CH. I.—How the King took an occasion of making a new War upon the Duke of
Burgundy; and of his sending as far as Ghent to summon him to appear, by
a Serjeant of the Parliament.—1470.
In the year 1470, the king, having a fair opportunity, as he thought,
resolved to be revenged of the Duke of Burgundy, and secretly endeavoured
to persuade the towns upon the River Somme, as Amiens, St. Quentin, and
Abbeville, to forsake the duke, and admit some of his troops into their
garrisons; for it is always the custom of great princes (especially
if they be wise), to seek out some fair pretence or other to cover
their designs. In order to your better understanding the intrigues and
artifices of the French court in this kind of transactions, I will
give a relation of the whole management of this affair; for the king
and duke were both of them deceived, and a very bloody and cruel war
commenced upon it, which lasted thirteen or fourteen years. The king
indeed had a great desire to excite those towns to rebel, and set up
his standard, upon pretence that the Duke of Burgundy had extended the
bounds of his dominions farther than the treaty would bear. Upon this
account several envoys and ambassadors were sent from one court to the
other, backward and forward, who passed and repassed through these towns,
and proposed and drove on their several bargains very securely, there
being no garrisons in these towns; for the whole kingdom of France, as
well on that side towards the Duke of Burgundy’s dominions, as on the
other towards the Duke of Bretagne’s, was in perfect peace, and the Duke
of Guienne was to all appearance in great friendship with the king.
However, the king had no design to commence a war purely to repossess
himself of one or two of those towns, and no more; but his intention
was to raise a universal rebellion in the Duke of Burgundy’s dominions,
hoping, by that means, to make himself master of all his country.
Many persons, to ingratiate themselves with the king, undertook the
management of these secret negotiations, and reported them much forwarder
than he really found them; one promised him one town, and another another
town, and that they had bargained for them all; but had the king’s
designs reached no farther than the events which succeeded (though
indeed he had cause to complain of his treatment at Peronne), he would
not have violated the peace, nor involved himself in a new war; for he
had published the peace at Paris[273] three months after his return
into his kingdom; and he began his enterprise not without some fear and
caution; but the violent desires he had to it, at last prevailed over his
timorousness, and he was spurred on to it by some of his courtiers.
The Count of St. Paul, a very wise man, and Constable of France, with
several of the Duke of Guienne’s servants and others, earnestly desired
a war between those two great princes, rather than peace, and that for
two reasons:—The first was, that they were afraid their great revenues
would be lessened, if the peace should continue; for the constable had
400 men-at-arms or lances, paid every muster, without any comptroller,
and above 30,000 francs a-year, besides the salary of his office, and the
profits of several good places which he had in his possession. The other
was, because they had observed and talked among themselves, that the
nature of the king was such, that unless he was at war with some foreign
prince, he would certainly find some quarrel or other at home with his
servants, domestics, and officers; for his mind must always be working.
Prompted by these specious arguments, they endeavoured to persuade the
king to commence the war; and the constable promised to take St. Quentin
whenever he pleased, for his lands lay near it; and he boasted much of
his great intelligence in Brabant and Flanders, and that he could induce
several of those towns to revolt against the Duke of Burgundy.
The Duke of Guienne being of the same opinion, all his principal
governors offered the king their services, and promised him to bring
along with them 400 or 500 men-at-arms, whom the Duke of Guienne kept
constantly in pay; but their design was not as the king took it, but
quite contrary, as you will see hereafter.
The king was always wont to proceed gravely and solemnly in all actions
of importance, and therefore he convoked the three Estates at Tours in
the months of March and April, 1470[274] (a thing which he had never
done before[275], nor ever did afterwards), but he summoned only such
persons as he thought would not oppose his designs. In this assembly he
complained of several of the Duke of Burgundy’s enterprises and practices
against his crown; he ordered the Count d’Eu to bring in a complaint
against the duke for detaining from him St. Vallery and other towns
belonging to the jurisdiction of Abbeville and the county of Ponthieu,
without giving the Count d’Eu any reason or satisfaction; pretending only
he did it by way of reprisals for a merchant-man of Flanders, which had
been taken by a small man-of-war belonging to Eu; for which the Count
d’Eu offered to make reparation. Besides, the Duke of Burgundy wished to
oblige the Count d’Eu to do him homage, and swear fealty to him against
all persons whatever; which he would never consent to do, it being
against the honour and authority of the king. In this assembly there were
present several lawyers, as well of the parliament as elsewhere; by all
of whom it was concluded, according to the intention of the king, that a
day should be appointed, and the Duke of Burgundy summoned to appear in
person before the Parliament at Paris. The king knew very well his answer
would be insolent, or that he would do something or other against the
authority of that court, which would give him a more plausible pretence
of declaring war against him.
The Duke of Burgundy received his summons in Ghent from the hands of
one of the officers of the Parliament, as he was going to mass; he was
much surprised, and highly offended at it, and ordered the officer to be
taken into custody, where he remained several days, but at length he was
dismissed.
You see the measures that were concerted for the invasion of the Duke
of Burgundy’s territories; who, having intelligence of it, immediately
enlisted great numbers of men, but at half-pay (as they called it), who
were to be ready in arms at their houses upon the first summons. However,
they were mustered constantly once a month, and received their pay.
In this posture affairs continued for three or four months; but the duke
growing weary of the expense, disbanded his soldiers; for the king having
sent several embassies to him, he began to think the storm was blown
over, and retired into Holland. He had now no soldiers in pay, ready to
be employed upon any occasion, nor garrisons in his frontier towns, which
was greatly to his disadvantage, by reason of the designs on foot for
bringing over Amiens, Abbeville, and St. Quentin to the king. While the
Duke of Burgundy was in Holland, John, late Duke of Bourbon[276], gave
him notice, that in a short time a war would break out against him, as
well in Burgundy as Picardy, for the king had great intelligence both in
those provinces and in his household. The Duke of Burgundy being wholly
unprovided with troops (having disbanded his army, as I said before),
was much alarmed at this news; upon which he passed immediately into
Artois by sea, and went straight to Hesdin.[277] There he began to find
out the secret intrigues of some of his officers, and the transactions
which were being managed privately in the above-mentioned towns. At
first he could not be persuaded of the truth of it, so that it was some
time before he would be convinced of their treachery; but at length he
sent for two of the principal citizens of Amiens, whom he suspected to
have a hand in those secret negotiations; yet they excused themselves so
handsomely, that he suffered them to depart. Not long after this some of
the duke’s household revolted from him, and went over to the king, as the
Bastard Baudouin[278], and several others[279]; which made him fearful
lest more should follow their example. To prevent the worst, he issued
a proclamation, requiring all his people to be immediately in arms; but
few obeyed it, for winter was approaching, and the duke had not been many
days arrived from Holland.
