CH. I.—How the Duke of Burgundy, having seized upon the Duchy of
Guelders, attempted farther Inroads upon the Germans, and besieged
Nuz.—1474.
The interview between the king and the constable occurred in 1474,
and at that time, the Duke of Burgundy seized upon the province of
Guelders[384], upon a quarrel well worthy to be related, to demonstrate
the justice and power of God. There was a young Duke of Guelders called
Adolphus[385], who had married a daughter[386] of the house of Bourbon,
sister to the present duke, Pierre. The marriage having been consummated
in the Duke of Burgundy’s court, he still retained some affection for
him, and continued his friend. This young duke had committed a most
execrable act, in seizing upon his father[387] one night as he was going
to bed, carrying him five German leagues on foot, bare-legged, in very
cold weather, and confining him a close prisoner in a dungeon at the
bottom of a tower[388], where there was no light but what came through a
cleft in the wall; and he kept him in that miserable condition for the
space of six months. This barbarous action occasioned a desperate war
between the Duke of Cleves (whose sister the imprisoned duke had married)
and the young Duke Adolphus. The Duke of Burgundy often interposed his
good offices, and would fain have accommodated their difference, but
could not. At length the pope and the emperor[389] began to stir in the
affair, and the Duke of Burgundy was commanded upon great penalty to
release Duke Arnold from prison, and it was done; for the young duke,
seeing so many princes concerned in the business, and fearing lest the
Duke of Burgundy would otherwise have done it by force, did not dare to
refuse. I saw them both several times in the Duke of Burgundy’s chamber,
pleading their causes before the council, and the good old man in a
passion threw his son his glove, and demanded a combat. The Duke of
Burgundy would fain have reconciled them, and offered to the young duke,
who was his favourite, the title of governor of the province, with the
whole revenue thereof, and that only a small town near Brabant, called
Grave[390], with a revenue of 6000 florins (one half to be received out
of the profits of the said town, and the other as a pension), should be
continued to his father, with the title of duke, as was but reasonable.
I was deputed (with others wiser than myself) to make this proposal to
the young duke, whose answer was, “That he had rather fling his father
headforemost into a well, and himself after him, than consent to such an
accommodation; for his father had been duke four and forty years already,
and it was time now that he should have his turn; but he would willingly
allow him a pension of 3000 florins, upon condition he would leave the
duchy, and never come into it again;” besides several other extravagant
and detestable expressions to that effect.
This happened just at the time when the king took Amiens from the Duke of
Burgundy, who was then with these two dukes at Dourlens[391] very busy in
adjusting their differences. Upon the news of the taking of Amiens, he
removed suddenly to Hesdin, and forgot their controversy which was before
him. The young duke disguised himself like a Frenchman, and endeavoured
(with only one servant) to make his escape into his own country.[392]
Passing a ferry not far from Namur, he paid a florin for his passage,
which being observed by a priest that stood by, he presently suspected
him, and asked the ferry-man what it was he had given him; then, looking
earnestly upon him, he recognised him, and caused him to be apprehended
and carried to Namur[393]; where he was kept a prisoner till, upon the
Duke of Burgundy’s death, the citizens of Ghent released him, and would
have forced the duke’s daughter[394] (since Duchess of Austria) to have
married him. After which, taking him along with them in their expedition
against Tournay, he was miserably slain, and sordidly buried, as if the
vengeance of God Almighty, for his barbarity to his father, could not
have been otherwise satisfied. The old duke dying before the Duke of
Burgundy, and during his son’s imprisonment (upon the account of his
inhuman and vile treatment), disinherited him, and left the succession
of Guelders to the Duke of Burgundy; by virtue of which title (though
he found some little resistance) the Duke of Burgundy conquered it, and
enjoyed it till his death, for he was then powerful, and at peace with
the king; and his successors enjoy it to this day, and shall do as long
as God shall think good.[395] This I have related for no other reason (as
I said in the beginning) but to show that such unnatural impiety never
goes unpunished.
The Duke of Burgundy returned into his own country, mightily puffed
up by the acquisition of this duchy. He took great pleasure in
concerning himself with the affairs of the empire; for the emperor
was a mean-spirited prince, and to avoid the expense of war, would
tamely suffer anything. Besides, of himself, without the concurrence
of the princes of the empire, he could do but little. For this reason
the duke prolonged his truce with the king[396], though some of the
king’s courtiers were utterly against it, alleging the danger of the
duke’s growing too powerful: and what they urged was not altogether
unreasonable; but they wanted experience and foresight, and therefore
did not understand the matter. Others[397] (of greater judgment and
knowledge, in respect that they had been in those countries) advised by
all means that the cessation of arms might be prolonged, and the duke
permitted to tire and exhaust himself against the Germans (whose grandeur
and strength, when united, are almost inconceivable); for he was of such
an ambitious temper, that the taking of one town, or the accomplishing
of one design, did but excite and hurry him on to attempt another; so
that one war drawing a second upon him (contrary to the king’s humour),
his restless desires were not to be satisfied with any single success.
Wherefore they advised the king, as the best and easiest way to revenge
himself upon him, rather to give him some little assistance, than the
least suspicion of breaking the truce; for the greatness and puissance of
the princes of Germany would quickly confound and exhaust him, and (the
emperor himself not being a warlike prince) they would certainly unite
and oppose him; and so it happened in the conclusion.
There were at that time two persons that pretended a right to the
bishopric of Cologne: one of them was brother to the Landgrave of
Hesse[398]; and the other was the Count Palatine of the Rhine.[399] The
Duke of Burgundy sided with the Palatine, and undertook to establish
him by force in that dignity; and (in hopes of gaining some of the
towns thereabout for himself) he besieged Nuz[400] (which is a town not
far from Cologne) in the year 1474. And the Landgrave of Hesse[401]
was there with a good number of men. The duke, however, had so many
things upon the anvil at once, and so many enterprises and designs in
his head, that he sank beneath the burden of them. He would fain have
persuaded Edward, King of England, to have brought over a great army,
which (upon his solicitation) he had raised at that time, to favour his
designs in Germany, which were as follows:—If he took Nuz, he designed
to have put a strong garrison into it, and two or three towns more in
that neighbourhood (by which means Cologne would have been blocked up),
and then to have marched up the Rhine as far as the county of Ferrette,
which was then under his jurisdiction[402]; by which means all the Rhine,
as far as Holland, would have been under his dominion; which space of
ground contains more fortified towns and castles than any kingdom in
Christendom, except France. The truce which the Duke of Burgundy had made
with the king, had been prolonged for six months[403]; and the greatest
part of it being expired, the king desired it might be renewed, that the
duke might have enough of the war in Germany; but the duke, because of
his promise to the English[404], would not consent to it.
