time as the Duke of Burgundy marched towards Amiens against the King
of France. The duke was of opinion that the affairs of England could
not go amiss for him, since he was sure of friends on both sides. King
Edward was no sooner landed, but he marched directly for London, where
he had above 2000 of his party in sanctuary; among whom were 300 or 400
knights and esquires, who were of great advantage to his affairs, for he
brought over with him a small number of forces. The Earl of Warwick was
at that time in the north with a powerful army, but upon the news of King
Edward’s landing, he marched back again with all speed towards London, in
hopes to have got thither before him. However, he presumed the city would
have been true to him, but he was mistaken; for King Edward was received
into the city on Maunday Thursday[332], with the universal acclamation of
the citizens, contrary to the expectation of most people, for everybody
looked upon him as lost: and without dispute, if the citizens had but
shut their gates against him, he had been irrecoverably lost, for the
Earl of Warwick was within a day’s march of him. As I have been since
informed, there were three things especially, which contributed to
his reception into London. The first was, the persons who were in the
sanctuaries, and the birth of a young prince, of whom the queen was there
brought to bed. The next was, the great debts which he owed in the town,
which obliged all the tradesmen who were his creditors to appear for him.
The third was, that the ladies of quality, and rich citizens’ wives with
whom he had formerly intrigued, forced their husbands and relations to
declare themselves on his side. He stayed but two days in the town, for
on Easter-eve he marched with all the forces he could collect to give the
Earl of Warwick battle: the next day, being Easter-day, they met[333],
and as they were drawn up, and stood in order of battle one against the
other, the Duke of Clarence went over to his brother King Edward, and
carried with him near 12,000 men, which was a great discouragement to the
Earl of Warwick, and a mighty strengthening to King Edward, who before
was but weak.
You have already heard how the negotiation with the Duke of Clarence
was managed; yet, for all this, the battle was sharp and bloody: both
sides fought on foot; and the king’s vanguard suffered extremely in
this action, and the earl’s main battle advanced against his, and so
near, that the king himself was engaged in person, and behaved himself
as bravely as any man in either army. The Earl of Warwick’s custom was
never to fight on foot, but when he had once led his men to the charge,
he mounted on horseback himself, and if he found victory inclined to his
side, he charged boldly among them; if otherwise, he took care of himself
in time, and provided for his escape. But now at the importunity of his
brother, the Marquis of Montague (who was a person of great courage),
he fought on foot, and sent away his horses. The conclusion of all was,
that the earl, the Marquis of Montague, and many other brave officers,
were killed, for the slaughter was very great. King Edward had resolved,
at his departure from Flanders, to call out no more to spare the common
soldiers, and kill only the gentlemen, as he had formerly done; for he
had conceived a mortal hatred against the commons of England, for having
favoured the Earl of Warwick so much, and for other reasons besides, so
that he spared none of them at that time. This battle was bravely fought,
and on the king’s side there were killed 1500 men.
The very day on which this fight happened, the Duke of Burgundy, being
before Amiens, received letters from the duchess, his wife, that the King
of England was not at all satisfied with him[334]; that the assistance he
had given him was not done frankly and willingly, but as if for a very
little cause he would have deserted him; and, to speak plainly, there was
never great friendship between them afterwards; yet the Duke of Burgundy
seemed to be extremely pleased at the news, and published it everywhere.
I had almost forgotten to acquaint you that King Edward, finding King
Henry in London, took him along with him to the fight. This King Henry
was a very ignorant prince and almost an idiot; and (if what was told me
be true) after the battle was over, the Duke of Gloucester (who was King
Edward’s brother, and afterwards called King Richard) slew this poor King
Henry with his own hand, or caused him to be carried into some private
place, and stood by while he was killed.[335]
The Prince of Wales (of whom I have spoken before) had landed in England
before this battle, and had joined his forces with those of the Dukes of
Exeter and Somerset, and several others of their family and party; so
that in all (as I have been informed by those who were in that army) they
amounted to above 40,000 men. If the Earl of Warwick had stayed till he
had been joined by those forces, in all probability they had won the day.
But the fear he had of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he
had put to death[336], and the hatred he bore to Queen Margaret, mother
to the Prince of Wales, induced him to fight alone, without waiting for
them. By this example we may observe how long old animosities last, how
highly they are to be feared in themselves, and how destructive and
dangerous they are in their consequences.
As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the
Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battle[337]; for though
the Prince of Wales’s army was more numerous than the king’s, yet King
Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales[338], several other
great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon
the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next
day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of
England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days
King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate
battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions
of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in
many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against
him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such
battles. After this fight, King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his
death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall
forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more
conveniently in another place.
CH. VIII.—How the War was renewed between King Louis and the Duke of
Burgundy at the Solicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne.—1471.
The place where I broke off relating our affairs on this side the water,
was at the Duke of Burgundy’s departing from before Amiens[339], the
king’s retreat into Touraine, and his brother the Duke of Guienne’s
return into his own province. The Duke of Guienne still persisted in his
solicitation for the marriage, to which he pretended, with the Duke of
Burgundy’s daughter, as I have already said. The Duke of Burgundy seemed
to entertain it very kindly, and to be pleased with his proposals, yet
never suffered it to come to any conclusion, but admitted of every new
overture that was made; nor could he ever forget the stratagem they had
made use of to force him to consent to this match. The Count of St. Paul,
Constable of France, had a great desire to be the main instrument in this
marriage; the Duke of Bretagne had also a design to be the principal
manager himself; and the king’s[340] chief business was, if possible,
to break it off. But his majesty might have spared his pains, for the
two reasons which I have mentioned before; besides, the Duke of Burgundy
had no mind to have his son-in-law so powerful, but designed to make his
advantage of his daughter, and advance his own interest by entertaining
everybody; so that the king lost his pains. But not being able to dive
into another man’s thoughts, he had good reason to be afraid, for by
this marriage his brother would have grown very considerable, and, in
conjunction with the Duke of Bretagne, might have embroiled the king’s
affairs, and brought his children into very dangerous circumstances. In
the meantime several ambassadors went both publicly and privately to
negotiate this affair.