CH. II.—Of the Delivering up the Towns of St. Quentin and Amiens to the
King; and upon what grounds the Constable and others fomented the War
between the King and the Duke of Burgundy.—1471.
Two days after the Duke of Burgundy’s servants had deserted him (which
was in December, 1470), the Constable of France entered St. Quentin[280],
and forced the inhabitants to take an oath of fidelity to the king. Then
the duke began to discern the ill posture of his affairs; for he had sent
all his officers to raise men in his own countries. However, with those
few he could get together, and about 400 or 500 horse, he marched to
Dourlans[281], intending to secure Amiens, and keep it from revolting;
but he had not been there many days before Amiens began to treat, for
the king’s army being not far off, invested the town, but was refused
entrance for some time, because there was still a small party left in it
for the duke, who had sent his quarter-master thither, and if he had had
a sufficient number of troops with him to have entered in person, that
town had never been lost; but with the small brigade he had, he durst
not venture himself in it, though he was much pressed by several of the
townsmen.
As soon as those of the king’s party perceived he was afraid, and not
strong enough to trust himself in the town, they put their plans in
execution, and received a garrison of the king’s troops.[282] Those of
Abbeville intended to have done the same, but the Lord des Cordes got
in for the duke, and prevented their design. From Amiens to Dourlans
is but five short leagues[283]; so that upon the news that Amiens had
declared for the king, the Duke of Burgundy was forced to retire with
great precipitation and alarm to Arras[284], fearing lest other places
should do the like, and seeing himself surrounded by the friends and
relations of the constable. Besides, the revolt of the Bastard Baudouin
made him entertain a jealousy of the great Bastard of Burgundy, his
natural brother. However, by degrees, troops came in to him; and the king
now thought himself master of his designs, for he believed whatever the
constable and the rest had told him of their intelligences all over the
Duke of Burgundy’s dominions; and had it not been in hopes it would have
proved true, that enterprise had never been undertaken.
But it is now high time for me to declare what it was that moved
the constable, the Duke of Guienne, and their principal ministers
(notwithstanding the many good offices, the supplies, and honourable
dealing which the Duke of Guienne had received from the Duke of
Burgundy), and what advantage they proposed to themselves by fomenting
the war between these two great princes, who were then in peace in their
several provinces. I have said something of it before, that it was to
secure their pensions and employments, lest the king, having no wars
abroad, should either take them away, or retrench them. But this was
not the chief cause. The Duke of Guienne and his party had passionately
desired a match between him and the sole daughter[285] and heiress of
the Duke of Burgundy (for the Duke of Burgundy had no sons.) The Duke of
Burgundy had been often solicited in this business, and always gave them
hopes, but would never suffer it to be concluded, and indeed entertained
propositions from other persons.[286] It is worth our observation to
consider what artifices these persons used to arrive at their designs,
and force the duke to give his daughter to the Duke of Guienne. As soon
as those two towns had revolted, and the Duke of Burgundy was returned to
Arras (where he was raising what forces he could), the Duke of Guienne
sent an envoy privately to him, with only three lines under his own hand
(folded as close as was possible, and made up in a piece of soft wax)
containing these words, “Endeavour what you can to reconcile yourself to
your subjects; for other things take no care; for you will be sure to
find friends enough.”
The Duke of Burgundy, who at first was extremely alarmed, immediately
despatched a messenger to the constable, to entreat him that he would
not pursue his advantages, and do him so much mischief as he knew was
in his power, since the war was begun without any proclamation. The
constable was not a little pleased with this message, supposing he had
the Duke of Burgundy now at his beck, and could manage him as he pleased:
he returned him this answer, that he was sensible his affairs were in
very great danger, and that he knew but one remedy left, which was to
marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne; for by so doing he would be
abundantly supplied with men, and the Duke of Guienne and several other
great lords would declare for him, and he himself would deliver up St.
Quentin, and become of their party; but without the consummation of that
marriage, nothing was to be expected; for the king was very powerful,
had his affairs well managed, and held great intelligence in the whole
territory of Burgundy. He also made use of several other expressions to
augment the duke’s fears. I never knew any man come to a good end that
took pleasure in frightening his master, or keeping him in subjection,
or indeed any other great prince whom he had occasion to treat with, as
you shall see afterwards in the example of the constable; for though the
king was his master at that time, yet his children, and the greatest part
of his estate, lay in the Duke of Burgundy’s dominions. However, it was
always his method, by making them afraid of one another, to keep both of
them in awe; which at last fell heavy upon himself. And as it is natural
for all people to endeavour to free themselves from fear and subjection,
and often hate those that keep them in that bondage, so none do it with
more eagerness and revenge than princes, of whom I never knew any that
did not pursue, with a mortal and implacable hatred, all who attempted to
use them so.
After the delivery of the constable’s answer to the Duke of Burgundy, he
found nothing of friendship was to be expected from him, but that he was
the contriver and principal manager of the war; upon which he conceived
a mortal hatred for him, which could never after be extinguished,
especially when he reflected that his remonstrances of danger tended
to no other end, but to constrain him to the marriage of his daughter.
In the meantime the Duke of Burgundy had recollected himself in some
measure, and assembled a considerable army. By the messages which were
sent, first from the Duke of Guienne, and afterwards from the constable,
it is plain the whole business was premeditated; for, not long after, the
Duke of Bretagne wrote to him in the same, or more terrible language;
and suffered the Lord of Lescut to put himself into the king’s service,
with 100 of his Breton men-at-arms; so that it may be easily concluded
this war was undertaken to force the Duke of Burgundy to consent to that
match. The king was deceived when he was put upon it; and the story of
their intelligence in the Duke of Burgundy’s country was utterly, or to
a great extent, false. However, during this whole expedition, the king
was served faithfully by the constable, who mortally hated the Duke of
Burgundy, because he knew that the duke had no affection for him. The
Duke of Guienne also served the king very honestly in this war, with a
considerable body of troops, and the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were in a
dangerous condition; yet if, in the beginning of this rupture, the duke
(as I said before) would have consented to the marriage of his daughter
with the Duke of Guienne, all the above-mentioned great lords would have
abandoned the king, and employed all their power and interest against
him; but it is in vain for man to determine in these cases, for God
Almighty ever executes as he pleases.
