attitude of Italy and Rumania. If Austria-Hungary should hesitate much
longer to make peace, Italy and Rumania may find a sufficient pretext
for war and may join the Entente powers. Italy naturally desires to
acquire the valuable Italian portions of Austria-Hungary on her borders,
and Rumania the very extensive Rumanian parts of the Dual Monarchy
adjoining that kingdom. To both powers it would be disastrous if
Austria-Hungary should make peace before they had staked out their
claims by militarily occupying the territory which they covet. Both
States may therefore be expected to abandon their neutrality and to
invade Austria-Hungary without delay as soon as they hear that that
country seriously contemplates entering upon peace negotiations; it
follows that if Austria-Hungary wishes to withdraw from the stricken
field she must open negotiations with the utmost secrecy and conclude
them with the utmost speed. It is clear that if Italy and Rumania should
be given the much desired opportunity of joining the Entente powers,
the Dual Monarchy would lose not only Polish Galicia and Serbian Bosnia
and Herzegovina but Rumanian Transylvania and the Banat, with about
5,000,000 inhabitants, and the largely Italian Trentino, Istria, and
Dalmatia, with at least 1,000,000 people, as well. These vast losses
would probably lead to the total dismemberment of the State, for the
remaining subject nationalities would also demand their freedom.
Self-preservation is the first law and the first duty of individuals and
of States. It is therefore conceivable, and is indeed only logical, that
Austria-Hungary will conclude overnight a separate peace. If she should
take that wise and necessary step, isolated Germany would either have to
give up the unequal struggle or fight on single-handed. In the latter
case, her defeat would no doubt be rapid. It seems, therefore, quite
possible that the end of the war may be as sudden as was its beginning.
Hence, the consideration of the Polish question seems not only useful
but urgent....
From the very beginning Prussia, Austria, and Russia treated Poland as a
corpus vile, and cut it up like a cake, without any regard to the
claims, the rights, and the protests of the Poles themselves. Although
history only mentions three partitions, there were in reality seven.
There were those of 1772, 1793, and 1795, already referred to; and these
were followed by a redistribution of the Polish territories in 1807,
1809, and 1815. In none of these were the inhabitants consulted or even
considered. The Congress of Vienna established the independence of
Cracow, but Austria-Hungary, asserting that she considered herself
"threatened" by the existence of that tiny State, seized it in 1846.
While Prussia, Austria, and Russia, considering that might was right,
had divided Poland among themselves, regardless of the passionate
protests of the inhabitants, England had remained a spectator, but not a
passive one, of the tragedy. She viewed the action of the allies with
strong disapproval, but although she gave frank expression to her
sentiments, she did not actively interfere. After all, no English
interests were involved in the partition. It was not her business to
intervene. Besides, she could not successfully have opposed
single-handed the joint action of the three powerful partner States,
especially as France, under the weak Louis XV., held aloof. However,
English statesmen refused to consider as valid the five partitions which
took place before and during the Napoleonic era.
The Treaty of Chaumont of 1814 created the Concert of Europe. At the
Congress of Vienna of 1815 the frontiers of Europe were fixed by general
consent. As Prussia, Austria, and Russia refused to recreate an
independent Poland, England's opposition would have broken up the
concert, and might have led to further wars. Unable to prevent the
injustice done to Poland by her opposition, and anxious to maintain the
unity of the powers and the peace of the world, England consented at
last to consider the partition of Poland as a fait accompli, and
formally recognized it, especially as the Treaty of Vienna assured the
Poles of just and fair treatment under representative institutions.
Article I. of the Treaty of Vienna stated expressly:
Les Polonais, sujets respectifs de la Russie, de l'Autriche et
de la Prusse, obtiendront une représentation et des
institutions nationales réglées d'après le mode d'existence
politique que chacun des gouvernements auxquels ils
appartiennent jugera utile et convenable de leur accorder.