The going and coming of ambassadors in this manner is sometimes very
dangerous; for many ill things are often transacted by them, and yet
there is necessity of sending and receiving them. Those who read this
chapter may perhaps demand what expedient I can propose to remedy this
inconvenience. I am sensible there are many persons better qualified
to treat of this subject than myself; yet this I shall venture to say,
that ambassadors who come from true friends, where there is no ground
of suspicion, ought, in my judgment, to be treated with abundance of
freedom and openness; and, if the quality of the persons permit, should
be often admitted to the king’s presence, provided the prince be wise
and affable, for otherwise the less he is seen the better; and whenever
he gives audience he ought to be magnificently dressed, well prepared
in his answers, and not permitted to hold any long discourse, for the
friendship between princes is not of long duration. If ambassadors
are sent in a public or private capacity between princes that are in
continual hatred and war with one another, as all those that I have known
and been conversant with in my time have been, in my opinion they are not
greatly to be trusted. However, they are to be honourably received and
civilly entertained; for to send to meet them, to lodge them in handsome
apartments, and to appoint honest and discreet persons to attend them, is
safe as well as civil; for thereby you not only discover what persons
they generally converse with, but also prevent fickle and mutinous people
from resorting to them with news, and there is no court without some
malcontents. Again, I would advise that they have their audience and
despatch as soon as possible, for to me it seems dangerous to keep an
enemy in one’s house; but to feast them, to bear their expenses, and to
make them presents, is but honourable.
Moreover, though war be proclaimed, no treaty nor overture of peace ought
to be interrupted, for nobody knows what occasion they may have of them
hereafter, but all should be carried on smoothly, and all messengers be
heard as before; yet a strict eye is to be kept upon such as have any
discourse with them, or are sent to them with any message either by night
or day; and this should be managed with as much secrecy as possible. Were
it my case, for one ambassador or message they sent me, I would be sure
to send them two; nay, though they grew weary, and desired to have no
more, I would not fail to send when I had opportunity and convenience,
for there is no spy so good or so safe, nor who can have such liberty
to pry and inform himself; and if you send two or three ambassadors at
once, it is impossible the enemy should be so cautious, but that one or
other of them may secretly or otherwise pick up something to serve their
turn; I mean, if they carry themselves civilly towards them, as they
ought to do to ambassadors. It is also to be supposed a wise prince will
make it his business to place some friend or other about his enemy, and
ward him off as long as he can; for in such cases a prince cannot do
always as he would. But perhaps it may be objected, that this is but the
way to puff up your enemy, and make him more proud. It is no matter if
it does; I shall know the more of his councils, and at the making up of
our accounts, the whole profit and honour will be mine. Though the enemy
should have the same designs upon me, I would not forbear sending, but
listen to all propositions without rejecting any, that I might always
have fresh occasion to send; for all men have not an equal share of
wisdom and penetration, neither have they as much experience in such
affairs, nor is there any necessity that they should have; yet in this
case, the wisest is always the most fortunate, and of this I will give
you a clear and undeniable proof. Never was there any treaty between the
French and the English, but the French always over-reached them by their
sense and ability, insomuch that, as I have been told, the English have
a common proverb among them, That in all, or most, of their battles and
engagements with the French the English had the better, but in all their
treaties of peace they were juggled and outwitted. And certainly, at
least in my thoughts, I have known politicians in this kingdom as proper
to manage such secret negotiations as any persons alive, especially those
of King Louis’s training up; for in these cases the persons employed
ought to be complaisant, and men who, to compass their master’s designs,
can digest words and overlook neglects; and such were for King Louis’s
turn. I have enlarged a little on the subject of ambassadors, and the
caution that is to be used towards them; but it is not without reason,
for I have known so many intrigues, and so much mischief carried on under
that colour, that I could not forbear laying this matter open, or speak
less of it than I have done.
This marriage between the Duke of Guienne and the Duke of Burgundy’s
daughter proceeded so far, that promises were passed, not only by word
of mouth, but by letters; but the like was done also[341] by Nicholas,
Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, the son of John, Duke of Calabria (whom
I have mentioned before); as also by Philibert, Duke of Savoy[342], who
died lately; and afterwards by Duke Maximilian of Austria[343], now King
of the Romans, and only son to the Emperor Frederick, which last received
a letter under the lady’s own hand (written by her father’s express
command), and with it a rich diamond as a present. These promises were
made with all these princes in less than three years’ time; and sure I
am none of them would ever have been accomplished while he lived, at
least by his consent; but Duke Maximilian (since King of the Romans) made
his advantage of that promise, as I shall declare hereafter. I do not
mention this with any design to reflect upon the Duke of Burgundy, or any
other person I have spoken of, but only to describe things as to my own
certain knowledge they happened; for I do not suppose that blockheads
and inferior persons will give themselves the trouble of reading these
Memoirs, but princes and other great statesmen may do it, and find some
information to reward their pains.
Whilst this marriage was in agitation, new enterprises were still
contriving against the king. In the behalf of the Duke of Guienne, there
were resident at the Duke of Burgundy’s court, the Lord d’Urfé, Poncet
de Rivière, and several other officers of less note. On the Duke of
Bretagne’s part, there was the Abbé de Begar[344] (since Bishop of Leon),
who acquainted the Duke of Burgundy that the king was endeavouring to
corrupt the servants of the Duke of Guienne, and was in a fair way of
bringing them over to his party, either by love or force; that he had
already caused a castle[345] belonging to Monsieur d’Estissac[346] (one
of the duke’s servants) to be demolished; and that he had begun several
other things against him, and inveigled several of his domestics; from
whence it might be reasonably concluded, that as the king had formerly
dispossessed him of Normandy, after he had given it him by way of
appanage, so now he would disseize him of Guienne.
The Duke of Burgundy sent several embassies to the king about these
affairs, who replied, that his brother the Duke of Guienne was in
fault, who by endeavouring to extend his territories, gave occasion
to all those disputes; and without that, he would not meddle with his
appanage in the least. But here one may observe by the by, how great the
troubles and distractions of a kingdom are, when they happen in a time of
confusion and discord, how difficult and uneasy they are to be managed,
and how far from a conclusion, when once they are begun; for though at
first the quarrel be only between two or three princes, or persons of
lower condition, before two years be expired, the whole neighbourhood
will be concerned and invited to the feast. However, in the beginning of
an affair, every man presumes there will be a speedy end, but it is very
uncertain, as you will plainly perceive by what follows.