CH. III.—How the Duke of Burgundy took Picquigny; and the means he
found out to make a Truce with the King for a Year, to the great
Dissatisfaction of the Constable of France.—1471.
You have already been sufficiently informed of the motives of this
war, and that the two princes were at first deluded, and invaded one
another without understanding the true grounds of the quarrel; which is
a convincing argument of the marvellous subtilty of those that managed
that affair, and confirms the old saying, That one half of the world does
not know what the other is doing. But all these passages which I have
mentioned happened in a very little space of time; for, in less than a
fortnight after the taking of Amiens, the Duke of Burgundy took the field
near Arras (for he retired no farther), and marched afterwards towards
the Somme, directly to Picquigny. As he was upon his march, a messenger
(no better than a footman) came to him from the Duke of Bretagne, who
told him from his master, that the king had acquainted him with much
of his affairs, and among the rest, that he had considerable parties
in several of his great towns, naming Antwerp, Bruges and Brussels: he
gave him notice, also, that the king designed to besiege him wherever
he should find him, though it were in Ghent itself. I am of opinion that
this message was intended only in favour of the Duke of Guienne, and to
further the match. But the Duke of Burgundy was highly displeased at this
information, and told the messenger immediately, that his master was
misinformed, and that it was only some bad courtiers about him who had
filled his imagination with those jealousies and apprehensions, solely
with a design to deprive him of the supplies which by his alliance he was
obliged to send him; and that as to the town of Ghent, and the rest which
he mentioned, he was misinformed, for they were too large to be besieged;
that he should undeceive his master, letting him know how he found him
attended, and that he was now marching to pass the River Somme, and was
resolved to fight the King of France, if he endeavoured to interrupt the
course of his arms. He desired him, therefore, that he would entreat the
duke his master, from him, to declare himself immediately against the
king, and that he would show himself no otherwise to the Duke of Burgundy
than the Duke of Burgundy had expressed himself towards him in the treaty
of Peronne.
The Duke of Burgundy arrived the next day with his army near a town
(strongly seated upon the Somme) called Picquigny.[287] His design was
to lay a bridge thereabouts over the river, and pass it with his army;
but there being by accident at that time 400 or 500 archers, and some few
of the nobility in the town, they resolved to march out, and dispute the
passage with him. They sallied out upon a long causeway to engage him,
and advanced so far, that, being repulsed, their distance from the town
gave the duke’s men an opportunity of pursuing them; and they did it so
effectually, that they killed a great number of them before they could
recover their works, and possessed themselves of the suburbs at the end
of the causeway. The Duke of Burgundy immediately planted four or five
great guns to batter the town (though the town was impregnable on that
side, because of the river’s running between them): however, the archers,
observing that their bridge was almost finished, and expecting to be
besieged as soon as the enemy had passed the river, abandoned the town,
and marched away in great confusion. The castle held out two or three
days, but the garrison was forced at last to surrender, and march away
without their arms.
This little action revived the Duke of Burgundy’s courage, so that
he encamped about Amiens[288], and pitched his tents in two or three
several places, giving out that he kept the field, to see if the king
would venture a battle with him. At length he approached so near,
that his artillery fired into and over the town; and in that camp he
continued for six weeks together. There were in the town 1400 of the
king’s men-at-arms, and 4000 frank-archers, and with them the constable,
with all the great lords of France, as the grand-master, the admiral,
the marshal, the seneschals, and a great number of persons of quality
besides. In the meantime the king was at Beauvais, where he assembled a
great army. The king was attended by his brother the Duke of Guienne,
Duke Nicholas of Calabria[289] (eldest son of Duke John of Calabria
and Lorraine, sole heir of the house of Anjou), and by the rest of the
nobility of his kingdom, assembled by virtue of the arriere-ban; who,
as I have been since informed, had a great curiosity at that time to
find out the intrigue and mystery of this expedition, for they saw his
business was far from being done, and that he was deeper engaged in war
than ever he was before.
Those who were in Amiens had a design to sally out and attack the Duke of
Burgundy’s army, if the king would have advanced, and joined them with
the forces which he had at Beauvais. But the king, having notice of their
design, sent express orders to forbid it; for though, in all probability,
this action was likelier to turn to his advantage than otherwise, yet
it could not be attempted without manifest danger, especially to those
in the town, for they were obliged to sally out of the gates; and there
being but two, and one of them very near the Duke of Burgundy’s army,
and their whole body consisting of infantry, if they had been repulsed,
it would have been difficult for them to have made their retreat, and
they would have been in great danger, not only of being cut in pieces
themselves, but also of losing the town. In this posture of affairs the
Duke of Burgundy despatched one of his pages (called Simon de Quingy,
who was afterwards Bailiff of Troyes) with a letter to the king, only of
six lines, but under his own hand. The letter was very humble, and in it
he complained that he had been tempted to invade him upon other people’s
designs, and declared that, if he had been rightly informed, he was
confident he never would have attempted it.
Meanwhile the king’s army in Burgundy had fought and defeated the whole
force of that country, and though the number of the slain was not very
considerable, yet the victory was great; many prisoners were taken, and
an abundance of towns besieged and carried by storm. The news of this
defeat extremely surprised the Duke of Burgundy, who immediately caused
a report to be spread in his army that his forces had won the battle.
The king was highly pleased at the receipt of the Duke of Burgundy’s
letter, for the reasons above mentioned, and because he did not love
to carry on tedious enterprises; he returned him an answer, and sent a
commission to empower certain persons in Amiens to enter upon a truce. At
first a cessation was agreed on for some few days only; but at length,
as I remember, they had one for a year[290], with which the Constable
of St. Paul seemed to be highly displeased: and without doubt (whatever
some people may say or think to the contrary) the constable was the
Duke of Burgundy’s mortal enemy. Several treaties and conferences they
had, but never the least friendship proceeded from any of them, as the
event demonstrated. Yet they continued sending one to the other, and
endeavouring a reconciliation; the duke did it in hopes by this means to
recover St. Quentin, for whenever the constable entertained the least
suspicion or fear of the king, he promised to restore that town; and
sometimes it proceeded so far, that, by the consent of the constable, the
Duke of Burgundy’s forces approached within two or three leagues of the
town, in expectation to be received; but when they were to be admitted,
the constable’s heart always failed him, and he sent them back, which
proved afterwards highly to his disadvantage. He had a strong opinion
that, by the strength of his position, and the great number of his forces
(which the king had to pay), he should be able to keep the king and the
duke in the same jealousy and discord as they were in at that time; but
his design was very dangerous, for they were both of them too powerful
and too sensible to be imposed on at that rate.