By signing the Treaty of Vienna, England recognized not explicitly, but
merely implicitly, the partition of Poland, and she did so unwillingly
and under protest. Lord Castlereagh stated in a circular note addressed
to Russia, Prussia, and Austria, that it had always been England's
desire that an independent Poland, possessing a dynasty of its own,
should be established, which, separating Austria, Russia, and Prussia,
should act as a buffer State between them; that, failing its creation,
the Poles should be reconciled to being dominated by foreigners, by just
and liberal treatment which alone would make them satisfied. His note,
which is most remarkable for its far-sightedness, wisdom, force, and
restraint, was worded as follows:
The undersigned, his Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs and Plenipotentiary to the
Congress of Vienna, in desiring the present note concerning
the affairs of Poland may be entered on the protocol, has no
intention to revive controversy or to impede the progress of
the arrangements now in contemplation. His only object is to
avail himself of this occasion of temperately recording, by
the express orders of his Court, the sentiments of the British
Government upon a European question of the utmost magnitude
and influence.
The undersigned has had occasion in the course of the
discussions at Vienna, for reasons that need not be gone into,
repeatedly and earnestly to oppose himself, on the part of his
Court, to the erection of a Polish Kingdom in union with and
making part of the Imperial Crown of Russia.
The desire of his Court to see an independent power, more or
less considerable in extent, established in Poland under a
distinct dynasty, and as an intermediate State between the
three great monarchies, has uniformly been avowed, and if the
undersigned has not been directed to press such a measure, it
has only arisen from a disinclination to excite, under all the
apparent obstacles to such an arrangement, expectations which
might prove an unavailing source of discontent among the
Poles.
The Emperor of Russia continuing, as it is declared, still to
adhere to his purpose of erecting that part of the Duchy of
Warsaw which is to fall under his Imperial majesty's dominion,
together with his other Polish provinces, either in whole or
in part, into a kingdom under the Russian sceptre; and their
Austrian and Prussian Majesties, the sovereigns most
immediately interested, having ceased to oppose themselves to
such an arrangement--the undersigned adhering, nevertheless,
to all his former representations on this subject has only
sincerely to hope that none of those evils may result from
this measure to the tranquillity of the North, and to the
general equilibrium of Europe, which it has been his painful
duty to anticipate. But in order to obviate as far as possible
such consequences, it is of essential importance to establish
the public tranquillity throughout the territories which
formerly constituted the Kingdom of Poland, upon some solid
and liberal basis of common interest, by applying to all,
however various may be their political institutions, a
congenial and conciliatory system of administration.
Experience has proved that it is not by counteracting all
their habits and usages as a people that either the happiness
of the Poles, or the peace of that important portion of
Europe, can be preserved. A fruitless attempt, too long
persevered in, by institutions foreign to their manner and
sentiments to make them forget their existence, and even
language, as a people, has been sufficiently tried and failed.
It has only tended to excite a sentiment of discontent and
self-degradation, and can never operate otherwise than to
provoke commotion and to awaken them to a recollection of past
misfortunes.
[Illustration: [map]]
The undersigned, for these reasons, and in cordial concurrence
with the general sentiments which he has had the satisfaction
to observe the respective Cabinets entertained on this
subject, ardently desires that the illustrious monarchs to
whom the destinies of the Polish Nation are confided, may be
induced, before they depart from Vienna, to take an engagement
with each other to treat as Poles, under whatever form of
political institution they may think fit to govern them, the
portions of that nation that may be placed under their
respective sovereignties. The knowledge of such a
determination will best tend to conciliate the general
sentiment to their rule, and to do honor to the several
sovereigns in the eyes of their Polish subjects. This course
will consequently afford the surest prospect of their living
peaceably and contentedly under their respective
Governments....
This dispatch was sent on the 12th of January, 1815, exactly a century
ago. The warnings were not heeded and the past century has been filled
with sorrow for the Poles and with risings and revolutions, as Lord
Castlereagh clearly foretold....