At the time above mentioned, the Duke of Guienne (or his ministers) and
the Duke of Bretagne, solicited the Duke of Burgundy not to employ the
English, who were enemies to the crown, in any of his wars upon any
account whatsoever; and since their own pretences were only for the ease
and advantage of the kingdom of France, they did not doubt but that if
his forces were in readiness, they should be strong enough of themselves,
by reason of the great intelligence which they had with many officers and
governors of towns. I was present one day when the Lord d’Urfé pressed
the Duke of Burgundy to assemble his army with all possible diligence;
the duke called me aside to a window, and said, “Do you see this Lord
d’Urfé? he presses me very earnestly to raise what forces I can, and
tells me we shall do great matters for the advantage of the kingdom. Do
you believe, if I enter France with my army, I shall do them any good?”
I replied (smiling) that I thought not: he answered again in these
very words, “I love the kingdom of France better than the Lord d’Urfé
believes, for whereas they have but one king, I wish they had six.”
Whilst this treaty of marriage was on foot, Edward, King of England
(being deceived as well as the King of France, in supposing it real),
used his utmost endeavours with the Duke of Burgundy to break it off;
remonstrating to him, that as the King of France had no son[347], if
he died, the crown would devolve upon the Duke of Guienne, so that all
England would be in danger of being utterly ruined by the consummation
of that marriage, which would annex so many lordships to that crown; and
he took this matter marvellously to heart, and so did his whole council
(though without any cause); nor could all the Duke of Burgundy’s excuses
induce the English to believe him. However (for all the solicitation of
the agent of the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne to the contrary), the Duke
of Burgundy had a mind the English should be concerned in the war; but
it was to be done privately, as if he had known nothing of it; but the
English were so far from embracing this opportunity, that they would at
that time rather have assisted the King of France, so fearful were they,
lest by this marriage the territories of the house of Burgundy should be
annexed to the crown of France.
You see here (according to my design) these great princes thoroughly
employed and surrounded with men of such wisdom and foresight, that their
lives were not sufficient to accomplish half what they foresaw; and it
proved so afterwards, for one after another, all of them died in a short
space of time, in the midst of their anxieties and hurry, every one
rejoicing and triumphing at the death of his companion, as a thing which
he most passionately desired. Not long after, their masters followed
them, and left their successors deeply involved in wars and troubles,
excepting only our present king[348], who found his kingdom at peace both
abroad and at home; his father having provided better for him than he
ever could or would have done for himself, for in my time he was never
out of war till a little before his death.
About this time the Duke of Guienne fell sick; some were of opinion he
was in great danger, others said he would soon recover of his illness.
His agents in the meanwhile pressed the Duke of Burgundy (seeing the
season was opportune) to take the field, and open the campaign, for the
King of France had already assembled his army about St. Jean d’Angely or
Saintes; and they prevailed so far, that the Duke of Burgundy ordered
his forces to rendezvous about Arras[349], and then marched towards
Peronne, Roye, and Montdidier. His army was very numerous, and in better
order than it ever was before; for it consisted of 1200 standing lances,
who to every man-at-arms had three archers, all of them well armed,
and well mounted; besides, in every company he had ten supernumerary
men-at-arms, without reckoning the lieutenants or cornets. The nobles of
the country were likewise in complete order; for they were well paid (the
country being at that time very rich), and commanded by notable knights
and esquires.
CH. IX.—How the final Peace which was negotiating between the King and
the Duke of Burgundy, was broken off by the Duke of Guienne’s Death and
how those two great Princes laboured to circumvent one another.—1472.
As the Duke of Burgundy was setting out from Arras, two couriers arrived,
one of them with news, that Nicholas, Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, heir
to the house of Anjou, and son to John, Duke of Calabria, was upon his
journey to his court, in order to marry his daughter. The duke received
him very honourably, and gave him great hopes of success. The next day,
which (if I mistake not) was the 15th of May[350], 1472, letters arrived
from Simon de Quingy (who was the duke’s ambassador at the king’s court),
importing that the Duke of Guienne was dead, and the king already in
possession of great part of his country. Not long after, we heard the
news from several parts, but all gave a different account of his death.
The Duke of Burgundy, being highly concerned at the death of the Duke
of Guienne, at the instigation of other people as much concerned as
himself, wrote letters[351] full of bitter reflections upon the king to
several of the Duke of Guienne’s towns, but to no purpose; yet I am of
opinion, that if the duke had not been dead, the king would have found
work enough, for the Bretons were up in arms, and had a stronger party
in the kingdom than ever they had before; but his death put a stop to
all. In this violent passion the Duke of Burgundy took the field, marched
towards Nesle, in Vermandois[352], and began a more cruel and barbarous
war than ever before, burning and destroying all wherever he marched. His
van besieged Nesle, in which there was a small garrison of frank-archers,
but otherwise the town was of no great strength. The duke himself had his
quarters three leagues off. A herald, coming to them with a summons, was
slain by the inhabitants of the town. The governor[353] would fain have
excused it, and having obtained a passport, came out to that purpose,
but could not agree upon the matter. As he returned into the town, the
garrison stood exposed upon the walls, but there being a truce whilst
the governor was abroad, nobody fired upon the townsmen; however, they
killed two more of the besiegers. Upon which the truce was broken, and
word was sent in to Madame de Nesle, to tell her, that if she pleased,
she and her servants might have the liberty of coming out, and bringing
all her moveables with her; which she had no sooner done, but the town
was attacked, taken, and most of the garrison put to the sword. Those who
were taken alive were hanged, except some few whom the common soldiers
in mere compassion suffered to escape; some of them had their hands cut
off, a cruelty which gives me concern to mention; but having been upon
the spot, I thought myself obliged to give some account of it. It must
be granted that the Duke of Burgundy was highly enraged to be guilty of
so barbarous an action, or that there must have been some extraordinary
cause that provoked him to it. Two were alleged; one was, the strange
report of the manner of the Duke of Guienne’s death, as if the king had
been concerned in it; and the other, the indignation he conceived at the
loss of Amiens and St. Quentin, which I have mentioned before.