I would willingly have omitted this siege of Nuz, as an affair not
absolutely necessary to my history; and, besides, I was not at it; but
I am obliged to mention it on account of some matters which depend on
it. The town of Nuz was strongly fortified, and in it there were the
Landgrave of Hesse, and many of his relations and friends, with a body
of 1800 horse, as I was informed, all choice troops (as they proved
afterwards), and as many foot as they thought needful for the defence of
the place. This landgrave, as I said before, was brother to the bishop,
who was chosen in opposition to that person whom the Duke of Burgundy
would have advanced. Upon which, being highly disgusted, he laid siege to
Nuz in the year 1474.
His army was at that time more numerous and in better order than it ever
had been formerly; especially his cavalry; for, upon pretence of some
designs upon Italy, he had got together about 1000 Italian men-at-arms,
under the command of the Count of Campobasso, a Neapolitan, a partisan
of the house of Anjou, a most perfidious and dangerous man. There was
likewise James Galeot, a Neapolitan gentleman (a very brave officer), and
several others, whose names, for brevity sake, I omit. Besides, he had
with him 3000 English, all stout soldiers, and a vast number of his own
subjects well armed, mounted, and disciplined in his wars; and a fine
train of artillery. All these were prepared and in readiness to join the
English (that were raising in England with all expedition) upon their
first landing. But things of such importance are managed very tediously
there; for the king not being able to undertake such an affair without
calling together his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three
Estates, and, as it consists for the most part of sober and pious men,
is very serviceable and strengthening to the king. At the meeting of
this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his
subjects (for no money is raised in England but upon some expedition
into France or Scotland, or some such extraordinary occasion); and then
they supply him very liberally, especially against France; yet the Kings
of England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire
to have any supplies granted, to raise men, and pretend quarrels with
Scotland or France; and having encamped with their army for about three
months, disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for
their own private use; and this trick King Edward understood very well,
and often practised it.
It was a whole year before this English army could be raised and set in
order. When it was ready, towards the beginning of the summer, notice
was given to the Duke of Burgundy, who lay then before Nuz, and was of
opinion that in a few days he should put his bishop into possession, and
have Nuz and other towns assigned him for the purposes above mentioned.
I am of opinion this was God’s own doing, in mercy to the kingdom of
France, or else the Duke of Burgundy might have done great mischief to
that nation with an army of old troops accustomed for several years
together to invade it, without any resistance but what was made by the
fortified towns; and yet something may be attributed to the king’s wisdom
and management, who would not put anything to a venture; not so much
for fear of the Duke of Burgundy, as of tumults at home upon the loss
of a battle; for he did not believe himself safe with his servants or
subjects, especially the great lords; and, if I may speak freely, he
often told me that he knew the inclination of his subjects very well,
and should find them inclinable to rebellion upon the loss of a battle,
or any such misfortune. Wherefore, whenever the Duke of Burgundy invaded
any part of his dominions, his majesty’s way was to put strong garrisons
into all the towns by which he was likely to march; so that (without
the expense and hazard of an army in the field) the duke’s forces in a
little time wasted and baffled themselves without endangering the nation;
which (in my judgment) was very good policy. However, the duke being
so strong as I have represented him, if the English army had appeared
at the beginning of the summer (which it doubtless would have done, if
the duke had not committed the error of besieging Nuz), certainly the
kingdom of France would have been in imminent danger; for the King of
England had never invaded France with so numerous and well-disciplined an
army; all the great lords of England attended him without any exception;
and they amounted to about 1500 men-at-arms (a great number for the
English), all well accoutred and with a great retinue; besides 14,000
archers on horseback, with their bows and arrows, and a numerous body of
camp-servants on foot, but not one page in the whole army. Besides, the
King of England was to have landed 3000 men in Bretagne[405] to join the
Duke of Bretagne’s army. I saw likewise two letters under the hand of
the Lord of Urfé, Master of the Horse of France, but who was then in the
Duke of Bretagne’s service; one directed to the King of England, and the
other to the Lord Hastings, High Chamberlain of England, which had this
among other expressions: That the Duke of Bretagne would do more by his
intrigues in a month, than the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy
both could do in six, with all the force they could bring. Nor do I
question the truth of what he said, if things had been managed as they
might have been. But God, who is ever careful of the preservation of this
kingdom, disposed of them otherwise, as you shall understand hereafter.
These letters above mentioned were purchased of one of the English
secretaries for threescore marks of silver by our king, whom God pardon!
CH. II.—How the Town of Nuz was relieved by the Germans and the Emperor;
and of other Enemies whom the King of France stirred up against the Duke
of Burgundy.—1474.
As I said before, the Duke of Burgundy had invested Nuz, and met with
greater difficulties in that siege than he expected. The city of Cologne
(which lies four leagues higher upon the Rhine) was forced to be at
the expense of 100,000 florins of gold a month, to secure themselves
against the Duke of Burgundy, and had, in conjunction with some of
the neighbouring towns above it, upon the Rhine, put into the field a
body of 15,000 or 16,000 foot, and posted them with a large train of
artillery upon the bank of the river opposite to the duke’s camp, with
a design to intercept all his convoys of provision, which came by water
out of the country of Guelders up the river, and to sink his boats with
their cannon. The emperor and the electoral princes of the empire had
a meeting about this affair; and it was unanimously resolved to raise
an army. The king having sent several ambassadors to them, to solicit
them to that purpose, they sent to him a Canon of Cologne (of the house
of Bavaria), and another ambassador with him, with a roll or list of
the army which the emperor designed to raise, provided the king would
make a diversion on his side. They were sure of a favourable answer from
his majesty, and whatever they demanded was granted. Besides, the king
promised in writing, both to the emperor and to several princes and
cities, that as soon as the emperor should take the field, and advance to
Cologne, he would send 20,000 men to join them under the command of the
Lords of Craon and Sallezard.
Hereupon the German army was raised, and got ready, amounting to an
almost incredible number of men; for all the princes of Germany, both
spiritual and temporal, and all the bishops and free-towns, sent in their
respective forces in great numbers. I was informed that the Bishop of
Munster[406] (who is none of the greatest) led into that army 6000 foot
and 1400 horse, all clothed in green uniforms, besides 1200 waggons; but
his bishopric was hard by. It was seven months’ time before this army was
raised and fit to march; and it then posted itself within half a league
of the Duke of Burgundy’s camp[407]; and (as I have been informed by
several of the duke’s people) it was three times the number of the Duke
of Burgundy’s army and the English army together, both in men, tents, and
pavilions; and besides this army of the emperor’s, there was the army on
the other side of the river, which continually annoyed the enemy, both
by cannonading their camp, and intercepting their convoys.
