were vain, and turned afterwards to

his own dishonour and confusion, for it is the conquerors and not the

conquered that win renown. I cannot easily determine towards whom God

Almighty showed his anger most, whether towards him who died suddenly,

without pain or sickness in the field of battle, or towards his subjects,

who never enjoyed peace after his death, but were continually involved

in wars against which they were not able to maintain themselves, upon

account of the civil dissensions and cruel animosities that arose among

them; and that which was the most insupportable was, that the very people

to whom they were now indebted for their defence and preservation, were

the Germans, who were strangers, and not long since had been their

enemies. In short, after the duke’s death, there was not a man who wished

them to prosper, whoever defended them. And by the management of their

affairs, their understanding seemed to be as much infatuated as their

master’s was just before his death; for they rejected all good counsel,

and pursued such methods as directly tended to their destruction; and

they are still in great danger of a relapse into calamity, and it will be

well if it turn not in the end to their utter ruin.

I am partly of the opinion of those who maintain that God gives princes,

as He in His wisdom thinks fit, to punish or chastise their subjects:

and He disposes the affections of subjects to their princes, as He

has determined to exalt or depress them. Just so it has pleased Him

to deal with the house of Burgundy; for after a long series of riches

and prosperity, and sixscore years’[569] peace under three illustrious

princes, predecessors to Duke Charles (all of them of great prudence and

discretion), it pleased God to send this Duke Charles, who continually

involved them in bloody wars, as well winter as summer, to their great

affliction and expense, in which most of their richest and stoutest men

were either killed or taken prisoners. Their misfortunes began at the

siege of Nuz, and continued for three or four battles successively, to

the very hour of his death; so much so, that at the last, the whole

strength of the country was destroyed, and all were killed or taken

prisoners who had any zeal or affection for the house of Burgundy,

or power to defend the state and dignity of that family; so that in

a manner their losses equalled, if they did not overbalance, their

former prosperity; for as I had seen these princes puissant, rich and

honourable, so it fared with their subjects: for I think I have seen

and known the greatest part of Europe, yet I never knew any province

or country, though of a larger extent, so abounding in money[570], so

extravagantly fine in their furniture, so sumptuous in their buildings,

so profuse in their expenses, so luxurious in their feasts and

entertainments, and so prodigal in all respects, as the subjects of these

princes in my time; and if any think I have exaggerated, others who lived

in my time, will be of opinion that I have rather said too little.

But it pleased God, at one blow, to subvert this great and sumptuous

edifice, and ruin this powerful and illustrious family, which had

maintained and bred up so many brave men, and had acquired such mighty

honour and renown far and near, by so many victories and successful

enterprises, as none of all its neighbouring states could pretend to

boast of. A hundred and twenty years it continued in this flourishing

condition, by the grace of God; all its neighbours having, in the

meantime, been involved in troubles and commotions, and all of them

applying to it for succour or protection: to wit, France, England,

and Spain, as you have seen by experience of our master the King of

France, who in his minority, and during the reign of Charles VII., his

father, retired to this court, where he lived six years, and was nobly

entertained all that time by Duke Philip the Good. Out of England I saw

there also two of King Edward’s brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and

Gloucester (the last of whom was afterwards called King Richard the

Third); and of the house of Lancaster, the whole family or very near,

with all their party. In short, I have seen this family in all respects

the most flourishing and celebrated of any in Christendom: and then, in a

short space of time, it was quite ruined and turned upside down, and left

the most desolate and miserable of any house in Europe, as regards both

prince and subjects. Such changes and revolutions of states and kingdoms,

God in His providence has wrought before we were born, and will do again

when we are dead; for this is a certain maxim, that the prosperity or

adversity of princes depends wholly on His Divine disposal.

CH. X.—How the King of France received intelligence of the Duke of

Burgundy’s last Defeat, and managed his Affairs after the Duke’s

Death.—1477.

