and bravery are surely unparalleled in the whole of our world's history,
I bow my head in respectful homage.
Lessons of the War to March Ninth
By Charles W. Eliot
President Emeritus of Harvard University.
CAMBRIDGE, Mass., March 9, 1915.
_To the Editor of The New York Times:_
The observant world has now had ample opportunity to establish certain
conclusions about the new kind of war and its availability as means of
adjusting satisfactorily international relations; and it seems desirable
in the interest of durable peace in Europe that those conclusions should
be accurately stated and kept in public view.
In the first place, the destructiveness of war waged on the scale and
with the intensity which conscript armies, the new means of
transportation and communication, the new artillery, the aeroplanes, the
high explosives, and the continuity of the fighting on battle fronts of
unexampled length, by night as well as by day, and in stormy and wintry
as well as moderate weather, make possible, has proved to be beyond all
power of computation, and could not have been imagined in advance. Never
before has there been any approach to the vast killing and crippling of
men, the destruction of all sorts of man's structures--buildings,
bridges, viaducts, vessels, and docks--and the physical ruin of
countless women and children. On the seas vessels and cargoes are sunk,
instead of being carried into port as formerly.
Through the ravaging of immense areas of crop-producing lands, the
driving away of the people that lived on them, and the dislocation of
commerce, the food supplies for millions of non-combatants are so
reduced that the rising generation in several countries is impaired on a
scale never approached in any previous war.
In any country which becomes the seat of war an immense destruction of
fixed capital is wrought; and at the same time the quick capital of all
the combatants, accumulated during generations, is thrown into the
furnace of war and consumed unproductively.
In consequence of the enormous size of the national armies and the
withdrawal of the able-bodied men from productive industries, the
industries and commerce of the whole world are seriously interrupted,
whence widespread, incalculable losses to mankind.
These few months of war have emphasized the interdependence of nations
the world over with a stress never before equaled. Neutral nations far
removed from Europe have felt keenly the effects of the war on the
industries and trades by which they live. Men see in this instance that
whatever reduces the buying and consuming capacity of one nation will
probably reduce also the producing and selling capacity of other
nations; and that the gains of commerce and trade are normally mutual,
and not one-sided.
All the contending nations have issued huge loans which will impose
heavy burdens on future generations; and the yield of the first loans
has already been spent or pledged. The first loan issued by the British
Government was nearly twice the national debt of the United States; and
it is supposed that its proceeds will be all spent before next Summer.
Germany has already spent $1,600,000,000 since the war broke out--all
unproductively and most of it for destruction. She will soon have to
issue her second great loan. In short, the waste and ruin have been
without precedent, the destruction of wealth has been enormous, and the
resulting dislocations of finance, industries, and commerce will long
afflict the coming generations in all the belligerent nations.
All the belligerent nations have already demonstrated that neither urban
life, nor the factory system, nor yet corroding luxury has caused in
them any physical or moral deterioration which interferes with their
fighting capacity. The soldiers of these civilized peoples are just as
ready for hand-to-hand encounters with cold steel as any barbarians or
savages have ever been. The primitive combative instincts remain in full
force and can be brought into play by all the belligerents with
facility. The progress of the war should have removed any delusions on
this subject which Germany, Austria-Hungary, or any one of the Allies
may have entertained. The Belgians, a well-to-do town people, and the
Serbians, a poor rural population, best illustrate this continuity of
the martial qualities; for the Belgians faced overwhelming odds, and the
Serbians have twice driven back large Austrian forces, although they
have a transport by oxen only, an elementary commissariat, no medical or
surgical supplies to speak of, and scanty munitions of war. On the other
hand, the principal combatants have proved that with money enough they
can all use effectively the new methods of war administration and the
new implements for destruction. These facts suggest that the war might
be much prolonged without yielding any results more decisive than those
it has already yielded; indeed, that its most probable outcome is a
stalemate--unless new combatants enter the field.
Fear of Russian invasion seemed at first to prompt Germany to war; but
now Germany has amply demonstrated that she has no reason to look with
any keen apprehension on possible Russian aggression upon her territory,
and that her military organization is adequate for defense against any
attack from any quarter. The military experience of the last seven
months proves that the defense, by the temporary intrenchment method,
has a great advantage over the attack; so that in future wars the
aggressor will always be liable to find himself at a serious
disadvantage, even if his victim is imperfectly prepared.
These same pregnant months have also proved that armies can be assembled
and put into the field in effective condition in a much shorter time
than has heretofore been supposed to be possible; provided there be
plenty of money to meet the cost of equipment, transportation, and
supplies. Hence, the advantages of maintaining huge active armies, ready
for instant attack or defense, will hereafter be less considerable than
they have been supposed to be--if the declaration of war by surprise, as
in August last, can hereafter be prevented. These considerations, taken
in connection with the probable inefficacy against modern artillery of
elaborate fortifications, suggest the possibility of a reduction
throughout Europe of the peace-footing armies. It is conceivable that
the Swiss militia system should satisfy the future needs of most of the
European States.