Upon the breaking up of these armies, the king retired into Touraine,
the Duke of Guienne into his own country, and the Duke of Burgundy into
Flanders; and affairs continued in that posture for some time. The Duke
of Burgundy called a general assembly of the Estates[291] of his country,
to whom he remonstrated the damage he had sustained by not having a good
body of men-at-arms ready as the king had; assuring them that, if he
had had but 500 men-at-arms ready to secure his frontiers, the king had
never undertaken that war, and they had continued in peace. He laid also
before them the dangers to which they were still exposed, and pressed
very hard that they would allow and pay him for 800 lances. At last
they consented to give him a subsidy of sixscore thousand crowns[292],
besides all other duties that they yearly paid him; neither was Burgundy
comprehended in this grant. But his subjects made great scruple, (and for
several reasons), to put themselves into such a state of subjection as
the kingdom of France was in, by reason of their standing army. And to
speak impartially, their unwillingness was not without cause; for when he
had once got 500 or 600 horse, he hankered after more, and attempted more
boldly upon his neighbours; the sixscore thousand crowns he multiplied
to 500,000, and increased his guards to such a number, that at last they
became a great grievance to his subjects. My opinion is, that guards,
or standing forces, may be employed very usefully under a prudent and
judicious prince: but when it is otherwise, or he happens to die, and
leaves his successors, children, the service in which their governors
employ them is not always safe or advantageous for either prince or
subject.
Notwithstanding these correspondences and truces, the hatred between the
king and the Duke of Burgundy rather increased than diminished. The Duke
of Guienne, upon his return into his own country, solicited the Duke
of Burgundy very hard to marry his daughter; which proposal the Duke
of Burgundy did willingly entertain, and indeed so he did whoever was
proposed; so that I am of opinion he had no mind to have a son-in-law,
nor that his daughter should marry in his life-time, but chose rather
to keep her as a decoy to allure princes to his party, and bind them
to his assistance; for he had so many and so great enterprises in his
head, as could not be compassed in one man’s life. Besides, to speak
the truth, they were but little better than impossible, for one half of
Europe was not sufficient to content his insatiable desire of extending
his dominions. He had courage enough to undertake the most difficult
enterprises, his body was capable of as much pains and fatigue as was
necessary; he was powerful in men and money; but he was defective in
judgment, and in the cunning management of his affairs: and if a prince
be deficient in that point, let him be every way as complete and as
nicely qualified for heroic actions as he will, it signifies nothing; so
that I look upon sense as proceeding entirely from the grace of God. In
short, he that could have taken part of the king’s qualities, and mingled
them with the duke’s, might have made a perfect prince; for certainly the
king was much superior to him in judgment and management, and the end
sufficiently demonstrated it to all the world.
CH. IV.—Of the Civil Wars between the Princes in England, during the
Difference between Louis XI. and Charles, Duke of Burgundy.—1470.
In mentioning the preceding passages, I had almost forgotten to speak
of Edward, King of England; for those three great princes, King Louis
XI. of France, King Edward IV., and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were
contemporaries. I shall not here observe the method and order of writing
which is usual among historians, nor name the years and moments of time
when every action happened; neither shall I produce any examples out of
history (of which you know enough, and it would be like talking Latin to
monks). I shall only give you a plain account of what I have seen, known,
and heard of these three great princes above mentioned. In my judgment,
you that live in the age when these affairs were transacted, have no
occasion of being informed of the exact hours when everything was done.
I have formerly[293] mentioned the reasons that prevailed with the
Duke of Burgundy to marry the sister of Edward, King of England, and
it was principally to strengthen his alliance against the King of
France; otherwise he would never have done it, for the love he bore to
the house of Lancaster, to which he was allied by his mother, who was
Infanta of Portugal, but her mother[294] was the Duke of Lancaster’s
daughter; wherefore his kindness for the house of Lancaster was as great
as his hatred to that of York. At the time of this marriage, the house
of Lancaster was quite depressed, and of the house of York there was
no great talk; for Edward, who was both Duke of York and King, enjoyed
the peaceable possession of the kingdom. In the war between these two
contending houses, there had been seven or eight[295] memorable battles
in England; in which threescore or fourscore persons of the blood-royal
of that kingdom were cruelly slain, as is said before in these Memoirs.
Those that survived were fugitives, and lived in the Duke of Burgundy’s
court; all of them young gentlemen (whose fathers had been slain in
England) whom the Duke of Burgundy had generously entertained before this
marriage, as his relations of the house of Lancaster. Some of them were
reduced to such extremity of want and poverty before the Duke of Burgundy
received them, that no common beggar could have been poorer. I saw one of
them, who was Duke of Exeter[296] (but he concealed his name), following
the Duke of Burgundy’s train bare-foot and bare-legged, begging his bread
from door to door. This person was the next of the house of Lancaster;
he had married King Edward’s sister, and being afterwards known, had
a small pension allowed him for his subsistence. There were also some
of the family of the Somersets[297], and several others, all of them
slain since, in the wars. The fathers and relations of these persons had
plundered and destroyed the greatest part of France, and possessed it for
several years, and afterwards they turned their swords upon themselves,
and killed one another; those who were remaining in England, and their
children, have died as you see; and yet there are those who affirm
that God does not punish men as he did in the days of the children of
Israel, but suffers the wickedness both of princes and people to remain
unpunished. I do believe, indeed, he does not speak and converse with
mankind as he did formerly; for he has left them examples enough in the
world to instruct them; but you may see, by the sequel of this discourse,
and by reflecting on what you know besides, that of those bad princes,
and others, who cruelly and tyrannically employ the power that is in
their hands, none, or but few of them, die unpunished, though, perhaps,
it is neither in the same manner, nor at the same time, that those who
are injured desire.