As soon as the emperor and the princes of the empire were arrived before
Nuz, they despatched a certain doctor (of great reputation among them),
called Hesevare[408] (who was afterwards made a cardinal), to the king.
His business was to solicit his majesty to perform his promise, and to
send his 20,000 men; otherwise the Germans would accommodate matters with
the Duke of Burgundy. The king promised him fair, made him a present of
400 crowns, despatched him immediately, and sent along with him to the
emperor one John Tiercelin[409], Lord of Brosse; but this did not satisfy
the doctor, so that there were great intrigues carried on by all sides
during this siege. The king endeavoured to make peace with the Duke of
Burgundy, or at least to prolong the truce, to prevent the English from
landing: the King of England, on the other hand, tried to persuade the
duke to raise the siege before Nuz, and (according to his engagement) to
make war upon France, for the winter began to approach; on which errand
the Lord Scales (nephew to the constable, and a very good knight) was
sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke; but the duke was
perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and understanding;
for all his life long he had been labouring to get the English over to
invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all things prepared to
receive them, both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he obstinately persisted in
an enterprise in which it was impossible for him to succeed.
There was at that time with the emperor an apostolic legate[410], who
passed daily from one camp to the other, to negotiate a peace. The King
of Denmark also, being quartered in a small town[411] not far from the
two armies, endeavoured the same; so that the Duke of Burgundy might have
had honourable terms, and marched off to the King of England, but he
would not accept of them. He excused himself as handsomely as he could to
the English, telling them that his honour was engaged, and it would be a
lessening to his reputation to raise the siege; and such like excuses.
These were not the English who had reigned in his father’s days, and had
behaved themselves with so much valour and conduct in the old wars with
France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French
affairs; so that the duke did very unwisely, if he had any design to make
use of them for the future, for he would have had to lead them on, as it
were, step by step, at least during the first campaign.
The Duke of Burgundy’s perverse resolution to continue the siege of Nuz
occasioned two or three other wars to break out upon him. The Lord of
Craon, for the advantage of the king’s affairs, persuaded the Duke of
Lorraine[412] that it would turn highly to his advantage to quarrel with
the Duke of Burgundy in this present juncture; though he was in perfect
amity with him, and had been in treaty with him since the death of Duke
Nicholas of Calabria, yet he sent him a defiance (by means of the Lord
of Craon) as he lay in his camp before Nuz; and immediately he took the
field, invaded the duchy of Luxembourg, committed great ravages in the
country, and razed a town called Pierre-fort[413], in the said province,
not above two leagues from Nancy. Moreover, by the conduct and management
of the king and his ambassadors, a ten years’ alliance was concluded
between the Swiss and the towns upon the Rhine (as Basle, Strasburg, and
others) who had been at enmity before.
A peace was likewise made between Sigismund, Duke of Austria, and the
Swiss, in order to facilitate his recovery of the county of Ferrette,
which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundy for 100,000 florins of the
Rhine; but one thing remained in dispute between them still, for the
Swiss pressed hard to have passage when they pleased (either with their
arms or without) through four towns in the county of Ferrette; and it
being referred to the king[414], he decided in favour of the Swiss.
All things being resolved on, they were executed accordingly; for, in
a fair night, Peter Archambault[415], the governor of the county of
Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundy, was surprised, and 800 men with him;
the men were all immediately discharged, but the governor was detained
and carried prisoner to Basle, where process being made against him for
certain excesses and violences which he had committed in the said county
of Ferrette[416], his head was struck off, and the county restored to
Sigismund, Duke of Austria. Then the Swiss began to make war upon the
Duke of Burgundy, and took Blasmond[417], belonging to the Marshal of
Burgundy, who was of the house of Neufchastel. They also besieged the
castle of Herycourt[418], belonging also to the house of Neufchastel; the
Burgundians attempted to relieve it, but were beaten, and a great number
of them killed; after which the Swiss did much mischief, ravaged the
whole country, and then retired for that time.
CH. III.—How the King took from the Duke of Burgundy the Castle of
Tronquoy, with the Towns of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and the
Endeavours he used to persuade the Emperor Frederick to seize upon such
Towns as belonged to the Duke in the Empire.—1475.
The truce between the king and the Duke of Burgundy now expired[419], to
the king’s no small regret, for he had much rather have renewed it; but
finding it was impossible to be done, he besieged a little castle called
Tronquoy, in the beginning of the summer of 1475, and took it by assault
in a few hours’ time. The next day[420] the king sent me to parley with
the garrison of Montdidier, who marched away with their baggage, and
abandoned the town. The day after I was sent with the Admiral of France,
Bastard of Bourbon, to capitulate with Roye, which, despairing of relief,
surrendered to the king.[421] They would neither of them have submitted,
had the Duke of Burgundy been in the country, for which reason, though
contrary to our promise, both of them were burnt; from thence the king
marched with his army to Corbie, where he was expected. We carried on
our approaches very well, and fired from our batteries for three days
successively. In the town there were the Lord of Contay[422], and several
other officers, who surrendered at last[423], and marched out with their
baggage; two days after, the poor town was plundered, and then burnt, as
the other two had been.
The king at this time had some thoughts of retiring with his army,
supposing the necessity of the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs would have
put him upon a new truce; but a certain lady (whom I know, but will
not name, because she is still living) wrote to the king to desire his
majesty to march with his army to Arras, and the country thereabouts.
The king believed her, for she was a person of honour; yet I cannot
commend her for it, because she was under no obligation to do it; but the
king, however, sent thither the Admiral Bastard of Bourbon with a strong
detachment[424], who burnt a great many of their towns between Abbeville
and Arras. The citizens of Arras, having enjoyed a long series of peace
and prosperity, and being grown haughty and arrogant, compelled their
garrison to make a sally; but being too weak for the king’s party, when
they came to charge, they were most of them taken or killed, especially
their officers, and among the rest Monsieur Jacques de St. Paul, brother
to the constable, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Carency[425], and
some of the nearest relations to the lady who was the occasion of that
undertaking; and indeed she herself was a great sufferer by it, but the
king made her handsome reparation for the loss she had sustained.