Another important result of the colossal war has been achieved in these
seven months. It has been demonstrated that no single nation in any part
of the world can dominate the other nations, or, indeed, any other
nation, unless the other principal powers consent to that domination;
and, in the present state of the world, it is quite clear that no such
domination will be consented to. As soon as this proposition is accepted
by all the combatants, this war, and perhaps all war between civilized
nations, will cease. It is obvious that in the interest of mankind the
war ought not to cease until Germany is convinced that her ambition for
empire in Europe and the world cannot be gratified. _Deutschland über
alles_ can survive as a shout of patriotic enthusiasm; but as a maxim of
international policy it is dead already, and should be buried out of the
sight and memory of men.
It has, moreover, become plain that the progress in civilization of the
white race is to depend not on the supreme power of any one nation,
forcing its peculiar civilization on other nations, but on the peaceful
development of many different nationalities, each making contributions
of its own to the progress of the whole, and each developing a social,
industrial, and governmental order of its own, suited to its territory,
traditions, resources, and natural capacities.
The chronic irritations in Europe which contributed to the outbreak of
the war and the war itself have emphasized the value and the toughness
of natural national units, both large and small, and the inexpediency of
artificially dividing such units, or of forcing natural units into
unnatural associations. These principles are now firmly established in
the public opinion of Europe and America. No matter how much longer the
present war may last, no settlement will afford any prospect of lasting
peace in Europe which does not take just account of these principles.
Already the war has demonstrated that just consideration of national
feelings, racial kinship, and common commercial interests would lead to
three fresh groupings in Europe--one of the Scandinavian countries, one
of the three sections into which Poland has been divided, and one of the
Balkan States which have a strong sense of Slavic kinship. In the case
of Scandinavia and the Balkan States the bond might be nothing more than
a common tariff with common ports and harbor regulations; but Poland
needs to be reconstructed as a separate kingdom. Thoroughly to remove
political sores which have been running for more than forty years, the
people of Schleswig-Holstein and Alsace-Lorraine should also be allowed
to determine by free vote their national allegiance. Whether the war
ends in victory for the Allies, or in a draw or deadlock with neither
party victorious and neither humiliated, these new national adjustments
will be necessary to permanent peace in Europe. All the wars in Europe
since 1864 unite in demonstrating that necessity.
Again, the war has already demonstrated that colonies or colonial
possessions in remote parts of the world are not a source of strength to
a European nation when at war, unless that nation is strong on the
seas. Affiliated Commonwealths may be a support to the mother country,
but colonies held by force in exclusive possession are not. Great
Britain learned much in 1775 about the management of colonies, and again
she learned in India that the policy of exploitation, long pursued by
the East India Company, had become undesirable from every point of view.
As the strongest naval power in the world, Great Britain has given an
admiral example of the right use of power in making the seas and harbors
of the world free to the mercantile marine of all the nations with which
she competes. Her free-trade policy helped her to wise action on the
subject of commercial extension. Nevertheless, the other commercial
nations, watching the tremendous power in war which Great Britain
possesses through her wide, though not complete, control of the oceans,
will rejoice when British control, though limited and wisely used, is
replaced by an unlimited international control. This is one of the most
valuable lessons of the great war.
Another conviction is strongly impressed upon the commercial nations of
the world by the developments of seven months of extensive fighting by
land and sea, namely, the importance of making free to all nations the
Kiel Canal and the passage from the Black Sea to the Aegean. So long as
one nation holds the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, and another nation
holds the short route from the Baltic to the North Sea, there will be
dangerous restrictions on the commerce of the world--dangerous in the
sense of provoking to war, or of causing sores which develop into
malignant disease. Those two channels should be used for the common
benefit of mankind, just as the Panama Canal or the Suez Canal is
intended to be. Free seas, free inter-ocean canals and straits, the
"open door," and free competition in international trade are needed
securities for peace.
These lessons of the war are as plain now as they will be after six
months or six years more fighting. Can the belligerent nations--and
particularly Germany--take them to heart now, or must more millions of
men be slaughtered and more billions of human savings be consumed
before these teachings of seven fearful months be accepted?
For a great attainable object such dreadful losses and sufferings as
continuation of the war entails might perhaps be borne; but the last
seven months have proved that the objects with which Austria-Hungary and
Germany went to war are unattainable in the present state of Europe.