Whilst the Duke of Burgundy was with the above-mentioned army, and before
the Duke of Guienne’s death, the Lord of Craon, and Peter Doriole[354],
Chancellor of France, came to him twice or thrice, with proposals for a
final and lasting peace, which could never be compassed before, because
the duke insisted upon the restitution of Amiens and St. Quentin, to
which the king would by no means consent: but now, seeing the duke’s
preparations, and hoping it might conduce to the following design, he
agreed to restore them. The conditions of peace were, that the king
should deliver up Amiens and St. Quentin, and whatever else was in
dispute between them; that he should likewise abandon the Count of
Nevers, and the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, with all the
lands and territories belonging to either of them, to be disposed of as
his own, if the duke could get the possession of them. On the other side,
the Duke of Burgundy was to renounce the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne,
as also the protection of their countries, and to permit him to act
against them as he pleased. The Duke of Burgundy swore to these articles
in my presence; and the Lord of Craon and the Chancellor of France having
taken the same oath in behalf of the king, took their leaves of the duke,
but advised him not to disband, but rather march forward with his army,
to hasten their master’s surrender of the above-mentioned towns; and
Simon de Quingy was sent with them to see the king take his oath, and
confirm what his ambassadors had done. The king delayed the ratification
of this treaty for some days, and in the meantime his brother the Duke of
Guienne died.
Soon after Simon de Quingy returned, being sent back by the king with
mild and courteous words, but no swearing to the peace, which the duke
highly resented, as a thing done in scorn and contempt. Whilst the war
lasted, for this and several other reasons you have heard before, the
duke’s ministers made bold with his majesty, and gave him most bitter and
reproachful language, and the king’s own subjects did not dissemble the
matter, but were very free with his character.
Those who hereafter may read these Memoirs, may think I have spoken very
disrespectfully, and with too much freedom, of these two great princes,
or that else they were persons of but small honour or faith. I would not
willingly speak ill of either of them; and what great obligations I have
to the king my master all the world knows. But to continue my history in
the same manner (as you, my good Lord Archbishop of Vienne, have desired
me) I am obliged to give an impartial and true account of what I know,
which way soever it happened. However, were they to be compared with the
rest of the great princes that reigned in Europe at the same time, they
would appear noble and conspicuous, and our king very wise, for he left
his kingdom enlarged, and at peace with all his enemies. But now let us
observe a little what artifices and stratagems they used to overreach
and circumvent one another, that in case any young prince, who has the
same game to play, should hereafter accidentally meet with this history,
he may, by reading it, be prepared, and defend himself the better; for
though neither enemies nor princes are always alike, yet their affairs
being often the same, it is not altogether unprofitable to be informed
of what is past. To give then my opinion, I am very confident these two
princes had the same desire of circumventing each other, and their ends
(as you shall hear afterwards) were the same.
Each of them had a numerous army in the field; the king had taken several
towns, and whilst the treaty was on foot, pressed his brother very hard.
There were already come over to the king, of the Duke of Guienne’s
party, the Lord of Curton[355], Patris Foucart[356], and several others.
The king’s army had actually invested La Rochelle, and held great
intelligence in the town, which was much increased by the report of
the peace, and the Duke of Guienne’s illness; and I believe the king’s
resolution was (if either he succeeded in his enterprise there, or his
brother died) not to swear to the peace; but, if the enemy got the
better of him, he would then swear, and keep his engagements, to deliver
himself from danger. In this manner he spun out his time, managed all his
affairs with wonderful diligence, and, as you have heard, kept Simon de
Quingy eight days together in suspense, and in the meantime his brother
happened to die; for he knew the Duke of Burgundy was so intent upon the
restitution of those two towns[357], that he durst not be angry, but
might securely be wheedled for a fortnight or three weeks, till he saw
what he had best do; and so it fell out.
Having already spoken of the king, and the artifice he used to overreach
and circumvent the duke, now it is necessary that we should say something
of the duke’s designs upon the king, and how he would have acted if the
Duke of Guienne’s death had not intervened. At the king’s request, Simon
de Quingy had a commission from the Duke of Burgundy (as soon as the
king had sworn to the peace, and letters confirming what his ambassadors
had done, had been received) to signify the contents of the peace to the
Duke of Bretagne, and also to the ambassadors of the Duke of Guienne, who
were in Bretagne, to the end they might notify it to their master, who
was then at Bordeaux; and this the king proposed as a thing that would
startle the Bretons, since they found themselves forsaken by an ally who
was the main support of all their hopes. Simon de Quingy had by chance in
his retinue one of the equerries of the Duke of Burgundy’s stable, whose
name was Henry, a Parisian by birth, and a very sensible, intelligent
person, to whom the duke had given a letter under his own hand, directed
to his ambassador Simon de Quingy, but his instructions were, not to
deliver that letter till the ambassador had left the king, and arrived at
the Duke of Bretagne’s court at Nantes. Then he was to deliver the letter
to him, show him his credentials, and let the Duke of Bretagne know, that
he had no occasion to fear that his master would quit his alliance with
him and the Duke of Guienne, for he would still stand by them both with
his life and fortune; that what had been already transacted was only
to avoid war for the present, and repossess himself of Amiens and St.
Quentin, which the king had taken from him in time of peace, and contrary
to his promise. He was likewise ordered to acquaint him, that the duke
his master (as soon as he should be possessed of what he demanded) would
send notable ambassadors on purpose to the king, to desire and entreat
his majesty to desist from his enterprises against those two dukes;
and would not adhere too strictly to the oath he had taken; for he was
resolved to keep it with no more strictness than the king had kept his
in the treaty before Paris, called the treaty of Conflans, and the
pacification at Peronne, which for a long time he neglected to confirm
and ratify. He designed likewise to put him in mind, that he had seized
the said towns in time of peace contrary to his solemn promise, and
therefore he ought not to be surprised if the duke had taken the same
measures to recover them.
As to the Constable of France and the Count of Nevers, whom the king
had abandoned, though he had a mortal hatred against them, and not
without cause, yet the Duke of Burgundy would pass by all their injuries
and affronts, if the king would do the same by the Dukes of Bretagne
and Guienne, and suffer all parties to live in peace according to his
oath, and the treaty of peace at Conflans, where they were all of them
assembled together; protesting that, if he refused, he should be obliged
to assist his allies with all the forces he could raise; and that the
duke was actually in the field when this embassy was despatched. But it
happened otherwise. Man proposes, and God disposes; for death (which
divides all things, and defeats the counsels of mankind) gave them other
work to do; for the king (as you have heard) did not deliver up the two
towns, and yet seized upon the duchy of Guienne, as rightfully reverting
unto him upon the death of his brother.
_Articles of a Treaty between Louis XI. and Charles, Duke of
Burgundy, whereby the Treaties of Arras, Conflans, and Peronne,
are confirmed. Concluded at the Castle of Crotoy, October 3.