About this time the king had sent John Tiercelin, Lord of Brosse, on an
embassy to the emperor, to prevent any accommodation between him and
the Duke of Burgundy, and to excuse him to the emperor for not having
sent his forces according to his promise. His ambassador was to assure
his imperial majesty that, for the future, he would be more punctual,
and to magnify his incursions and exploits, as well against the Duke of
Burgundy’s own country, as against the country of Picardy. Besides which,
he was to make a new proposal, that they should mutually engage and
swear, one to the other, to make no peace nor truce without the knowledge
and consent of both; that the emperor should seize and take all such
lordships as belonged, or ought to belong, to the said Duke of Burgundy,
in the empire, and declare them forfeited; upon which terms the king
would possess himself of all that the duke held of the crown of France,
as Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, and the rest. The emperor was never
accounted valiant in his life, but being old he had seen much, and had
a great deal of experience; and these treaties and contrivances between
him and the king having taken up much time, the emperor by degrees grew
weary of the war, though it had cost him nothing, for the German princes
were all at their own charges, as their custom is, whenever the common
interest of the empire is concerned.
By way of answer to the king’s ambassadors, the emperor told them the
following story: Not far from a certain town in Germany there was a great
bear, that did a great deal of mischief; two or three boon companions who
used often to drink together, came to a tavern, where they had run up a
large reckoning before, and desired the landlord that he would give them
credit but for that one reckoning, and before two days were at an end
they would wipe off all scores, for they were resolved to kill that bear
which had done so much mischief, and whose skin would yield them a great
deal of money, besides all the presents that would come in to them for
the service they had done the country in destroying that ravenous beast.
Their landlord trusted them once more, and when they had dined, away
they marched in search of the bear. Her den happening to be nearer than
they supposed it was, they stumbled upon the bear before they expected,
and, being all three in great consternation, they took to their heels;
one ran towards the town, the other climbed up a tree, but the third was
overtaken, and, having fallen down, the bear trampled upon him with her
feet, and ran her snout into his ear. The poor man had thrown himself
flat on the ground, and lay in a posture as if he were dead. Now, it is
the nature of that beast to suppose that whatever prey it seizes upon,
whether man or beast, is dead when it perceives no further motion, and it
then lets it alone. Accordingly, this bear went away to her den, without
doing him any hurt. By degrees the poor man began to look up, and finding
the enemy retired, he got upon his legs, and ran as fast as he could to
the town. His companion that had taken refuge in the tree, having seen
the whole mystery, came down with all speed, ran and hallooed after him,
desiring him to stop; so he turned back very civilly, and stayed till he
came up. When he who had been on the tree had overtaken him, he asked his
companion, upon oath, what counsel it was which the bear was so long in
whispering into his ear. His comrade replied, “she charged me never for
the future to sell the bear’s skin till the beast was dead.” And with
this story the king’s ambassador was despatched, for the emperor gave him
no other answer in public; the meaning of which was, “That if the king
came according to his promise, they would take the duke if they could;
and when he was taken, they would talk of dividing his dominions.”
CH. IV.—How the Constable fell again under the Suspicion both of the King
and of the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.
You have already heard that Monsieur James de St. Paul and other officers
were taken prisoners in the action before Arras, which was an accident
very unpleasing to the constable, for James was his favourite brother.
But this misfortune came not alone; for almost at the same time[426] his
son, the Count of Roussy (Governor of Burgundy for the duke) was taken
prisoner likewise; and not long after died the constable’s wife[427], an
excellent lady, and sister to the Queen of France, upon which account he
found much favour and support; for the combination (which, as you have
heard, was for some time interrupted at Bouvines) was still carried on
against him; and the constable never thought himself safe afterwards, but
was held in perpetual suspicion by both sides, but more especially by the
king, for he was sensible his majesty repented of having withdrawn his
articles at Bouvines.
The Count of Dammartin, with others, was quartered with his men-at-arms
in the neighbourhood of St. Quentin; and the constable was afraid of
them, as if they had been enemies, and threw 300 of his own troops into
that town, and stayed amongst them himself, for he had no confidence in
the king’s forces, but lived in continual anxiety and disquiet of mind.
The king sent several messages with orders to him to take the field
and march into Hainault, and besiege Avesnes at the same time that the
admiral with his detachment made an incursion into Artois, which he did,
but with incredible fear. He had not lain many days before the town, with
a strong guard about his person, before he retired to St. Quentin again,
and sent the king word (which message, by the king’s order, was delivered
to me) that he had raised the siege upon certain information that there
were two persons in the army employed by the king to assassinate him;
and he told so many circumstances to confirm it, that most people began
to believe it, and one of the persons was suspected of having revealed
something to him, that he ought to have kept secret. I will not name the
persons, nor make any further mention of this matter.
The constable sent frequently into the Duke of Burgundy’s quarters (and
I think his object was to divert him from this foolish expedition); and
upon the return of his agents, he always sent some news or other to the
king, which he imagined would greatly please his majesty, and withal
acquainted him with his design in sending so often to the duke, by which
artifice he thought to amuse and cajole the king. Sometimes, also, he
sent to let the king know that the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were in
a very prosperous condition; but it was only to frighten him; and so
fearful was he of being surprised, that he begged the Duke of Burgundy to
send to him his brother James de St. Paul (before his capture), the Lord
of Fiennes[428], and other of his relations (who were then with the duke
at the siege of Nuz), and that he would allow him to put them and their
troops into St. Quentin (but without the cross of St. Andrew, which is
the badge and cognisance of the house of Burgundy); and he promised to
keep St. Quentin for the duke, and in a little time to deliver up the
town entirely to him; and for better security offered to promise this
under his hand. The Duke of Burgundy granted his request; but when his
brother James, the Lord of Fiennes, and the rest of his relations, came
twice within a league or two of St. Quentin, and were ready to enter, his
fear vanished, he repented, and sent them back from whence they came;
and on a third occasion he did so again; such was his desire to carry
his affairs swimmingly between both parties, and preserve himself in the
position he was in, for he exceedingly feared them both.
These passages I learned from several persons, and particularly from the
mouth of Monsieur James de St. Paul, who, when he was prisoner, told them
to the king, when nobody was present but myself, and the sincerity of his
answers was very serviceable to him. The king demanded of him what number
of troops he designed to have put into the town. He told his majesty
that, on the third occasion, he had 3000. Then the king asked him if he
had succeeded, and entered the town, for whom he would have kept it?
whether for him or for the constable? Monsieur James de St. Paul replied,
that on the first two occasions he came only to encourage his brother;
but the third time, having observed that his brother had twice before
deceived both his master and his majesty, if he had found his party the
strongest, he would have kept it for his master, but without any violence
or detriment to his brother; only if he had commanded him to evacuate the
town, he would have disobeyed his orders. Not long after this private
conference, the king released Monsieur James, gave him men-at-arms and a
large estate, and employed him afterwards in several affairs as long as
he lived; and all because of the freedom and sincerity of his answers.