But to proceed with my history. The king having established posts[571]

in all parts of his kingdom (which before never had been done), it was

not long ere he received the news of the Duke of Burgundy’s defeat; and

he was in hourly expectation of the report, for letters of advice had

reached him before, importing, that the German army was advancing towards

the Duke of Burgundy’s, and that a battle was expected between them. Upon

which many persons kept their ears open for the news, in order to carry

it to the king. For his custom was to reward liberally any person who

brought him the first tidings of any news of importance, and to remember

the messenger besides. His majesty also took great delight in talking of

it before it arrived, and would say, “I will give so much to any man who

first brings me such and such news.” The Lord du Bouchage and I being

together, happened to receive the first news of the battle of Morat, and

we went with it to the king, who gave each of us 200 marks of silver.

The Lord du Lude, who lay without the Plessis, had the first news of

the arrival of the courier, with the letters concerning the battle of

Nancy; he commanded the courier to deliver him the packet, and as he was

a great favourite of the king’s, he durst not refuse him. By break of

day the next morning, the Lord du Lude knocked at the door next to the

king’s chamber, and it being opened, he delivered in the packet from the

Lord of Craon and other officers. But none of the first letters gave any

certainty of the duke’s death; they only stated that he was seen to run

away, and that it was supposed he had made his escape.

The king was at first so transported with joy at the news, he scarce knew

how to behave himself: however, his majesty was still in some perplexity.

On one hand, he was afraid that if the duke should be taken prisoner by

the Germans, by means of his money, of which he had great store, he would

make some composition with them. On the other, he was doubtful, if the

duke had made his escape, though defeated for the third time, whether

he should seize upon his towns in Burgundy or not[572]; which he judged

not very difficult to do, since most of the brave men of that country

had been slain in those three battles. As to this last point, he came to

this resolution (which I believe few were acquainted with but myself,)

that if the duke were alive and well, he would command the army which

lay ready in Champagne and Barrois to march immediately into Burgundy,

and seize upon the whole country whilst it was in that state of terror

and consternation; and when he was in possession of it, he would inform

the duke, that the seizure he had made was only to preserve it for him,

and secure it against the Germans, mans, because it was held under the

sovereignty of the crown of France, and therefore he was unwilling

it should fall into their hands; and whatever he had taken should be

faithfully restored: and truly, I am of opinion his majesty would have

done it, though many people who are ignorant of the motives that guided

the king, will not easily believe it. But this resolution was altered as

soon as he was certain of the Duke of Burgundy’s death.

Upon the king’s receiving the above-mentioned first letter, (which gave

no account of the duke’s death), he immediately sent to Tours, to summon

all his captains and other great personages to attend him. Upon their

arrival, he communicated his letters to them. They all pretended great

joy; but to such as more narrowly observed their behaviour, it was easy

to be discerned that most of them did but feign it; and, notwithstanding

all their outward dissimulation, they had been better pleased if the Duke

of Burgundy had been successful. The reason of this might be, because

the king was greatly feared, and now if he should find himself clear

and secure from his enemies, they were afraid they would be reduced, or

at least their offices and pensions retrenched; for there were several

present who had been engaged against him with his brother the Duke of

Guienne, in the confederacy called the Public Good. After his majesty had

discoursed with them for some time, he went to mass, and then ordered

dinner to be laid in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; there

being with him his chancellor[573], and some other lords of his council.

The king’s discourse at dinner-time was about this affair, and I well

remember that myself and others took particular notice how those who

were present dined; but to speak truth (whether for joy or sorrow, I

cannot tell), there was not one of them that half filled his belly; and

certainly it could not have been from modesty or bashfulness before the

king, for there was not one amongst them but had dined with his majesty

many times before.