Austria-Hungary, even with the active aid of Germany and Turkey, cannot
prevail in Serbia against the active or passive resistance of Serbia,
Russia, Rumania, Greece, Italy, France, and Great Britain. Germany
cannot crush France supported by Great Britain and Russia, or keep
Belgium, except as a subject and hostile province, and in defiance of
the public opinion of the civilized world. In seven months Great
Britain and France have made up for their lack of preparedness and have
brought the military operations of Germany in France to a standstill. On
the other hand, Great Britain and France must already realize that they
cannot drive the German armies out of France and Belgium without a
sacrifice of blood and treasure from which the stoutest hearts may well
shrink.
Has not the war already demonstrated that jealous and hostile coalitions
armed to the teeth will surely bring on Europe not peace and advancing
civilization, but savage war and an arrest of civilization? Has it not
already proved that Europe needs one comprehensive union or federation
competent to procure and keep for Europe peace through justice? There is
no alternative except more war.
CHARLES W. ELIOT.
BELGIUM'S KING AND QUEEN
By PAUL HERVIEU
Translation by Florence Simmonds.
[From King Albert's Book.]
Once upon a time there lived a King and a Queen....
Indeed, it would be the most touching and edifying fairy-tale
imaginable, this true story of H.M. Albert I. and H.M. Queen Elizabeth.
It would tell of their quiet and noble devotion to their daily tasks, of
the purity of their happy family life....
Suddenly, the devil would intervene, with his threats and his offers....
Then we should hear of the sovereigns and the people of Belgium agreeing
at once in their sense of honor and heroism.
Then the dastardly invasion, and the innumerable host of infernal
spirits breathing out sulphur, belching torrents of iron, and raining
fire; city dwellings transformed into the shattered columns of
cemeteries; innocent creatures tortured and victimized; and the King and
Queen with their kingdom reduced to a sandhill on the shore, and the
remnant of their valiant army around them.
And at last, at last! That turn of the tide which all humanity worthy of
the name desires so ardently, and which even the baser sort now sees to
be surely approaching.
At this point in the story, at this page of the legendary tale, how the
children would clap their hands, with all that love of justice innate in
children, and how the faces of worthy parents would beam with the
approval of satisfied consciences!
And in the future, those who contemplate the royal arms with the pious
admiration due to them, will see a blooming rose side by side with the
lion of Belgium, typifying the immortal share of H.M. Queen Elizabeth in
the glory of H.M. Albert I.
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS
[German Cartoon]
The American Protest
[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._
JOHN BULL: "Now, what's he throwing at me for? A little bit of piracy is
no reason for getting bad-tempered."]
[French Cartoon]
The Peasant and the War
[Illustration: _--From Le Rire, Paris_
"Confound their infernal shells! If a feller didn't have to work it
would be better to stay home these days."]
[German Cartoon]
Victory!
[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._
[This cartoon was published on the Kaiser's birthday, Jan. 27, 1915.]]
[English Cartoon]
"The Outcast"
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
A place in the shadow.]
[Italian Cartoon]
The Dream of a Madman
[Illustration: _--From L'Asino, Rome._
WILLIAM: "Attention! Forward! March! One--two...."]
[German Cartoon]
Night Scene in Trafalgar Square
[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._
"Goddam, Mister Nelson! What are you looking for down here?"
"Well, just suppose you stay up there for a while among the Zeppelins
yourself."]
[English Cartoon]
The Riddle of the Sands
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
TURKISH CAMEL: "Where to?"
GERMAN OFFICER: "Egypt."
TURKISH CAMEL: "Guess again."]
[German Cartoon]
The Theatre in the Field
[Illustration: THE ENGLISH THEATRE IN THE FIELD--"With the permission of
French and Kitchener, Hicks's Operetta Company went from London to the
front and played before the British soldiers."]
[Illustration: THE GERMAN THEATRE IN THE FIELD--"Major Walter Kirchoff
(of the Royal Opera House). Lieutenant Hall Wegener (of the German
Theatre). Dispatch Rider, Carl Clewing (of the Royal Playhouse)."
_--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._]
[English Cartoon]
Trench Amenities
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
BRITISH TOMMY (returning to trench in which he has lately been fighting,
now temporarily occupied by the enemy): "Excuse me--any of you blighters
seen my pipe?"]
[Italian Cartoon]
Quo Vadis?
[Illustration: _--From L'Asino, Rome._]
[German Cartoon]
The Gutter Snipes
[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._]
[German Cartoon]
A London Family Scene
[Illustration: _--From Meggendorfer-Blaetter, Munich._
(A favorite theme of German cartoonists is England's supposed mortal
terror of Zeppelins.)]
[English Cartoon]
The Dissemblers
[Illustration: --_From Punch, London._
EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA: "Now what do we really want to say?"
SULTAN OF TURKEY: "Well, of course we couldn't say that; not on his
birthday."]