Since I began to speak of Nuz, I have intermingled several occurrences,
which, however, were coincident; for the siege continued a year[429], and
they happened during that time. There were two things which mightily
tempted the Duke of Burgundy to raise the siege: one was the war which
the King of France had begun against him in Picardy, in which he had
burnt three pretty little towns[430], and wasted a good part of the flat
country in Artois and Ponthieu; the other was the great army which, at
his request and solicitation, the King of England had raised; for he had
been importuning him all his life long to invade France, and could never
effect it till now. The King of England and all his nobility were highly
discontented at the Duke of Burgundy’s delays, and added threats to
their entreaties; as they had reason, for they had been at a prodigious
expense in raising an army, and the best part of the season was almost
spent. The Duke of Burgundy thought it highly for his honour that so
puissant an army as the emperor’s (consisting of the forces of so many
princes, prelates, and states), which amounted to a greater number than
had been assembled together since the memory of man, and for a long time
previously, were not able to force him to raise the siege. But he paid
dearly for his vanity; for the man who makes profit by a war, bears away
all the honour of it. However, the legate I mentioned before continued
his good offices on both sides so long, that at length a peace[431] was
concluded between the Emperor and the Duke of Burgundy, and Nuz was
delivered into the hands of the Pope’s legate, to be disposed of as his
Holiness should direct. But to what extremity must the Duke of Burgundy
have been reduced, to see himself pressed so hard by the French forces on
one side, and the English menaces on the other; especially at a time when
Nuz was reduced to such a miserable condition, that in fifteen days they
must have surrendered unconditionally, or starved? Nay, I was told by a
captain who was then in the town, and whom the king afterwards took into
his service, that it could not have held out ten days longer; and yet for
these urgent reasons the Duke of Burgundy was forced to raise the siege
in 1475.
CH. V.—How the King of England passed the Sea with a powerful Army to
assist his Ally, the Duke of Burgundy, against the King of France, to
whom he sent a Defiance by one of his Heralds-at-arms.—1475.
But to proceed. The King of England, in order to embark for Calais[432],
had marched down to Dover with an army; the most numerous, the best
disciplined, the best mounted, and the best armed, that ever any king of
that nation invaded France withal. He was attended by the flower of the
English nobility, consisting of 1500 men-at-arms, richly accoutred after
the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them barded, and every one
of them had several persons on horseback in his retinue. His archers
were 15,000, on horseback, with their bows and arrows, besides a great
number of foot soldiers, and others to pitch his tents and pavilions,
take care of the artillery, and enclose his camp; and there was not one
page in the whole army; besides which, there was a body of 3000 men who
were to be landed in Bretagne. I have already mentioned this before, but
however, it is not impertinent to do it again, if it were for no other
reason but to show, that, if the providence of God had not, by peculiar
mercy to this kingdom (which He has preserved more graciously than any
other in the world), infatuated the Duke of Burgundy’s understanding,
no one could ever have believed that he would be so blind to his own
interest as to invest, and obstinately to carry on the siege of, a town
so strongly fortified and so bravely defended as Nuz was; and especially
at that juncture, when he had at last prevailed upon the English, after
many importunities, to pass the seas, and invade France in conjunction
with him; a thing that he had been labouring at all his life-time, but
could never effect till now. Besides, he knew that the troops of that
nation were at present of little importance in his wars with France, and
if he expected any real assistance from them afterwards, it was necessary
he should have made one campaign with them at least, to have acquainted
and instructed them in the method of our wars; for though no nation is
more raw and undisciplined than the English at their first coming over,
yet a little time makes them brave soldiers, excellent officers, and wise
councillors. But the duke did just the contrary, and, among the rest of
the disadvantages that followed, the summer was almost spent, and his own
army so diminished and fatigued, that he was ashamed they should be seen;
for he had lost before Nuz 4000 of his standing forces, the very flower
of his army; by which one may see how God disposed him to act in this
affair contrary to his reason and interest, which he understood better
than any one else ten years before.
The King of England being at Dover, ready to embark, the Duke of Burgundy
sent him 500 Dutch boats, which were flat and low, and very proper for
the transportation of horses (which boats, in Holland and Zealand, are
called scuts); yet, notwithstanding that vast number, and all that the
king could provide of his own, the embarking and landing his forces
at Calais occupied three weeks, though the distance between Dover and
that place is but seven leagues. From whence one may observe with what
prodigious difficulty the Kings of England transport their armies into
France; and if the King of France had understood the sea as well as he
did land affairs, King Edward could never have landed in France, at least
that year; but his majesty had no skill in naval matters, and those to
whom he gave authority in war knew less of them than himself; yet one of
our men-of-war, belonging to Eu, took two or three of their transports.
Before the King of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his
heralds, named Garter, a native of Normandy, to the King of France, with
a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in such
polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman[433] wrote it.
The contents were, that our king should surrender to the King of England
the kingdom of France as his right and inheritance, to the end that he
might restore the church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient
liberty, and relieve them from the great oppression and burdens they
groaned under; and if he refused, he declared all the ensuing miseries
and calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon
such occasions. The King of France read the letter to himself, and then,
wisely withdrawing into another room, commanded the herald to be called
in; he then told him that he was very sensible his master had not made
this descent upon any disposition of his own, but at the importunity of
the Duke of Burgundy and of the Commons of England; that it was visible
the summer was far spent, and the Duke of Burgundy returned from Nuz,
but in such a weak and miserable condition, that he would not be in a
capacity to assist him; that, as to the constable, he was satisfied
he held intelligence with the King of England (for he had married his
niece), but there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would
deceive King Edward, as he had often deceived him; and having enumerated
the favours which he had conferred upon him, he added, “His design is to
live in eternal dissimulation, to treat with everybody, and to make his
advantage of all.” Besides which the king used several other arguments to
induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him,
gave him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promised him 1000 more upon
the conclusion of the peace; and then, in public, his majesty ordered
him to be presented with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in
length.
The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute
all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master
would not be averse to it; but there was no making any proposals, till
he was landed with his whole army in France, and then, if his majesty
pleased, he might send a herald to desire a passport for his ambassadors,
if he had a mind to send any to him; but withal he desired his majesty
to address letters to the Lords Howard[434] or Stanley[435], and also to
himself, that he might introduce his herald.