As soon as the king rose from table, he retired, and distributed to some

persons certain lands belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, as though he had

been dead. He despatched the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, and

myself, into those parts, with full power to receive the homage of all

such as were willing to submit and become his subjects. He ordered us to

set out immediately, and gave us commission to open all his letters and

packets which we might meet by the way, that thereby we might ascertain

whether the duke was dead or alive. We departed with all speed, though

it was the coldest weather I ever felt in my life. We had not ridden

above half a day’s journey, when we met a courier, and commanding him to

deliver his letters, we learned by them that the Duke of Burgundy was

slain, and that his body had been found among the dead, and recognised

by an Italian page that attended him, and by one Monsieur Louppe, a

Portuguese[574], who was his physician, and who assured the Lord of Craon

that it was the duke his master, and the Lord of Craon notified the same

at once to the king.

CH. XI.—How the King of France seized upon Abbeville after the Death of

the Duke of Burgundy, and the Answer he received from the Inhabitants of

Arras.—1477.

Upon receiving this news we rode directly to the suburbs of Abbeville,

and were the first that announced the intelligence to the duke’s

adherents in those parts. We found the inhabitants of the town in

treaty with the Lord of Torcy, for whom they had held a great affection

for a long time. The soldiers and officers of the Duke of Burgundy

negotiated with us, by means of a messenger whom we had sent to them

beforehand; and in confidence of success, they dismissed 400 Flemings

who were then quartered in the town. The citizens, laying hold of this

opportunity, opened the gates immediately to the Lord of Torcy, to the

great prejudice and disadvantage of the captains and officers of the

garrison,—for there were seven or eight of them to whom, by virtue of

the king’s authority, we had promised money, and pensions for life; but

they never enjoyed the benefit of that promise, because the town was not

surrendered by them. Abbeville was one of the towns that Charles VII.

delivered up by the treaty of Arras in the year 1435, which towns were to

return to the crown of France upon default of issue male; so that their

admitting us so easily is not so much to be wondered at.

From thence we marched to Dourlans, and sent a summons to Arras, the

chief town in Artois, and formerly part of the patrimony of the Earls

of Flanders, which for want of heirs male always descended to the

daughters. The Lord of Ravestein and the Lord des Cordes, who were in

the town of Arras, offered to enter into a treaty with us at Mount St.

Eloy[575], and to bring some of the chief citizens with them. It was

concluded that I and some others should meet them in the king’s behalf;

but the admiral refused to go himself, because he presumed they would

not consent to grant all our demands. I had not been long at the place

of appointment, when the two above-mentioned Lords of Ravestein and Des

Cordes arrived, attended by several persons of quality, and by certain

commissioners on the part of the city; one of whom was their pensionary,

named Monsieur John de la Vaquerie[576], whom they appointed to be their

spokesman, and who since that time has been made first president of the

Parliament of Paris. We demanded in the king’s name to have the gates

immediately opened, and to be received into the town, for both the town

and the whole country belonged to the king by right of confiscation;

and if they refused to obey this summons, they would be in danger of

being besieged, and compelled to submit by force, since their duke was

defeated, and his dominions utterly unprovided with means of defence,

upon account of their irrecoverable losses in the three late battles.

The lords returned answer by their speaker Monsieur John de la Vaquerie,

that the county of Artois belonged to the Lady of Burgundy, daughter

of Duke Charles, and descended to her in a right line from Margaret,

Countess of Flanders[577], Artois, Burgundy, Nevers, and Rethel, who was

married to Philip I., Duke of Burgundy, son of King John of France[578],

and younger brother to King Charles V.; wherefore they humbly entreated

the king, that he would observe and continue the truce that had existed

between him and the late Duke of Burgundy her father. Our conference

was but short, for we expected to receive this answer; but the chief

design of my going thither was to have a private conference with some

persons that were there, to try if I could bring them over to the king’s

interest. I made overtures to some of them, who soon afterwards did his

majesty signal service. We found the whole country in a state of very

great consternation, and not without cause; for in eight days’ time they

would scarce have been able to raise eight men-at-arms, and for other

soldiers there were not in the whole country above 1500 (reckoning horse

and foot together) that had escaped from the battle in which the Duke of

Burgundy was slain; and they were quartered about Namur and Hainault.