In Western Russia, in Eastern Prussia, and in Galicia there dwell about
20,000,000 Poles. If the war should end, as it is likely to end, in a
Russian victory, a powerful kingdom of Poland will arise. According to
the carefully worded manifesto of the Grand Duke the united Poles will
receive full self-government under the protection of Russia. They will
be enabled to develop their nationality, but it seems scarcely likely
that they will receive entire and absolute independence. Their position
will probably resemble that of Quebec in Canada, or of Bavaria in
Germany, and if the Russians and Poles act wisely they will live as
harmoniously together as do the French-speaking "habitants" of Quebec
and the English-speaking men of the other provinces of Canada. Russia
need not fear that Poland will make herself entirely independent, and
only the most hot-headed and short-sighted Poles can wish for complete
independence. Poland, having developed extremely important manufacturing
industries, requires large free markets for their output. Her natural
market is Russia, for Germany has industrial centres of her own. She can
expect to have the free use of the precious Russian markets only as long
as she forms part of that great State. At present, a spirit of the
heartiest good-will prevails between Russians and Poles. The old
quarrels and grievances have been forgotten in the common struggle. The
moment is most auspicious for the resurrection of Poland.
While Prussia has been guilty of the partition of Poland, Russia is
largely to blame for the repeated revolts and insurrection of her Polish
citizens....
When the peace conditions come up for discussion at the congress which
will bring the present war to an end--and that event may be nearer than
most men think--the problem of Poland will be one of the greatest
difficulty and importance. Austria-Hungary has comparatively little
interest in retaining her Poles. The Austrian Poles dwell in Galicia
outside the great rampart of the Carpathian Mountains, which form the
natural frontier of the Dual Monarchy toward the northeast. The loss of
Galicia, with its oilfields and mines, may be regrettable to
Austria-Hungary, but it will not affect her very seriously. To Germany,
on the other hand, the loss of the Polish districts will be a fearful
blow. The supreme importance which Germany attaches to the Polish
problem may be seen from this, that Bismarck thought it the only
question which could lead to an open breach between Germany and
Austria-Hungary. According to Crispi's Memoirs, Bismarck said to the
Italian statesman on the 17th of September, 1877:
There could be but one cause for a breach in the friendship
that unites Austria and Germany, and that would be a
disagreement between the two Governments concerning Polish
policy.... If a Polish rebellion should break out and Austria
should lend it her support, we should be obliged to assert
ourselves. We cannot permit the reconstruction of a Catholic
kingdom so near at hand. It would be a Northern France. We
have one France to look to already, and a second would become
the natural ally of the first, and we should find ourselves
entrapped between two enemies.
The resurrection of Poland would injure us in other ways as
well. It could not come about without the loss of a part of
our territory. We cannot possibly relinquish either Posen or
Dantsic, because the German Empire would remain exposed on the
Russian frontier, and we should lose an outlet on the Baltic.
In the event of Germany's defeat a large slice of Poland, including the
wealthiest parts of Silesia, with gigantic coal mines, iron works, &c.,
would be taken away from her, and if the Poles should recover their
ancient province of West Prussia, with Dantsic, Prussia's hold upon East
Prussia, with Königsberg, would be threatened. The loss of her Polish
districts would obviously greatly reduce Germany's military strength and
economic power. It may therefore be expected that Germany will move
heaven and earth against the re-creation of the Kingdom of Poland, and
that she will strenuously endeavor to create differences between Russia
and her allies. The statesmen of Europe should therefore, in good time,
firmly make up their minds as to the future of Poland.
J. ELLIS BARKER.
THE REDEMPTION OF EUROPE
By ALFRED NOYES.
[From King Albert's Book.]
_... donec templa refeceris_
Under which banner? It was night
Beyond all nights that ever were.
The Cross was broken. Blood-stained might
Moved like a tiger from its lair;
And all that heaven had died to quell
Awoke, and mingled earth with hell.
For Europe, if it held a creed,
Held it through custom, not through faith.
Chaos returned, in dream and deed.
Right was a legend; Love--a wraith;
And That from which the world began
Was less than even the best in man.
God in the image of a Snake
Dethroned that dream, too fond, too blind,
The man-shaped God whose heart could break,
Live, die, and triumph with mankind.
A Super-snake, a Juggernaut,
Dethroned the highest of human thought.