1472._
1. That there is a firm and lasting peace concluded between
the king and his kingdom, and us and our territories; and that
all hostilities shall cease for ever between them and their
subjects, &c.
2. That the said peace may be the better confirmed and
established, and the friendship remain inviolable, the treaty
made at Arras between the late King Charles and our late most
dear lord and father, as also the treaty of Conflans, together
with that of Peronne, are hereby confirmed as much as if they
were expressly and word for word inserted, and shall remain in
their full force, so far as they concern the king and the Duke
of Burgundy. And all those points and articles of the treaty of
Peronne, not yet executed, shall be fully accomplished, in the
same way and manner, and within the same time, as is specified
in the said treaty.
3. By this present treaty the king is to surrender to us, or
those authorised by us, the towns of Amiens and St. Quentin,
with the provostships of Vimeux, Foulloy, and Beauvais, with
all their appurtenances, and whatever has been transferred to
us by the treaty of Conflans and Peronne, to be employed by us
in the manner prescribed by the said treaties. In like manner
the king is to give up to us the towns, provostships, and
territories of Roye and Montdidier, with their appurtenances;
as also what was to have been taken from the provostship of
Peronne. And as to those places, towns, castles, and fortresses
in the duchy, county, and country of Burgundy, Charolois,
Mâconnois, Auxerrois, and Liege, which the king surrenders to
us, we shall enjoy them with all their appurtenances, as we did
before any contests arose about them.
4. As to all moveables possessed on either side, as also all
rents, revenues, and profits, no disputes or lawsuits shall be
made concerning them.
5. The subjects on both sides shall be fully restored to all
their lands, signiories, and inheritances, and all immoveables
in the condition they are; as also such moveables as are upon
the spot, and arrearages of rents, and thus be put into the
possession of them without any let or molestation.
6. All disorders and injuries done and committed during the war
on either side are remitted, pardoned, and abolished, in such
a manner as if they had never been, and no law-suit or process
shall ever be formed concerning them.
7. Seeing both the king and we have, in the beginning of
the troubles, forbidden all trade and commerce between our
subjects, a free trade and commerce is now restored, both by
sea and land, as before the war.
8. All judgments, judicial proceedings, and sentences, given on
either side during the war against the adherents of the king or
us, upon the account of contumacy or otherwise, shall be null
and of no effect.
9. The allies of both parties shall be comprehended in this
treaty, if within a year after the conclusion of it they
signify their assent in due form, which assent or declaration
the king and the duke are to notify to one another within
two months after the same is made; but, in case that should
not be done, there shall be no breach of the peace between
them. The observance of all which we do oblige ourselves
unto, in the most solemn manner imaginable, upon the word of
a prince, and upon the forfeiture of all we have; and in case
we contravene the same, we shall subject ourselves to all
censures ecclesiastical: we shall also cause these presents to
be registered in all our courts by our proper officers.
CH. X.—How the Duke of Burgundy having encamped before Beauvais, and
finding he could not take it, raised the Siege, and marched with his Army
to Rouen.—1472.
But to proceed in my relation of the war, of which I was speaking before.
After the Duke of Burgundy’s barbarous treatment of the poor garrison of
Nesle, he broke up from thence[358], and marched with his whole army and
invested Roye, in which place there was a garrison of 1500 frank-archers,
besides a considerable number of men-at-arms of the arriere-ban. The Duke
of Burgundy’s army never made so fine an appearance as at that time;
whereupon the next morning the frank-archers, being struck with a sudden
fear, leaped over the walls, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war.
The next day the remaining part of the garrison delivered up the town
upon composition, leaving behind them their horses and arms, only the
men-at-arms were allowed to march away with their horses. Having left
a small garrison in this town, he advanced to Montdidier, with a full
design to have demolished it quite; but, finding that the people of that
district had a great affection for him, he ordered it to be repaired, and
put a garrison in it.
From thence his design was to have marched directly into Normandy; but
as he was on his way, near to Beauvais, the Lord des Cordes, scouring
the country before him with his vanguard, made some attempt upon the
town; and at the first attack, the suburb, which faces the bishop’s
palace[359], was taken by one Jacques Montmartin[360], a covetous
Burgundian, who commanded 100 of the duke’s lancers and 300 of his
standing archers. The Lord des Cordes made an attack in another quarter;
but his ladders were too short and too few. He had two pieces of cannon
with him, which were fired twice (and no more) at the gate[361], where
they made a great breach; and if he had had ammunition to have continued
his attack, he had certainly taken the town; but he was ill-provided,
and not furnished for so great an undertaking. Upon our first investment
there were no forces in the town but Loyset de Ballaigny[362], the
governor, with some few of the arriere-ban; but that would not have saved
the town, had not God himself interposed, and preserved it miraculously.
The Burgundians were engaged with the French hand to hand through the
breach in the gate, and the Lord des Cordes despatched several messengers
to the Duke of Burgundy to acquaint him that, if he marched up presently
with his army, he would take the town. Before the duke’s arrival, some of
the inhabitants brought kindled faggots to throw in the faces of those
who were forcing the gate; and so many were thrown, that the gate was
set on fire, and the Burgundians were glad to retire till the flame was
extinguished.[363]
The duke, upon his arrival, concluded the town would be his own as soon
as the fire could be quenched, which was very great; for the whole gate
was in a flame. If the duke could have been persuaded to have posted part
of his army on the side towards Paris, no succours could have been thrown
into it, and the town could not possibly have escaped. But it pleased
God that he was afraid where there was no occasion; for it was only
the passing of a small rivulet that made him scruple it then; and yet
afterwards, when the garrison was considerably reinforced, he would fain
have attempted it, though with the hazard of his whole army; and much ado
there was to dissuade him from it. In the meantime the fire, of which I
was speaking, continued burning all day long (which was the 28th of June,
1472). Towards night ten of the king’s standing lances, and no more, got
into the town, as I have been told (for at that time I was in the Duke
of Burgundy’s service); but they were not perceived, because on one side
everybody was busy in taking up their quarters, and, on the other, there
was nobody at all. By break of day the next morning the duke’s cannon
came up, and some time after we saw a reinforcement of at least 200
men-at-arms enter the town together. I believe, had they not arrived as
they did, the town would have capitulated. But the Duke of Burgundy was
in such a violent passion, that he was for storming it immediately; and
certainly, if he had taken it, he would have burned it to the ground,
which would have been a great loss; and truly I am of opinion it was
preserved by a miracle. From the time the recruits entered, for fifteen
days together, or thereabouts, the duke’s cannon fired continually on the
town; and the breaches in the town-wall were wide enough and fit for a
general storm. However, the ditch being full of water on one side of the
gate, which was burnt, a bridge was of necessity to be made; but on the
other side of the gate we could make our approaches to the walls without
any danger, unless it were from one casemate, which lay too low for our
cannon to batter.