But to return to King Edward. The greatest support of the house of York
was the Earl of Warwick; and the greatest partisan of the house of
Lancaster was the Duke of Somerset. This Earl of Warwick, in respect
of the eminent services he had done him, and the care he had taken
of his education, might have been well called King Edward’s father;
and indeed he was a very great man; for besides his own patrimony, he
was possessed of several lordships which had been given him by the
king, some of crown lands, and some that were confiscated. He was made
Governor of Calais[298], and had other great offices, so that I have
heard he received annually in pensions and that kind of profits, 80,000
crowns, besides his inheritance. By accident the Earl of Warwick had
fallen out[299] with his master the year before the Duke of Burgundy’s
expedition against Amiens.[300] The Duke of Burgundy had indeed, in some
measure, been the occasion of the breach between them, as he disliked
the mighty sway and authority that the earl bore in England. Besides,
there was no good understanding between them, for the Earl of Warwick
held constant correspondence with the King of France our master. In
short, about this very time, or a little before, the Earl of Warwick was
grown so exorbitant in his power, that he imprisoned his master King
Edward[301], put the Queen’s[302] father[303] (the Lord Rivers) and two
of his sons to death, and the third was in great danger (though all of
them were great favourites of the king.) He also caused several knights
to be put to death. For some time he used the king very honourably, and
put new servants about him, hoping that he would have forgotten the old,
for he looked upon his master as a very weak prince. The Duke of Burgundy
was extremely concerned at what had happened, and privately contrived a
way for King Edward’s escape, and that he might have an opportunity of
speaking with him: and their plot succeeded so well, that King Edward
escaped out of prison, raised men, and defeated a great body of the Earl
of Warwick’s troops. King Edward was very fortunate in his battles, for
he fought at least nine pitched battles (always on foot), and was always
conqueror. The Earl of Warwick finding himself too weak to oppose King
Edward, having first given instructions to his private friends what they
were to do in his absence, put to sea with the Duke of Clarence, who had
married his daughter[304], and was then of his faction, notwithstanding
that he was brother to the king; and carrying with them their wives and
children, and a great number of forces, he appeared before Calais. There
were at that time several of the earl’s servants in the town, and one
in the quality of his lieutenant, Lord Wenlock[305], who, instead of
receiving him, fired his great guns upon him. Whilst they lay at anchor
before the town, the Duchess of Clarence (who was daughter to the Earl of
Warwick) was brought to bed of a son[306], and great entreaties had to
be used before Wenlock and the rest could be persuaded to send her two
flagons of wine, which was great severity in a servant to use towards his
master; for it is to be presumed the earl thought himself secure of that
place, it being the richest treasure belonging to England, and the best
captaincy in the world (or at least in Christendom); and this I know,
for I was there several times during their differences, and was told by
the chief officer of the staple for cloth, that he would willingly farm
the government of the town from the King of England at 15,000 crowns per
annum; for the Governor of Calais receives all profits on that side of
the sea, and has the benefit of all convoys, and the entire disposal and
management of the garrison.
The King of England was extremely pleased, and well satisfied with Lord
Wenlock for refusing his captain, and sent him a patent to constitute him
governor, in the Earl of Warwick’s room; for he was an old experienced
officer, a wise gentleman, and of the Order of the Garter. The Duke of
Burgundy was also well pleased with him for this action, and being at St.
Omer[307], he sent me to Lord Wenlock, to assure him of a pension of 1000
crowns, and to desire him to continue that affection which he had already
shown to the King of England. I found him fixed and resolved to be so,
and in the Hotel de l’Etape in that town, he swore solemnly to me, that
he would serve the King of England against all opposers whatsoever; and
when he had done, all the garrison and townsmen took the same oath. I was
near two months going and coming to and from him, to keep him steady in
his allegiance; but the most part of that time I was with him, the Duke
of Burgundy was come to Boulogne, and had his residence there[308], in
order to the setting out a great fleet against the Earl of Warwick, who,
at his departure from Calais, had taken several ships belonging to the
Duke of Burgundy’s subjects, which was partly the occasion of the war
between the King of France and him. For the Earl of Warwick’s soldiers
selling all their booty in Normandy, the Duke of Burgundy, by way of
reprisal, seized upon all the French merchants who came to the fair at
Antwerp.
Since it is as absolutely necessary to be acquainted with the examples of
the deceit and craftiness of this world, as with instances of integrity
(not to make use of them, but to arm ourselves against them), I shall in
this place lay open a trick, or piece of policy (but, call it what you
please, it was certainly wisely managed), by which you may understand the
juggling of our neighbours, as well as our own, and that there are good
and bad people in all places of the world. When the Earl of Warwick came
to Calais, which he looked upon as his principal refuge, and expected
to be received, Lord Wenlock, being a person of great prudence, sent
him word, that if he entered he was a lost man, for all England and the
Duke of Burgundy would be against him; besides, the inhabitants of the
town would be his enemies, as well as a great part of the garrison,
as Monsieur de Duras[309], who was the King of England’s marshal, and
several others, who had great interest in the place, were hostile to
him. Wherefore he advised him, as the best thing he could do, to retire
into France, and not to concern himself for Calais, for of that he would
give him a fair account upon the first opportunity. He did his captain
good service by giving him that counsel, but none at all to his king.
Certainly no man was ever guilty of a higher piece of ingratitude than
Lord Wenlock, considering the King of England had made him Governor in
chief of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy settled a large pension upon
him.
CH. V.—How the Earl of Warwick, by the Assistance of Louis, King of
France, drove King Edward IV. out of England, to the great Displeasure of
the Duke of Burgundy, who received him into his Countries.—1470.
The Earl of Warwick, who followed Wenlock’s counsel, landed in
Normandy[310], and was kindly received by the King of France, who
furnished him with great sums of money to pay his troops. The Duke of
Burgundy had at this time a great fleet abroad, infesting the king’s
subjects both by land and sea; and this fleet was so powerful, that none
durst oppose it. The king ordered the Bastard of Bourbon[311], Admiral of
France, with a strong squadron[312], to assist the English against any
attempt that should be made upon them by the Duke of Burgundy’s fleet.
All this happened the season before the surrender of St. Quentin and
Amiens, which was in the year 1470. The Duke of Burgundy was stronger at
sea than the Earl of Warwick and the king together; for at Sluys he had
seized upon several great ships belonging to Spain and Portugal, and two
Genoese vessels, besides many hulks from Germany.
King Edward was not a man of any great management or foresight, but he
was of an invincible courage, and the handsomest prince my eyes ever
beheld. The Earl of Warwick’s landing in Normandy did not so much affect
him as it did the Duke of Burgundy, who presently perceiving there were
great transactions in England in favour of the Earl of Warwick, gave
frequent information of it to that king, but he never heeded it; which
in my opinion was great weakness, considering the mighty preparations
the King of France had made against him, for he fitted out all the
ships he could get, and well manned and victualled them, and ordered
the English fugitives to be equipped. By his management also a marriage
was concluded between the Earl of Warwick’s second, daughter and the
Prince of Wales[313], which prince was the only son to King Henry VI.