The lists were set. The eternal foe
Within us as without grew strong,
By many a super-subtle blow
Blurring the lines of right and wrong
In Art and Thought, till nought seemed true
But that soul-slaughtering cry of New!
New wreckage of the shrines we made
Thro' centuries of forgotten tears ...
We knew not where their scorn had laid
Our Master. Twice a thousand years
Had dulled the uncapricious Sun.
Manifold worlds obscured the One;
Obscured the reign of Law, our stay,
Our compass through this darking sea,
The one sure light, the one sure way,
The one firm base of Liberty:
The one firm road that men have trod
Through Chaos to the Throne of God.
Choose ye, a hundred legions cried,
Dishonor or the instant sword!
Ye chose. Ye met that blood-stained tide.
A little kingdom kept its word;
And, dying, cried across the night,
Hear us, O earth, we chose the Right!
Whose is the victory? Though ye stood
Alone against the unmeasured foe;
By all the tears, by all the blood
That flowed, and have not ceased to flow;
By all the legions that ye hurled:
Back, thro' the thunder-shaken world;
By the old that have not where to rest,
By the lands laid waste and hearths defiled;
By every lacerated breast,
And every mutilated child,
Whose is the victory? Answer ye,
Who, dying, smiled at tyranny?
Under the sky's triumphal arch
The glories of the dawn begin.
Our dead, our shadowy armies march
E'en now, in silence, through Berlin;
Dumb shadows, tattered, blood-stained ghosts
But cast by what swift following hosts?
And answer, England! At thy side,
Thro' seas of blood, thro' mists of tears,
Thou that for Liberty hast died
And livest, to the end of years!
And answer, Earth! Far off, I hear
The peans of a happier sphere:
The trumpet blown at Marathon
Resounded over earth and sea,
But burning angel lips have blown
The trumpets of thy Liberty;
For who, beside thy dead, could deem
The faith, for which they died, a dream?
Earth has not been the same since then.
Europe from thee received a soul,
Whence nations moved in law, like men,
As members of a mightier whole,
Till wars were ended.... In that day,
So shall our children's children say.
Germany Will End the War
Only When a Peace Treaty Shall Assure Her Power
By Maximilian Harden
Maximilian Harden, who in the following article sets forth the
ends which Germany is striving to accomplish in the war, is
the George Bernard Shaw of Germany. He is considered the
leading German editor and an expert in Germany on foreign
politics. As editor and proprietor of Die Zukunft, his fiery,
brooding spirit and keen insight and wit, coupled with powers
of satire and caricature, made him a solitary and striking
independent figure in the German press years before the other
newspapers of Germany dared to criticise or attack the
Government or the persons at the head of it.
After the dismissal of Prince Bismarck by the present Kaiser,
Harden not only saw, but constantly and audaciously
criticised, the weaknesses in the character of the Emperor.
For this dangerous undertaking he was three times brought to
trial for lèse majesté, and spent a year as a prisoner in a
Prussian fortress. In 1907 he figured in a libel suit brought
by General Kuno von Moltke, late Military Governor of Berlin,
who, together with Count Zu Eulenburg and Count Wilhelm von
Hohenau, one of the Emperor's Adjutants, had been mentioned by
Harden in his paper as members of the so-called Camarilla or
"Round Table" that sought to influence the Emperor's political
actions by subtle manipulations. He was sentenced to four
months' imprisonment, but appealed the case, and was let off
two years later with a fine of $150.
In recently publishing the German article which is herewith
translated the German New Vorker Revue carefully disclaimed
any agreement with the sentiments therein expressed by Harden,
which, it pointed out, must be regarded only as typical of
German public opinion as is George Bernard Shaw of public
opinion in England.
The scorners of war, the blonde, black, and gray children who have been
defiling his name with syrupy tongues of lofty humanity and with
slanderous scoldings, all have become silent. Or else they snort
soldiers' songs; annihilate in confused little essays the allied powers
arrayed against us; entreat a civilized world (Kulturwelt) juggling for
mere turkey heads, to please grant us permission to do heavy and cruel
deeds, to wage fierce and headlong war! Already they seem prepared to
answer absolutely and unqualifiedly in the affirmative Luther's question
whether "men of war also can be considered in a state of grace."