It is not only dangerous but imprudent to attack a town where the
garrison is so strong. Besides (if I mistake not), the constable was
in or near the town, I know not which, with the Marshal Joachim, the
Marshal of Loheac, the Lord of Crussol[364], William de Vallée[365],
Mery de Cohé[366], Sallezard, Thevenot de Vignoles[367], all of them old
soldiers, with at least 100 men-at-arms of the standing forces, a good
body of foot, besides many brave men, who accompanied them in the nature
of volunteers. For all this the Duke of Burgundy resolved to storm it;
but he was singular in his opinion; for there was not one officer in
the whole army that agreed with him in it. As he was in his tent that
night, and laid down in his clothes, he asked some who were about him if
they thought that the town expected to be stormed? They answered “Yes,”
and that the garrison was strong enough to defend it, though it were
fortified only with a hedge. Upon which the duke laughed, and replied,
“You will not find a man there in the morning.”
About break of day[368] the town was bravely attacked, but better
defended. Our men pressing eagerly forward over the bridge, in order to
mount the breach, the Lord Despiris[369], being in the middle of them,
was crowded to death. He was an ancient knight of Burgundy, and the
bravest person that was killed that day. On the other side of the gate
several of our men got upon the walls, but some of them never came back
again. They were at push of pike a great while together, and the assault
continued a long time. Orders were given for fresh troops to march up,
and relieve those that had made the first attack; but the duke perceiving
they would lose their time, ordered them immediately to draw off. The
garrison made no sally, for they saw us drawn up in order of battle ready
to receive them. In this attack we had about sixscore men killed (some
say more); among whom was the Lord Despiris, who was the only officer
of any note that was lost; and the number of the wounded was full 1000.
The next night after this they sallied out upon us; but the party being
small, most of them on horseback, and their horses incommoded by the
cords of our tents, they did us no great mischief; for they had two or
three officers killed and wounded, and we lost but one of ours, whose
name was Jacques d’Orson[370], a brave soldier, and master of the duke’s
ordnance, who not long after died of his wounds.
About a week after this repulse, a fancy came into the duke’s head to
divide his army, and post one part of it before the gate towards Paris;
but he found none of his officers approved of that design. Upon his
first arrival, indeed, it was practicable; but now the garrison was so
considerably reinforced, that it was too late to be done. Seeing there
was no remedy, he raised the siege[371], and marched off in very good
order. He expected they would have sallied out and fallen upon his rear,
and he had taken care to have given them a warm reception; but they
were too cunning for that. From thence he marched with his army towards
Normandy, having promised the Duke of Bretagne to meet him before Rouen;
but upon the Duke of Guienne’s death he altered his resolution, and
stirred not out of his own territories. The Duke of Burgundy presented
himself before Eu[372]; and after taking that town and the town of St.
Valery[373], he destroyed with fire and sword the whole country to the
very walls of Dieppe. He also took Neufchastel, and burnt it, with the
whole country of Caux, or at least the greatest part of it, to the very
walls of Rouen, to which city he marched in person. In this expedition he
lost several of his foragers, and his army was mightily distressed for
want of provisions; so that, winter drawing on, he retired. His back was
no sooner turned, but the king’s forces retook Eu and St. Valery[374], by
which seven or eight of the townsmen were left prisoners at discretion.
CH. XI.—How the King concluded a Peace with the Duke of Bretagne, and
a Truce with the Duke of Burgundy; and how the Count of St. Paul very
narrowly escaped a Plot, that was laid for him by these two great
Princes.—1472-4.
About this time (which was in the year 1472), I came into the King of
France’s service, who had also entertained most of the Duke of Guienne’s
servants: the king was then at Pont de Cé, having assembled all his
forces against the Duke of Bretagne, with whom he was at war. At this
place arrived certain ambassadors from the Duke of Bretagne, and others
were sent in return to his court. Among those who came in an embassy to
the king, there was Philip des Essars[375], a servant of the duke’s, and
William de Soubs-Plainville[376], a servant of the Lord of Lescut, who,
when he saw his master, the Duke of Guienne, past all hopes of recovery,
embarked at Bourdeaux for Bretagne, whither he retired, fearing lest
he might fall into the hands of the king, wherefore he made his escape
early. And he brought with him the Duke of Guienne’s confessor, and one
of the equerries of his stable[377], who were suspected to have had a
hand in the duke’s death, and were kept prisoners for it in Bretagne
for several years after. These embassies forward and backward continued
not long, before the king determined to have peace on that side, and to
behave himself so handsomely to the Lord of Lescut, as to bring him back
again into his service, and make him forget his old animosity; for the
Duke of Bretagne had neither courage nor conduct but what he derived from
him; yet so powerful a prince, with so cunning and wise a statesman,
was not to be despised. The Bretons themselves (while he was with him)
would willingly have accepted of a peace; and certainly the generality of
them desired nothing more, for there are constantly many of them in the
kingdom of France in great posts and reputation, and not without cause,
for heretofore they have done his majesty signal service. Some persons
(whose judgment in state affairs was not so good as the king’s) condemned
this accommodation; but in my opinion I think his majesty acted very
prudently. He had a great value for the person of this Lord of Lescut,
saying, that he could commit any affair to his management without danger,
for he knew him to be a person of honour and integrity, and one who
in all the late troubles would never hold any correspondence with the
English, nor consent that any towns in Normandy should be put into their
hands, but still advised to the contrary, which was the chief reason of
his preferment afterwards.