(who was at that time alive, and prisoner in the tower.) An unaccountable
match! to dethrone and imprison the father, and marry his only son to the
daughter of him that did it. It was no less surprising that he should
delude the Duke of Clarence, brother to the king whom he opposed, who
ought in reason to have been afraid of the restoration of the house of
Lancaster; but affairs of so nice a nature are not to be managed without
great cunning and artifice.
During the whole time of this preparation, I stayed at Calais to keep
Lord Wenlock firm to his allegiance; but I could discover nothing of
his juggling, though he had been at it for three months. My business
with him then was, to desire that he would order twenty or thirty of
the Earl of Warwick’s servants who were there, to depart the town; for
I was assured the king’s fleet, in conjunction with the earl’s, was
ready to set sail from Normandy, and if they should land suddenly in
England, it might happen that those servants of the Earl of Warwick’s
might raise some tumult or other in the town of Calais, that he might
not be able to appease, for which reason I was very earnest for their
being turned out. Before, he had always promised me he would, but then
he took me aside, and told me that he would keep the town well enough,
but he had something else to impart to me, and that was, that I would
acquaint the Duke of Burgundy, that if he desired to show himself a
friend to England, he would advise him to employ his good offices rather
in mediating peace, than endeavouring to promote war; and this he said in
respect of the preparations which the Duke of Burgundy had made against
the Earl of Warwick. He told me farther, that it would be no hard matter
to compass an accommodation, for that very day there was a lady passed
by Calais into France, with letters to the Duchess of Clarence, and in
them overtures of peace from King Edward; and he said truly; but as he
had done with others, so the lady dissembled with him; for her business
was of another kind of importance, which she accomplished at last, to the
prejudice of the Earl of Warwick and all his party.
You cannot be better informed by any other person of the secret
contrivances and subtle collusions which happened on our side of the
water, than by me, especially as to the transactions of these last twenty
years.
The secret affair to be managed by this lady, was to solicit the Duke
of Clarence not to contribute to the subversion of his own family, by
endeavouring to restore the house of Lancaster; that he would remember
their old insolences, and the hereditary hatred that was between them,
and not be so infatuated as to imagine that the Earl of Warwick, who had
married his daughter to the Prince of Wales, and sworn allegiance to him
already, would not endeavour to place him upon the throne. This lady
managed the affair that was committed to her charge, with so much cunning
and dexterity, that she prevailed with the Duke of Clarence to promise to
come over to the king’s party as soon as he was in England.
This lady was no fool, nor loquacious; and being allowed the liberty of
visiting her mistress the Duchess of Clarence, she for that reason was
employed in this secret, rather than a man. Wenlock was a cunning man,
and shrewd enough; yet this lady was too hard for him, wheedled him, and
carried on her intrigues till she had effected the ruin of the Earl of
Warwick and all his faction; for which reason it is no shame for persons
in his condition to be suspicious, and keep a watchful eye over all
comers and goers; but it is a great disgrace to be outwitted, and to lose
anything through one’s own negligence; however, our suspicions ought to
be grounded on some foundation, for to be over-suspicious is as bad the
other way.
You have already been informed that the Earl of Warwick’s fleet, with the
squadron the King of France had sent to convoy him, was ready to sail,
and that the Duke of Burgundy’s navy lay ready at Havre to engage them;
but it pleased God to order it so, that a great storm arising that night,
the Duke of Burgundy’s navy was driven by stress of weather, some into
Scotland, some into Holland, and all of them dispersed; after which, in
a short time, the weather coming about fair for the Earl of Warwick, he
took his opportunity, and sailed safely to England. The Duke of Burgundy
had sent King Edward word of the port where the earl designed to land,
and had persons constantly about him, to put him in mind of taking care
of himself, and putting his kingdom in a posture of defence. But he never
was concerned at anything, but still followed his hunting, and nobody
was so trusted by him as the Archbishop of York[314] and the Marquis of
Montague[315], both the Earl of Warwick’s brothers, who had sworn to be
true to him against their brother, and all opposers whatsoever; and the
king put an entire confidence in them.
Upon the Earl of Warwick’s landing[316], great numbers came in to him;
and King Edward when he heard it, was much alarmed; and (when very late)
he began to look about him, and sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire
that his fleet might be ready at sea to intercept the Earl of Warwick on
his return to France, for on land he knew how to deal with him. The Duke
of Burgundy was not well pleased with these words, for he looked upon it
as a greater piece of policy to have hindered the earl from landing, than
to be forced to run the hazard of a battle, to drive him out again. The
Earl of Warwick had not been landed above five or six days before the
whole country came in to him, and he encamped within three leagues of
the king, whose army was superior to the earl’s (had they been all true
to his interest), and waited on purpose to give him battle: the king was
possessed of a fortified village or house[317], to which (as he told me
himself) there was no access but by one bridge, which proved of great
service to him; the rest of his forces were quartered in the neighbouring
villages. As he sate at dinner, news was suddenly brought him that the
Marquis of Montague, the Earl of Warwick’s brother, and several other
persons of quality, were mounted on horseback, and had caused their
soldiers to cry, “God bless King Henry.” At first King Edward would give
no credit to it, but despatched other messengers to inquire, and in the
meantime armed himself, and posted guards to defend the bridge in case
of any assault. There was with him at that time a very prudent gentleman
called the Lord Hastings[318], High Chamberlain of England, in great
authority with the king; and he deserved it, for though his wife was the
Earl of Warwick’s sister, he continued loyal to his king, and was then in
his service (as he told me afterwards) with a body of 3000 horse. There
was likewise with him the Lord Scales[319] (brother to King Edward’s
queen) besides several good knights and gentlemen who began to think that
all was not well, for the messengers confirmed what had been told the
king before, and that the enemy was marching boldly on, with a design to
surprise him in his quarters.