There were abundance of people attending without, during the king’s
private discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what
the king would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came
forth. When he had done, he called me, and charged me to entertain the
herald, till he ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from talking
privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a piece
of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king
addressed himself to the rest of the company, gave them an account of his
letters of defiance, and calling seven or eight of them apart, he ordered
the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and valiant,
without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was much
revived by what he had learned from the herald.
CH. VI.—Of the Trouble and Perplexity of the Constable, and of certain
Letters he wrote to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which
afterwards were partly the Cause of his Death.—1475.
I here must say a word or two concerning the constable, who was in great
perplexity for the trick which he had played the Duke of Burgundy about
St. Quentin; and he now looked upon himself as quite ruined in the king’s
favour, who had already drawn away from him the Lords of Genly[436] and
of Moüy (two of his principal servants), though the Lord of Moüy went to
visit him sometimes. The king very earnestly desired the constable to
come to him, and offered him certain recompenses which he demanded for
the county of Guise, and which the king had formerly promised him; the
constable was willing to come, but required that the king should swear
upon the cross of St. Lou of Angers[437] neither to do, nor consent that
any mischief should be done to his person; insisting, that his majesty
might as well take this oath to him now, as he had formerly done to the
Lord of Lescut.[438] The king replied, that he would never take that oath
again for any man whatever; but let him propose any other, and he would
take it. You must understand that both constable and king were in great
uneasiness and perplexity of mind; so that for a good while together
there was not a day passed, but somebody or other went between them to
settle this oath. And to a thoughtful man it is a great instance of the
misery and infelicity of human life, that we should speak and write so
many things contrary to our minds, as if it were done on purpose to
shorten it. But if these two I have mentioned were full of cares and
anxieties, the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy had their share
of trouble also.
The King of England’s landing at Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy’s
raising the siege of Nuz, occurred much about the same time. The duke,
with long journeys (but a small retinue), came directly to wait on the
King of England[439] at Calais, having sent his army (shattered and
fatigued, as you have heard) into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine
to plunder, and refresh themselves: for you have already heard that the
Duke of Lorraine had begun war upon him, and defied him before Nuz. This
was a great oversight (among the rest) of which he was guilty in respect
to the English, who expected him to have joined them at their landing
with at least 2500 men-at-arms, well provided, and a considerable body
of horse and foot (as the duke had promised)[440]; and that he should
have opened the campaign in France three months before their descent,
that they might have found the king either tired of the war, or in great
distress: but, as you have heard before, God Almighty prevented it. The
King of England, accompanied by the Duke of Burgundy, went from Calais
to Boulogne, and from thence to Peronne, where the duke entertained the
English but coldly; for he ordered the gates to be shut, and suffered
very few to come into the town, and the rest had to encamp in the fields,
which they were the better able to endure, because they had tents, and
were well provided with all things necessary upon such an occasion.
They were no sooner arrived at Peronne, but the constable despatched one
of his servants (called Louis de Creville) to make his excuse to the
Duke of Burgundy for not having delivered St. Quentin, pretending that
if he had done so, he would have been for ever disabled from serving him
any further in the kingdom of France, for he would have thereby lost all
his credit and influence in that nation. But now the King of England
was come, he would act hereafter according to the Duke of Burgundy’s
directions; and for greater assurance, the messenger delivered him a
letter to the King of England, in which the constable seemed to refer the
character of his integrity to the Duke of Burgundy’s testimony. Besides
this, the Duke of Burgundy received another sealed up and addressed to
himself, in which the constable made strong professions of friendship
and service to the duke, and that he would assist him and his allies
(and particularly the King of England) against all persons and princes
whatever. The Duke of Burgundy gave the letter to the King of England,
and acquainted him with the contents of his own, exaggerating a little,
and assuring the king that the constable would receive him into St.
Quentin, and all the rest of the towns; and the king really believed
it, because he had married the constable’s niece, and he thought him
so terribly afraid of the King of France, that he would not venture to
break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the Duke of Burgundy
less credulous than King Edward. But neither the perplexities of the
constable, nor his dread of the King of France, had as yet carried him
so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them (according to his
custom), and lay before them such plausible reasons as might prevail upon
them not to force him to declare himself openly. The King of England and
his nobility were not so well skilled in artifice and subtlety as the
lords of this kingdom, but went more bluntly and ingenuously about their
affairs; so that they were not so sharp at discovering the intrigues and
deceptions common on this side the water. The English that have never
travelled are naturally passionate, as the people are generally in all
cold countries. Our kingdom (as you see) is neither pierced with cold,
nor scorched with the sun, being bounded on the east by Italy, Spain, and
Catalonia; on the west, by Flanders and Holland; and by Germany on the
south, all along the country of Champagne; so that part of our country
being hot, and part of it cold, our people are of two complexions; but in
my judgment, there is no country in the whole universe better situated
than France.
The King of England (who perhaps had had some promises made him before,
but not to so great an extent as now) being overjoyed at the news he
received from the constable, set out with the Duke of Burgundy and his
small retinue (for the main body of his army had marched into Barrois and
Lorraine, as I have said) from Peronne towards St. Quentin. A party of
English (not having patience to march with the army) had gone forward,
expecting (as I was told some few days after) that the citizens would
have ordered the bells to be rung for joy at their approach, and that
they would have met them with the usual ceremony of the cross and holy
water. But they were mightily mistaken; for they no sooner came in sight
of the town, than the great guns were fired upon them, and a strong
body of horse and foot sallied out to engage them; in which action two
or three English were killed, and some few taken prisoners. It happened
to be a terrible rainy day, yet they were forced to march through it,
and retire to their army, much out of humour with the constable, and
calling him a traitor. The Duke of Burgundy was resolved to take his
leave the next morning of the King of England (which was a strange thing,
considering it was upon his importunity that he had undertaken this
expedition), and return to his forces in Barrois, pretending he would do
great feats for the English; but the English being naturally of a jealous
temper, novices on this side of the water, and astonished at this kind of
proceeding, began to entertain an ill opinion of their ally, and could
not believe he had any army at all; besides, the Duke of Burgundy could
not satisfy them as to the constable’s manner of receiving them, though
he endeavoured to persuade them all was well, and that what was done
would turn to their advantage; but all the Duke of Burgundy’s arguments
could not pacify them, and being disheartened at the approach of winter,
they seemed by their expressions to be more inclinable to peace than war.