Their former haughty language was much altered now, and they spoke

with more submission and humility; not that I would upbraid them with

excessive arrogance in times past, but to speak impartially, in my time

they thought themselves so powerful, that they spoke neither of nor to

the king with the same respect as they have done since; and if people

were wise, they would always use such moderate language in their days of

prosperity, that in the time of adversity they would not need to change

it.

I returned to the admiral, to give him an account of our conference; and

there I was informed that the king was coming towards us, and that upon

receiving the news of the duke’s death, he immediately set out, having

despatched several letters in his own and his officers’ names, to send

after him what forces could presently be assembled, with which he hoped

to reduce the provinces I have just mentioned to his obedience.

CH. XII.—A Digression (not altogether foreign to my principal Design)

concerning the King’s Joy at being delivered from most of his Enemies,

and of the Error his Majesty committed in the Reduction of the Duke of

Burgundy’s Countries.—1477.

The king was overjoyed to see himself rid of all those whom he hated,

and who were his chief enemies; on some of them he had been personally

revenged, as on the constable of France, the Duke of Nemours, and several

others. His brother, the Duke of Guienne, was dead, and his majesty came

to the succession of the duchy. The whole house of Anjou was extinct;

both René, King of Sicily, John and Nicholas, Dukes of Calabria, and

since them their cousin, the Count du Maine, afterwards made Count of

Provence.[579] The Count d’Armagnac had been killed at Lestore, and the

king had got the estates and moveables of all of them. But the house

of Burgundy, being greater and more powerful than the rest, having

maintained war with Charles VII., our master’s father, for two and thirty

years together without any cessation, by the assistance of the English;

and having their dominions bordering upon the king’s, and their subjects

always inclinable to invade his kingdom; the king had reason to be more

than ordinarily pleased at the death of that duke, and he triumphed

more in his ruin than in that of all the rest of his enemies, as he

thought that nobody, for the future, either of his own subjects, or his

neighbours, would be able to oppose him, or disturb the tranquillity of

his reign. He was at peace with England[580], as you have heard, and made

it his chief business to continue so: yet, though he was freed in this

manner from all his apprehensions, God did not permit him to take such

courses in the management of his affairs as were most proper to promote

his own interests and designs. And certainly although God Almighty has

shown, and does still show, that His determination is to punish the

family of Burgundy severely, not only in the person of the duke, but in

their subjects and estates; yet I think the king our master did not take

right measures to gain his end. For, if he had acted prudently, instead

of pretending to conquer them, he should rather have endeavoured to annex

all those large territories, to which he had no just title, to the crown

of France by some treaty of marriage; or to have gained the hearts and

affections of the people, and so have brought them over to his interest,

which he might, without any great difficulty, have effected, considering

how their late afflictions had impoverished and dejected them. If he

had acted after that manner, he would not only have prevented their

ruin and destruction, but extended and strengthened his own kingdom,

and established them all in a firm and lasting peace. He might by this

means have eased his own country of its intolerable grievances, and

particularly of the marches and countermarches of his troops, which are

commanded continually up and down from one end of the kingdom to the

other, sometimes upon very slight occasions.

In the Duke of Burgundy’s life-time the king often talked with me about

this affair, and told me what he would do if he should outlive the duke,

and his discourse at that time was very rational and wise: he told me he

would propose a match between his son (our present king) and the Duke of

Burgundy’s daughter (who has since become Duchess of Austria), and if she

would not consent to that, on the ground that the dauphin was too young,

he would then endeavour to marry her to some young prince[581] of his

kingdom, by which means he might keep her and her subjects in amity, and

obtain, without war, what he intended to lay claim to for himself; and

this was his resolution not more than a week before he heard of the Duke

of Burgundy’s death; but the very day he received that news, his mind

began to change, and this wise counsel was laid aside when the admiral

and I were despatched into those provinces: however, the king spoke

little of what he intended to do,—only to some few that were about him,

he promised sundry of the duke’s lordships and possessions.