It happened by God’s grace that King Edward’s quarters were no great
distance from the sea, and some ships that followed with provisions for
his army, lay at anchor with two Dutch merchant vessels hard by. King
Edward had but just time to get aboard one of them; his chamberlain
stayed a little behind, and advised his lieutenant and the rest of the
officers to go in with their men to the Earl of Warwick, but conjured
them to retain their old affection and allegiance to the king and
himself; and then he also went aboard the ship with the others, which
were just ready to set sail. It is the custom in England, when a battle
is won, to give quarter, and no man is killed, especially of the common
soldiers (for they know everybody will join the strongest side), and it
is but seldom that they are ransomed; so that when the king had made
his escape, not one of his men was put to the sword. King Edward told
me, that in all the battles which he had gained, his way was, when the
victory was on his side, to mount on horseback, and cry out to save the
common soldiers, and put the gentlemen to the sword, by which means none,
or very few of them, escaped.
And thus King Edward made his escape in the year 1470, by the assistance
of a small vessel of his own and two Dutch merchantmen, attended only by
700 or 800 men, without any clothes but what they were to have fought
in, no money in their pockets, and not one of them knew whither they
were going. It was very surprising to see this poor king (for so he
might justly be called) run away in this manner, and be pursued by his
own servants. He had indulged himself in ease and pleasures for twelve
or thirteen years together, and enjoyed a larger share of them than any
prince in his time. His thoughts were wholly employed upon the ladies
(and far more than was reasonable), hunting, and adorning his person. In
his summer-hunting, his custom was to have several tents set up for the
ladies, where he treated them after a magnificent manner; and indeed his
person was as well turned for love-intrigues as any man I ever saw in my
life: for he was young, and the most handsome man of his time; I mean
when he was in this adversity, for afterwards he grew very corpulent. But
see now how, on a sudden, he is fallen into the calamities of the world!
He sailed directly for Holland. At that time the Easterlings[320] were
at war both with the English and French; they had many ships at sea, and
were dreaded by the English, and upon good grounds; for they were good
soldiers, had done them much prejudice that year already, and had taken
several of their ships. The Easterlings at a great distance descried the
ships which were with the king, and about seven or eight of them began
to give them chase; but being far before them, he gained the coast of
Holland, or rather something lower, for he put into Friesland, not far
from a little town called Alquemare[321], where he came to an anchor,
and, it being low water, the king could not get into the harbour, but
ran himself as near the town as he could. The Easterlings came as near
him as they could possibly make, and dropt their anchors, intending to
board him the next tide.
Misfortune and danger never go alone: the king’s success and his courage
were now strangely altered. A fortnight before that man would have been
looked upon as mad, who should have told him, “The Earl of Warwick shall
drive you out of England, and in eleven days have the supreme power and
dominion in his own hands” (for it cost him no more time to bring the
whole kingdom to obedience). Besides, he laughed at the Duke of Burgundy
for squandering his money in the defence of the sea, giving out, that he
wished his adversary were landed in England; but what excuse could he
make for himself after such a loss, and by his own fault, unless this,
“That I did not think it possible?” and, if a prince be but arrived to
years of discretion, he ought to blush at such an excuse, for it will
not serve his turn. So that this is a fair example for such princes as
think it beneath them to be afraid, or have a watchful eye on their
enemies, and are fond of such courtiers as flatter and indulge them in
that opinion; and think they are the more valued and esteemed for it,
and that it is a proof of their courage and resolution to despise and
laugh at danger. I know not what they may say to their faces, but I am
sure wise men account such expressions great folly. It is honourable to
fear where there is occasion, and provide against it with all the caution
imaginable. A wise man in a prince’s court is a great treasure to his
master, if the one has liberty to speak truth, and the other discretion
enough to believe him, and follow his advice.
By chance the Lord de la Gruthuse[322], the Duke of Burgundy’s governor
in Holland, was at that place where and when King Edward wished to
land; who, by some persons put on shore, was immediately informed of
his miserable condition, and the danger he was in by reason of the
Easterlings. The governor sent immediately to the Easterlings to charge
them to lie still, and went on board the king’s ship himself, and invited
him on shore; whereupon the king landed, with his brother the Duke of
Gloucester (who was called afterwards King Richard III.), and about 1500
men in their train. The king had no money about him, and gave the master
of the ship a gown lined with beautiful martens, and promised to do more
for him whenever he had an opportunity; but sure so poor a company was
never seen before; yet the Lord de la Gruthuse dealt very honourably by
them, for he gave many of them clothes, and bore all their expenses till
they came to the Hague, to which place he safely conducted them.[323] He
then despatched the news of his arrival to the Duke of Burgundy, who was
much surprised when he heard it, and would have been much better pleased
if it had been news of his death; for he was in great apprehension of
the Earl of Warwick, who was his enemy, and at that time absolute in
England. The earl, immediately after his landing, had prodigious numbers
of people flock in to him[324]; even the king’s own party, some for love,
and others through fear, submitted to him wholly; so that every day his
army increased, and not long after he marched to London. A great number
of good knights and squires, who were in King Edward’s interest, fled to
the sanctuaries in London, and did the king good service afterwards; and
this did the queen his wife, who, in great want of all things that were
necessary, was there[325] brought to bed of a prince.[326]
CH. VI.—How the Earl of Warwick released Henry VI., King of England, out
of the Tower.—1470.
The Earl of Warwick, immediately upon his arrival in London, went
directly to the Tower (which is the castle), and released King Henry,
whom long before he had committed thither himself. When he imprisoned
him, he went before him, crying “Treason, treason, and behold the
traitor!” but now he proclaimed him king, attended him to his palace at
Westminster, and restored him to his royal prerogative, and all in the
Duke of Clarence’s presence, who was not at all pleased with the sight.
Immediately he despatched 300 or 400 men over to Calais to overrun the
Boulonnois, which party was well received by the Lord Wenlock, whom I
mentioned before, and the affection which he had always borne to his
master, the Earl of Warwick, was at that time very conspicuous. That very
day on which the Duke of Burgundy received the news of King Edward’s
being in Holland, I was come from Calais, and found him at Boulogne,
having heard nothing of that, or of King Edward’s defeat. The first news
the Duke of Burgundy heard of him was, that he was killed, and he was not
at all concerned at it, for his affection was greater for the house of
Lancaster than for York, and there were at that very time in his court
the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of King Henry’s
party; so that he thought by their means to be easily reconciled to that
family; but he dreaded greatly the Earl of Warwick. Besides he knew not
after what manner to carry himself to King Edward (whose sister he had
married); and moreover they were brethren of the same orders, for the
king wore the Golden Fleece, and the duke the Garter.