For these reasons he desired Monsieur Soubs-Plainville to set down in
writing what the Lord of Lescut his master’s demands were, both for
the Duke of Bretagne and himself. Soubs-Plainville did so, and they
were these: For the Duke of Bretagne, a pension of 80,000 francs: for
the Lord of Lescut, a pension of 6000 francs, half of Guienne, the two
seneschalships of Lannes and Bordelois, the command of one of the
castles of Bourdeaux, the captainships of Blaye, and of the two castles
of Bayonne, of Dax and St. Sever, 24,000 crowns in ready money, the
king’s order of St. Michael, and the countship of Comminges. All was
granted and made good; only the duke’s pension was retrenched to half
the sum, and that paid but two years. Besides, the king gave Monsieur
Soubs-Plainville 6000 crowns; but he did not pay the ready money which I
have mentioned both for his master and himself, till four years after the
agreement. Besides which sum, Soubs-Plainville had an annual pension of
1200 francs, the mayoralty of Bayonne, the bailiwick of Montargis, and
some other little offices in Guienne; all which were enjoyed both by him
and his master during the king’s life. Philip des Essars was made Bailiff
of Meaux, and master of the waters and forests of France, with a present
of 4000 crowns and a pension of 1200 francs. From that time to the death
of our master, they enjoyed these places; and the Count of Comminges
acquitted himself like a loyal and faithful subject.
After the king had settled his affairs in Bretagne, he marched towards
Picardy. It was always the custom of the king and Duke of Burgundy, as
soon as winter drew on, to make a cessation of arms for six or twelve
months, and sometimes longer. According to that custom, a new one[378]
was proposed, and the Chancellor of Burgundy, with ambassadors, came
to negotiate it. The king showed the chancellor the final peace which
had been concluded between him and the Duke of Bretagne, by which the
said duke renounced his alliance with the English[379] and the Duke
of Burgundy; wherefore the king insisted that the Duke of Burgundy’s
ambassadors should not name the Duke of Bretagne among their allies; but
the ambassadors would not agree to it, but urged that it might be left
to his own choice to declare himself for the king or their master as
he pleased, provided he did it in the usual time. They remonstrated,
likewise, that the duke had formerly abandoned them under letters of
his hand, and yet not departed from their amity; adding, that they did
look, indeed, upon the Duke of Bretagne as a prince who was guided more
by other men’s judgments than his own: yet, in the conclusion, they
observed, he always recollected who was most necessary to him. And all
this happened in the year 1473.
Whilst this treaty was on foot, both sides murmured loudly against the
Count of St. Paul, Constable of France. The king, and those who were
nearest about him, had conceived great hatred against him, and the Duke
of Burgundy a greater, with better reason, for I have heard the true
causes on both sides. It was impossible for him to forget that the
Count of St. Paul had been the occasion of the taking of Amiens and
St. Quentin; and he shrewdly suspected that he was the true cause and
fomenter of the war between him and the king; for during the cessation
of hostilities he gave him the best words in the world, but as soon as
war began again, he showed himself to be his mortal enemy; besides, the
count would have forced him to have married his daughter, as you have
heard. The duke had also another quarrel against him, and that was, that
during the time the duke lay before Amiens, the constable made an inroad
into Hainault, and, among the rest of his actions, burned a castle called
Solre, which belonged to a certain knight called Baudouin de Lannoy.[380]
At that time it was not usual to burn any places on either side: but, to
retaliate upon the constable, the Duke of Burgundy fired all that summer
wherever he came; so that, to be revenged of the constable, both sides
began to conspire against him. In discourse between some of the king’s
party and certain of the Duke of Burgundy’s courtiers, whom they knew
to be the constable’s enemies, they happened to mention him; and all of
them agreeing that he was the occasion of the war, they began to open
themselves more freely, and discover all his expressions on both sides,
and, by degrees, they unanimously resolved to contrive his ruin.
But some persons may hereafter, perhaps, demand, whether the king was
not able to have ruined him alone? I answer, No; for his territories lay
just between the king and the Duke of Burgundy; he had St. Quentin, a
large and strong town in Vermandois; he had Han and Bohain, and other
considerable places not far from St. Quentin, which he might always
garrison with what troops, and of whatever country, he pleased. He had
400 of the king’s men-at-arms, well paid, of whom he was commissary
himself, and he made his own musters, by which means he gained much
money, for he never kept up his full complement. He had likewise a salary
of 45,000 francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed
into Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all
this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest
in France, and also in Burgundy, upon account of his relations.
The truce lasted a whole year, and during that time this plot was
contriving against the Constable of France. The king’s agents applied
themselves to one of the Duke of Burgundy’s knights, called the Lord
of Humbercourt, who for a long time had hated the constable, but more
particularly of late, upon the following occasion: In a convention at
Roye, where the constable and others were met on the king’s part, with
the Chancellor of Burgundy, the Lord of Humbercourt, and others in behalf
of the duke, in the heat of their argument, the constable in a passion
gave the Lord of Humbercourt the lie. The Lord of Humbercourt made no
other reply, but that he would not expect satisfaction from him, but from
the king, upon whose security he was come thither, under the character of
an ambassador; for the affront was not so much to him as to his master,
whose person he represented, and to whom he would give an account. This
single piece of insolence, which was so suddenly committed, was the
occasion afterwards not only of the constable’s death, but also of the
ruin of his family, as the sequel of this history will inform you. For
this reason, persons in great authority, and princes themselves, ought to
be careful of their language, and consider to whom it is they speak; for
the greater the person is, the greater is the injury, and it lies heavier
upon him that is affronted, because he thinks the grandeur and authority
of him that committed the outrage make it more remarkable, and more
liable to be objected against him. If it be one’s own king or master, it
makes one despair of a further preferment from him; and generally the
hope of future advancement makes courtiers serve a prince better and more
faithfully than the thought of what they already possess.
But to return. The king’s agents made continual applications to the Lord
of Humbercourt and the chancellor (who was present when that abusive
language was given at Roye, and was besides a particular friend of the
Lord of Humbercourt); and so far they proceeded in that affair, that they
appointed a meeting at Bouvines, which is a town not far from Namur,
to consult further about it. On the king’s part there were the Lord of
Curton, Governor of Limousin, and Monsieur John Heberge[381], afterwards
Bishop of Evreux; and for the Duke of Burgundy, there were the Chancellor
of Burgundy and the Lord of Humbercourt, whom I have already mentioned.
This was in the year 1474.
The constable, having private information that they were contriving
something against him, sent immediately to both princes to let them know
that he understood their designs; and he managed the matter so cunningly,
that he created a jealousy in the king that the duke intended to deceive
him, and debauch the constable from his party; upon which the king,
in great haste, despatched a message to his ambassadors at Bouvines,
commanding them not to conclude anything against the constable, for
reasons which he would tell them, but to prolong the truce according to
their instructions; which was for six months or a year, I know not which.