They write and talk much about the great scourge of war. That is all
quite true. But we should also bear in mind how much greater is the
scourge which is fended off by war. The sum and substance of the matter
is this: In looking upon the office of war one must not consider how it
strangles, burns, destroys. For that is what the simple eyes of children
do which do not further watch the surgeon when he chops off a hand or
saws off a leg; which do not see or perceive that it is a matter of
saving the entire body. So we must look upon the office of war and of
the sword with the eyes of men, and understand why it strangles and why
it wreaks cruel deeds. Then it will justify itself and prove of its own
accord that it is an office divine in itself, and as necessary and
useful to the world as is eating, drinking, or any other work. But that
some there are who abuse the office of war, who strangle and destroy
without need, out of sheer wantonness--that is not the fault of the
office, but of the person. Is there any office, work, or thing so good
that wicked and wanton persons will not abuse it?
The organ tone of such words as these at last rolls forth once more in
their native land.
Therefore cease the pitiful attempts to excuse Germany's action. No
longer wail to strangers, who do not care to hear you, telling them how
dear to us were the smiles of peace we had smeared like rouge upon our
lips, and how deeply we regret in our hearts that the treachery of
conspirators dragged us, unwilling, into a forced war. Cease, you
publicists, your wordy war against hostile brothers in the profession,
whose superiority you cannot scold away, and who merely smile while they
pick up, out of your laboriously stirred porridge slowly warmed over a
flame of borrowed alcohol, the crumbs on which their "selfishness" is to
choke! That national selfishness does not seem a duty to you, but a sin,
is something you must conceal from foreign eyes.
Cease, also, you popular writers, the degraded scolding of enemies that
does not emanate from passion but out of greedy hankering for the
applause of the masses, and which continually nauseates us amid the
piety of this hour! Because our statemen failed to discover and foil
shrewd plans of deception is no reason why we may hoist the flag of most
pious morality. Not as weak-willed blunderers have we undertaken the
fearful risk of this war. We wanted it. Because we had to wish it and
could wish it. May the Teuton devil throttle those whiners whose pleas
for excuses make us ludicrous in these hours of lofty experience. We do
not stand, and shall not place ourselves, before the court of Europe.
Our power shall create new law in Europe. Germany strikes. If it
conquers new realms for its genius, the priesthood of all the gods will
sing songs of praise to the good war.
Only he who is specially trained for a race of troops may go along into
the field. Only the man versed in statecraft should be allowed to
participate in the talk about the results of war. Not he who has out
yonder proved an unworthy diplomat, nor the dilettante loafer sprayed
with the perfume of volatile emotions. Manhood liability to military
service requires manhood suffrage? That question may rest for the time
being; likewise the desire for equality of that right shall not be
argued today. But common sense should warn against the assumption of an
office without the slightest special preliminary training. Politics is
an art that can be mastered not in the leisure hours of the brain, but
only by the passionate, self-sacrificing devotion of a whole lifetime.
Now seek around you.
We are at the beginning of a war the development and duration of which
are incalculable, and in which up to date no foe has been brought to his
knees. To guide the sword to its goal, Tom, Dick, and Harry, Poet
Arrogance and Professor Crumb advertise their prowess in the newspaper
Advice and Assistance. Brave folk, whose knowledge concerning this new
realm of their endeavor emanates solely from that same newspaper!
Because they have for three months been busily reading their morning,
noon, and evening editions, they think they have a special call to
speak. Without knowledge of things that have transpired before, without
knowledge of the persons concerned, without a suspicion of the needs of
the situation and its possibilities, they judge the peoples of the earth
and divide the world. Stupid talk, with which irreverent officiousness
seeks to while away and shorten the period of anxious waiting for
customers; but to prepare quietly and wisely and mightily in advance for
terms of peace, that is the duty of the statesman.