The duke despatched me presently back to Calais, and a gentleman or two
with me, who were of King Henry’s party. He gave me instructions how
I was to proceed with this new set, and pressed me very earnestly to
go, assuring me the business required good service. I went as far as
Tourneghem (a castle near Guynes), but durst venture no farther; for I
found the people flying from the English, who had sent out a strong party
to plunder and harass the country. I sent immediately to the Lord Wenlock
for a passport; though before I used to go without any such thing, and
was always honourably entertained, for the English are naturally of a
free and generous temper.
This was a new phase of affairs to me, for I had never seen such
mutations in the world before. That night I sent the duke word of the
danger which hindered me from proceeding in my journey; but not knowing
what answer I should receive from Wenlock, I did not say that I had sent
for a passport. He sent me a signet ring from off his finger, commanding
me to go on, and if I was taken prisoner, he would ransom me. He made
no scruple to expose any of his servants to danger, when he thought it
for his advantage; but I had well provided for myself by sending for
a passport, which I received with very gracious letters from the Lord
Wenlock, assuring me that I should have the liberty of coming and going
as formerly. Upon these letters I went on to Guynes; where I found the
captain at the gate, who presented me with a glass of wine, yet did not
invite me into the castle as he was wont, but showed me great respect,
and treated the gentlemen who were with me, who were of King Henry’s
party, very nobly. From thence I went to Calais, but nobody came out to
meet me, as formerly; all were in the Earl of Warwick’s livery. At the
gate of my lodgings, and the door of my chamber, the people had made more
than a hundred white crosses with certain rhymes underneath, signifying
that the King of France and Earl of Warwick were all one; all which I
thought very surprising. I sent, however, to Gravelines (which is about
five leagues from Calais), requiring them to seize all English merchants
and their effects because of all the mischief done us in their incursions
into the Boulonnois. The Lord Wenlock sent to me to dine with him; I
found him well attended, with a ragged staff of gold upon his bonnet,
which was the cognizance of the Earl of Warwick; all the rest had ragged
staffs likewise, but they who could not be at the expense of gold, had
them of cloth. I was informed at dinner, that within a quarter of an hour
after the arrival of an express from England with the news, the whole
town had got this livery, so hasty and sudden was the change; and this
was the first time that I had ever seen or considered such an instance of
the instability of all human affairs.
The Lord Wenlock made me many compliments, and some excuses in behalf
of his captain the Earl of Warwick, from whom, as he told me, he had
received many favours; but for the rest who were with him, I never heard
people talk so extravagantly. Those whom I had looked upon as the king’s
greatest friends, were the most bitter and invective against him; yet
I am apt to think some did it for fear, though others spoke the real
sentiments of their hearts. Those whom I formerly endeavoured to have
turned out of the town (as being servants to the earl) were now in great
reputation; yet they never knew of my ever having spoken anything against
them to the Lord Wenlock. I told them upon all occasions that King Edward
was dead, and that I had certain information of it (though indeed I well
knew to the contrary); I added, likewise, that if he were not dead, it
was of no great importance, for the Duke of Burgundy’s alliance was
with the king and kingdom of England, so that this accident could not
infringe it; for whomever they declared their king, should be so to us:
and in consideration of such revolutions in times past, they had put
in these very words, “with the king and the kingdom;” and we were to
have four of the chief towns in England as a security for performance
of these articles. The merchants pressed very hard that I might be
detained, because their goods had been seized at Gravelines, and, as they
pretended, by my express command. At length we came to this composition,
that they should pay for, or restore, all the cattle which had been
plundered; for by agreement with the house of Burgundy they had liberty
to take what cattle they wanted, for the necessary provision of the town,
out of certain grounds that were appointed, on paying a certain price;
and for prisoners, they had taken none. Hereupon it was concluded between
us, that the alliance which we had made with the crown of England should
stand good, only we were to put in Henry instead of Edward.
This accommodation was extremely welcome to the Duke of Burgundy; for the
Earl of Warwick was sending 4000 men over to Calais, to make war upon
him, and furiously invade his territories, and no way could be found
out to pacify him. But the great merchants of London (many of whom were
then at Calais) diverted him from that undertaking, because it was the
staple[327] of their wools, and it is almost incredible what prodigious
returns they make from thence twice every year; there their wool lies
till the merchants come over, and their chief vent is into Flanders
and Holland: for which reason, therefore, they were very solicitous
to promote this accommodation, and stop the forces which the Earl of
Warwick was sending over. This treaty fell out very luckily for the Duke
of Burgundy; for it happened at the same time that the King of France
had taken Amiens and St. Quentin, and if he had been forced to have
maintained war with both these kings at a time, he had certainly been
ruined. He tried all the ways imaginable to pacify the Earl of Warwick;
declaring himself of the house of Lancaster, and that he would do nothing
to the prejudice of King Henry; and making use of such other expressions
as he thought would serve his turn best.
In the meantime King Edward arrived at the Duke of Burgundy’s court
at St. Pol[328], and pressed very hard for supplies to enable him to
recover his kingdom; for he assured him of the great interest he had in
England, and entreated him, for God’s sake, not to abandon him, since
he had married his sister, and they were besides brethren of the same
orders. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter violently opposed it, and used
all their artifice to keep him firm to King Henry’s interest. The duke
was in suspense, and knew not which side to favour; he was fearful of
disobliging either, because he was engaged in a desperate war at home;
but at length he struck in with the Duke of Somerset and the rest of
that party, upon certain promises which they made him, against the Earl
of Warwick, their ancient enemy. King Edward was present at the place,
and was much dissatisfied to see how unsuccessfully his affairs went on;
yet they gave him all the fair words imaginable, and told him that all
was but dissimulation, to keep off a war against two kingdoms at once;
for if the duke were ruined, he would not be in a capacity to assist him
afterwards, if he should be ever so inclinable to do it. However, finding
King Edward bent upon his return to England, and being unwilling, for
several reasons, absolutely to displease him, he pretended publicly that
he would give him no assistance, and issued out a proclamation forbidding
any of his subjects to go along with him; but privately and underhand
he sent him 50,000 florins with St. Andrew’s cross[329], furnished him
with three or four great ships, which he ordered to be equipped for him
at La Vere[330] in Holland, which is a free port where all persons are
received; besides which, he hired secretly fourteen Easterling ships
for him, which were well armed, and had promised to transport him into
England, and serve him fifteen days afterwards; which supply was very
great, considering those times.
CH. VII.—How King Edward returned into England, where he defeated the
Earl of Warwick in Battle, and the Prince of Wales afterwards.—1471.