When the messenger arrived, the whole affair was concluded, and the
articles sealed and exchanged the night before. But the ambassadors were
so good friends, and understood one another so well, that they delivered
back their writings, by which the constable, for certain reasons there
mentioned, was declared criminal, and an enemy to both princes; and the
princes did mutually promise and swear, that which of them soever should
get him first in his power, should cause him to be executed within eight
days after his apprehension, or else deliver him over to the other, to be
disposed of at his pleasure; and it was further concluded, that he should
be declared an enemy to both princes by sound of trumpet, with all that
served, or favoured, or assisted him. The king also promised to deliver
up the town of St. Quentin, so often mentioned before, to the Duke of
Burgundy, and all the money and moveables belonging to the constable
which should be found in the kingdom of France, with all his signiories
and lordships held of the said duke, and particularly Han and Bohain, two
strong places; in order to which it was agreed that, on a certain day,
both the king’s forces and the duke’s troops were to meet before Han, and
besiege the constable in that town.
But all this agreement was quashed[382], for the reasons above mentioned,
and a day and place appointed for a conference between the king and the
constable (the king having first given security for his return); for
the constable was fearful for his person, as having had intelligence
of the whole business at Bouvines. The place was three leagues from
Noyon, towards La Fere, upon a little river which was impassable, by
reason that, on the constable’s side, the fords were taken away. Upon a
causeway in that place a strong barrier was erected. The constable was
the first that appeared at it, attended by all, or the greatest part,
of his men-at-arms; for he had 300 gentlemen in his train, all of them
well armed, and he wore his own cuirass under a loose coat. The king
was attended by 600 men-at-arms, and among them the Count of Dammartin,
Lord High Steward of France, who was the constable’s mortal enemy. The
king sent me before, to excuse him to the constable for staying so long;
but presently after his majesty’s arrival they discoursed together with
five or six on each side. The constable excused his coming in arms,
pretending he could not otherwise secure himself against the Count of
Dammartin. The conclusion was, that all things past should be buried in
oblivion, and no mention be made of them for the future, upon which the
constable came over to the king’s side; the Count of Dammartin and he
were reconciled; he waited upon the king that night to Noyon, and the
next morning returned to St. Quentin, very well satisfied, as he said.
But when the king came to consider what he had done, and understood
the dissatisfaction of his subjects, he began to be sensible of having
committed a great oversight, in giving a meeting to his servant,
suffering a barrier between them at that interview, and permitting him to
come attended with such a number of men-at-arms, all his subjects, and
paid out of his purse; so that if his hatred to the constable was great
before, this conference mightily increased it, neither was the constable
himself really much better pleased.
CH. XII.—A Digression, not altogether improper in this place, concerning
the Wisdom of the King and the Constable, with useful Remarks for those
who are in authority with Princes.—1474.
He that seriously considers this action of the king’s, must certainly
allow, that his majesty acted with great wisdom and prudence; for it is
not improbable that the constable might have made his peace with the Duke
of Burgundy, by the surrender of St. Quentin, notwithstanding all his
promises to the contrary. But certainly for a wise man (as the constable
undoubtedly was), he took the wrongest measures in the world, or else God
had strangely infatuated his understanding, to come thus in that warlike
manner and disguise to converse with his king and master, under a guard
of so many horse, all of them the king’s subjects, and at that time in
his pay; and indeed by his looks he seemed to be ashamed of the action
himself, for as soon as the king came to him, though they were parted by
nothing but a rail, he ordered it immediately to be opened, and in coming
to the king, was in no little danger that day.
Perhaps he and some of his friends might highly value themselves upon
this action, and think it glorious to have a monarch stand in awe of him,
as being sensible of the king’s timidity; and indeed sometimes he was
fearful, but never without just cause. The king had extricated himself
out of all his troubles and wars with the great lords of his kingdom,
by large presents, and larger promises, and was sensible of many false
steps he had made, and for the future was resolved to put nothing to
a venture that he could gain otherwise. Many were of opinion it was
from his fear and cowardice that this cautious way of acting proceeded;
but several persons, who, upon the strength of that imagination, durst
presume to provoke his anger, if they were feebly supported, found
themselves strangely mistaken, as the Count of Armagnac and others, who
paid dear for that opinion; for he knew very well how to distinguish
between the appearance and reality of danger: and this I dare boldly say
in his commendation (and if I have said it before, it is not unworthy
to be repeated), that in my whole life I never knew any man so wise in
misfortunes.
But to return to the constable, who perhaps had a mind that the king
should be afraid of him—at least, I suppose he had (for I would not
accuse him wrongly, and what I say is only for the information of such
as are in the service of great princes, and have not an equal knowledge
of the affairs of this world).—Had I a friend in that capacity, I would
advise him to carry himself so, that his master might love him, and not
dread him; for I never saw any courtier whose authority depended upon the
awe he inspired his prince, but some time or other he was ruined, and by
his master’s consent. Many examples of this nature have been seen in our
time, or not long before, in this kingdom, as in the case of the Lord de
La Tremouille[383] and others. In England, the Earl of Warwick and his
faction were a remarkable instance; I could name others in Spain, and
elsewhere; but perhaps those who shall read this chapter, may know it
better than I. This arrogance generally proceeds from some extraordinary
service that they have performed, by which they are so strangely puffed
up, that they think their merit ought to bear them out in whatever they
do, and that their masters cannot live without them. But princes, on
the contrary, are of opinion, that the best service their subjects can
do them, is no more than their duty: and they like to be told this by
their servants, and desire nothing more than to be rid of those who are
arrogant in their behaviour.
Again, in this place I must insert two things which the king, my master,
told me once in a discourse about persons who had done great service (and
he named the author from whom he received that information), that to have
served too well is sometimes the ruin of the agent; and that most often,
great ingratitude is the reward of long and faithful services; usually
upon account of the arrogance of those who have performed them, who,
presuming too much upon their good fortune, behave themselves insolently
towards their master or fellow-subjects; so that princes are not always
to be blamed, if their subjects are not rewarded according to their
deserts. His majesty told me further, that he thought that person more
happy in his preferments at court, whom his prince had advanced beyond
his desert, whereby he remained a debtor to his prince, than he who, by
any signal service, had put his prince under great obligation to him;
for he himself loved those persons with a greater affection who were
obliged to him, than those (whoever they were) to whom he was obliged. So
that in all conditions of life, it is a difficult matter to live well in
this world, and a great blessing it is to those whom God hath naturally
endowed with a right understanding.