CH. VII.—How the King of France disguised one of his menial Servants in
a Herald’s Coat, and sent him with a Message to the King of England, who
gave him a favourable Answer.—1475.
In the meantime, even at the very moment of the duke’s taking his leave,
the English took a gentleman’s servant belonging to the King of France’s
court, named James de Grassé.[441] This servant was brought immediately
before the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy; and being ordered
into a tent, after some slight examination of him, the Duke of Burgundy
took his leave, and set out by the way of Brabant for Mazières[442],
where part of his army lay. The King of England ordered the servant
to be released, as being the first prisoner they had taken. Upon his
departure, the Lords Howard and Stanley gave him a noble, and desired him
“to present their most humble service to the king his master, when he had
an opportunity of speaking to him.” The servant came with all speed to
Compiègne (where the court was at that time) to give the king an account
of their message; but his majesty was afraid of him, and suspected him
to be a spy, because his master’s brother Gilbert de Grassé[443] was
then in Bretagne, and a great favourite of that duke. The servant had
irons clapped upon him immediately, and a guard was set to watch him that
night; yet several courtiers talked with him by the king’s orders, and
told his majesty that by his discourse he seemed a very honest fellow,
and that he might venture to see him without any manner of danger.
Upon these assurances, the next morning the king spoke with him himself;
and, after he had discoursed with him a little while, he ordered his
irons to be knocked off, but kept him still in custody: from thence the
king went to dinner, full of thought and consultation, whether he had
best send to the King of England or not. Before he sat down to the table
he spoke something of it to me, for his way was (as you know, my Lord
of Vienne) to speak privately and familiarly with those who were about
him, as I was then, and others have been since; and he had a strange
fancy to whisper into people’s ears. He was thinking upon what the King
of England’s herald had told him, that he should send to the King of
England for a passport for his ambassadors, as soon as that prince had
landed, and that his negotiation should be addressed to the Lords Howard
and Stanley. As soon as he was sat down, and had considered a little,
according to his custom (which to those who were unacquainted with his
fancy seemed strange, and might induce them to believe he was a prince
of no great wisdom, but that his actions declared the contrary), he
whispered me in the ear, and bade me rise and go dine in my chamber,
and send for a servant[444] belonging to the Lord des Halles[445], who
was son to Merichon[446] of Rochelle, and ask him whether he would
venture with a message into the King of England’s army, in the habit of
a herald. I obeyed his orders, and was much astonished at the sight of
the servant, for he seemed to me neither of a stature nor aspect fit for
such an undertaking; yet his judgment was good (as I found afterwards),
and his manner of expressing himself tolerable enough; but the king
had never talked with him but once. The poor man was confounded at the
proposal, and fell down upon his knees before me, as one that thought
himself ruined and undone. I did all I could to encourage him, and told
him he should have money for his pains, and a place in the Isle of Ré;
and for his greater assurance, I persuaded him that the English had made
the first overture themselves. I made him dine with me, and (there being
nobody but he and I, and one servant that waited) by degrees I gave him
instructions what he was to do, and how he was to behave himself in this
affair.
Not long after, the king sent for me, and I gave him a relation of what
had passed, and recommended others to him, who, in my opinion, were more
proper for his design; but he would employ no other, and went and talked
with him himself, and animated him more with one word than I could do
with a hundred. There came along with the king into my chamber only the
Lord de Villiers[447], at that time Master of the Horse, and now Bailiff
of Caen. When the king had sufficiently prepared and encouraged his man,
he sent the Master of the Horse for the banner of a trumpeter to make his
herald a coat of arms, for the king was not so stately or vain as to have
either herald or trumpeter in his train, as other princes have; wherefore
the master of the horse and one of my servants made up the coat of arms
as well as they could; and having fetched a scutcheon from a little
herald (called Plein Chemin, in the service of the Admiral of France),
they fastened it about him, sent for his boots and his cloak privately,
and his horse being got ready, he mounted, and nobody perceived him, with
a bag or budget at the bow of his saddle, in which his coat of arms was
put; and having been well instructed what he was to say, away he went
directly to the English army.
Upon his arrival in his herald’s coat, he was immediately stopped, and
carried to the King of England’s tent; being asked his business, he
told them he was come with a message from the King of France to the
King of England, and had orders to address himself to the Lords Howard
and Stanley. He was carried into a tent to dinner, and very civilly
entertained. After the King of England had dined, he sent for the herald,
who told him that his errand was to acquaint his majesty, that the King
of France for a long time had had a desire to be at amity with him, that
both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy the blessing of peace;
that since his accession to the crown of France, he never had made war,
or attempted anything against him or his kingdom; and as for having
entertained the Earl of Warwick formerly, he said he had done that more
in opposition to the Duke of Burgundy than out of any quarrel with King
Edward. Then he went on to state that the Duke of Burgundy had invited
him over, only in order to make his own terms the better with the King
of France; and if others had joined with him, it was only to secure
themselves against their former offences, or to advance their own private
affairs; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard the
interest of the King of England, provided they had attained their own
ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was
approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charge the King of
England had been at, and that he knew there were in England many, both
of the nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side
the water; yet if the King of England should be inclined to a treaty, his
master would not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both
to himself and to his subjects; and if the King of England had a mind
to be more particularly informed of these matters, if he would give him
a passport for 100 horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with
full instructions: or if the king should think it more proper to depute
certain commissioners, and let them have a conference together in some
village between the two armies, he would willingly consent, and send them
a passport.
The King of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased
with these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to
his desire, and having been presented with four nobles in money, he
was attended by a herald from the King of England to obtain the King
of France’s passport in the same form as the other; which being given,
the next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the
part of the King of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral
of France, the Lord of St. Pierre[448], and the Bishop of Evreux, called
Heberge. On the King of England’s side[449], there were the Lord Howard,
one Chalanger[450], and one Doctor Morton[451], who is at present
Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury.
Some people (I believe) will think this too great a condescension in
our king; but the wiser sort may see, by what I have said before, that
his kingdom was in great danger, had not God himself supported it by
disposing the king to so fortunate a resolution, and infatuating the Duke
of Burgundy’s understanding so as to make him commit so many irreparable
errors, and lose that by his own obstinacy which he had been endeavouring
so long to obtain. We had, besides, many private intrigues and secret
cabals among us, which would have produced great and speedy troubles to
this nation, as well in the direction of Bretagne, as of other places,
had not the king consented to this peace: so that what I have often
said before, I must once again repeat and confirm, that I do certainly
believe, by what I have seen in my time, that God has a particular and
more than ordinary care of the preservation of this kingdom.
CH. VIII.—How a Truce for nine Years was negotiated between the Kings
of France and England, notwithstanding the Difficulties and Impediments
interposed by the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.
As you have heard, our ambassadors met on the day after the return of our
herald, for we were within four leagues of one another, or even less. Our
herald was well treated, and had his money, and the office in the Isle
of Ré, where he was born. Many overtures passed between our ambassadors.
The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown
of France, and by degrees they fell to Normandy and Guienne; our
commissioners replied as became them: so that the demand was well urged
on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first
day of the treaty, there was great prospect of an accommodation, for
both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals:
our commissioners came back, and the others returned to their camp. The
king was informed of their demands, and the final resolution[452] was,
to have 72,000 crowns paid them down before they left the kingdom; a
marriage was to be concluded between our present king and the eldest
daughter[453] of King Edward, who is now Queen of England, and for her
maintenance either the duchy of Guienne was to be assigned[454], or a
pension of 50,000 crowns, to be paid annually during nine years, in the
Tower of London; at the end of which term, the present king and his queen
were to enjoy quietly the whole revenue of Guienne, and our king was to
be discharged from paying the pension for the future. There were several
other articles; but, as they were of no great weight or importance, I
shall pass them over; only this I shall add that in this peace, which was
to continue nine[455] years between the two crowns, the allies on both
sides were to be comprehended if they pleased, and the Dukes of Burgundy
and Bretagne were named expressly by the English. The King of England
offered (which was strange) to make a discovery of some persons who (as
he said) were traitors to our king and his crown, and to produce proofs
of their treason under their own hands.
King Louis was extremely pleased with the progress that our commissioners
had made in this affair. He held a council to consult what measures to
take, and I was present at it: some were of opinion all this was but a
trick and artifice in the English: but the king was of another mind, and
he inferred it from the time of the year (it being pretty near winter),
and their being unprovided with any place for a secure quarter; as also
from the delays and disappointments which they had suffered from the Duke
of Burgundy, who had (as it were) forsaken them already; and as for the
Constable, he was well assured he would not deliver up any of his towns,
for the king sent every hour to entertain and wheedle him, and prevent
him from doing any harm. Besides, our king was perfectly acquainted with
the King of England’s temper, and that he loved to indulge himself in
ease and pleasures: so that, by consequence, it plainly appeared that his
majesty spoke more wisely, and had a better judgment of these affairs,
than any of his council. Whereupon he resolved to raise the money with
all expedition, and after debating the means of raising it, it was
resolved it should be done by a loan, and that every one should advance
something for greater despatch. The king declared he would do anything in
the world to get the King of England out of France, except putting any of
his towns into his possession; for rather than do that, he would hazard
all.
The Constable began to perceive these intrigues, to fear he had
offended all parties, and to be jealous of the designs which he knew
had been concluded against him at Bouvines; for which reason he sent
very frequently to the king. At this very hour there arrived at court
a servant of the Constable’s, named Louis de Creville, and one of his
secretaries, named John Richer, who are both still alive, who were
ordered by the king to deliver their message to the Lord du Bouchage and
to me. The message which they brought to the king pleased his majesty
extremely; for he resolved to make his advantage of it, as you shall
hear. The Lord of Contay, who (as I have already mentioned) was a servant
to the Duke of Burgundy, had not long since been taken prisoner before
Arras; and he travelled upon his parole between the duke and the king,
who had promised him not only his liberty, but a considerable sum of
money, if he could dispose his master to a peace. It happened that he
was just returned from waiting on the Duke of Burgundy the very day
the two gentlemen above mentioned arrived from the Constable. The king
caused the Lord of Contay and myself to hide ourselves behind a great
old screen that stood in his chamber, that the Lord of Contay might hear
and report to the Duke of Burgundy the language with which the Constable
and his creatures treated him. The king seated himself upon a stool
near the screen, that we might more distinctly hear what the said Louis
de Creville (with whom none of the king’s servants except the Lord du
Bouchage were admitted) had to say; and he and his colleague began their
discourse, telling the king that their master had sent them lately to
wait on the Duke of Burgundy, and that they had used many arguments to
induce him to a rupture with the English, and that they had found him in
so great a passion against the King of England, that they were in a fair
way to prevail upon him, not only to abandon, but also to fall upon and
destroy his army, in their retreat; and to please the king the more, as
he thought, when he spoke those words, Louis de Creville, in imitation
of the Duke of Burgundy, stamped with his foot, swore by St. George,
called the King of England Blancborgne, the son of an archer who bore his
name, with as many invectives besides, as could possibly be used against
any man. The king pretended to be highly pleased at the relation, and
desired him to tell him it over again, and to raise his voice, for of
late he was grown a little deaf; De Creville was not backward, but began
again, and acted it to the life.
The Lord of Contay, who was with me behind the screen, was the most
surprised person in the world, and all the arguments that could have
been used could never have made him believe it, had he not overheard
it himself. In the conclusion, they advised his majesty, in order to
prevent the imminent danger that threatened his affairs, to make a truce;
and promised that the Constable should do all that lay in his power to
forward the negotiation; and, to satisfy the English in some measure,
they proposed that the king should give them a small town or two for
their winter quarters, which could not be so bad but they would be glad
of them; yet, naming no towns, it was presumed they intended St. Valery
and Eu. By this means the Constable thought to reconcile himself to the
English, and expiate the affront which he had put upon them by refusing
to admit them into his towns. The king, having sufficiently acted his
part, and made the Lord of Contay hear every word that was spoken, gave
them no uncivil answer, but only told them that he would send to his
brother, and give him an account of his affairs; and then they took their
leave, and withdrew.
One of them swore to the king, that whatever secret he might be intrusted
with that concerned his majesty’s affairs, he would certainly discover it
to him. The king could scarce dissemble his resentment at their advising
him to give the English the towns; but, fearing lest it might provoke the
Constable to do worse, he would not make such a reply as might lead them
to suspect that he disliked the proposition; but he sent a messenger of
his own to the Constable, for the way was but short, and it took up no
great time to go thither and return. When the ambassadors were gone out,
the Lord of Contay and I came from behind the screen, and found the king
very pleasant, and laughing heartily; but the Lord of Contay was out of
all patience to hear such fellows speak so disrespectfully of his master
the Duke of Burgundy, especially considering the great transactions which
were at that time pending between the Constable and him. The Lord of
Contay was impatient to be on horseback, and to make a relation of it to
his master; and he therefore was immediately despatched, with a copy of
instructions written with his own hand, and a letter of credence under
the king’s hand.