[German Cartoon]
Lord Kitchener Wants You!
[Illustration: _--From Simplicissimus, Munich._
"Lord Kitchener needs recruits!"]
[English Cartoon]
Willy-Nilly
[Illustration: _--From The Sketch, London._
GERMAN OFFICIAL REPORT: "Our progress is maintained."]
[German Cartoon]
A Shaky Affair
[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._
THE TRIPLE VICTORY: "Confound it, there goes another pillar."]
[English Cartoon]
The Return of the Raider
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
KAISER: "Well, I _AM_ surprised!"
TIRPITZ: "So were we."]
[Italian Cartoon]
What Is There Inside?
[Illustration: _--From L'Asino, Rome._
(The words that the observer has uncovered are as follows: _Militarism,
Religious Mania, Megalomania, Loquacity, Homicidal Mania, Imperialism,
Neronism_.)]
[English Cartoon]
"Sound and Fury"
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
KAISER: "Is all my high seas fleet safely locked up?"
ADMIRAL VON TIRPITZ: "Practically all, Sire."
KAISER: "Then let the starvation of England begin!"]
[English Cartoon]
The Flight That Failed
[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._
THE EMPEROR: "What! No babes, sirrah?"
THE MURDERER: "Alas, Sire, none."
THE EMPEROR: "Well, then, no babes, no iron crosses."]
[English Cartoon]
"A Fortified Town"
[Illustration: _--From The Sketch, London._
A. Little Muddlecome, as known to its inhabitants.
B. Little Muddlecome, the fortified town--according to Germany.]
[South African Cartoon]
No Family Resemblance
[Illustration: _--From The Cape Times, Cape Town, South Africa._
THE GERMAN EAGLE (tearfully): "As bird to bird--surely _you_ won't
desert me?"
THE AMERICAN EAGLE: "Desert you! I'm an eagle, not a vulture!"]
The Chances of Peace and the Problem of Poland
By J. Ellis Barker
[_From The Nineteenth Century and After, Leonard Scott Publishing
Company._]
A century ago, at the Congress of Vienna, the question of Poland proved
extremely difficult to solve. It produced dangerous friction among the
assembled powers, and threatened to lead to the break-up of the
congress. The position became so threatening that, on the 3d of January,
1815, Austria, Great Britain, and France felt compelled to conclude a
secret separate alliance directed against Prussia and Russia, the allies
of Austria and Great Britain in the war against Napoleon. Precautionary
troop movements began, and war among the allies might have broken out
had not, shortly afterward, Napoleon quitted Elba and landed in France.
Fear of the great Corsican reunited the powers.
Because of the great and conflicting interests involved, the question of
Poland may prove of similar importance and difficulty at the congress
which will conclude the present war. Hence, it seems desirable to
consider it carefully and in good time. It is true that the study of the
Polish problem does not seem to be very urgent at the present moment. In
view of the slow progress of the Allies in the east and west, it appears
that the war will be long drawn out. Still, it is quite possible that it
will come to an early and sudden end. Austria-Hungary is visibly tiring
of the hopeless struggle into which she was plunged by Germany, and
which hitherto has brought her nothing but loss, disgrace, and disaster.
After all, the war is bound to end earlier or later in an Austro-German
defeat, and if it should be fought to the bitter end Austria-Hungary
will obviously suffer far more severely than will Germany. A protracted
war, which would lead merely to the lasting impoverishment of Germany,
would bring about the economic annihilation of impecunious Austria.
Besides, while a complete defeat would cause to Germany only the loss of
territories in the east, west, and north which are largely inhabited by
disaffected Poles, Frenchmen, and Danes, and would not very greatly
reduce the purely German population of Germany, it would probably result
in the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy, which lacks a homogeneous
population, and it might lead to Austria's disappearance as a great
State. If complete disaster should overwhelm the empire of Francis
Joseph, Hungary would undoubtedly make herself independent. The Dual
Monarchy would become a heap of wreckage, and in the end the German
parts of Austria would probably become a German province, Vienna a
provincial Prussian town, the proud Hapsburgs subordinate German
princelings. If, on the other hand, Austria-Hungary should make quickly
a separate peace with her opponents, she would presumably lose only the
Polish parts of Galicia to the new kingdom of Poland, and Bosnia and
Herzegovina to Serbia; and she might receive most satisfactory
compensation for these losses by the acquisition of the German parts of
Silesia and by the adherence of the largely Roman Catholic South German
States, which have far more in common with Austria than with Protestant
Prussia. As a result of the war, Austria-Hungary might be greatly
strengthened at Germany's cost, provided the monarchy makes peace
without delay. In any case, only by an early peace can the bulk of the
lands of the Hapsburgs be preserved for the ruling house, and can
national bankruptcy be avoided. There is an excellent and most valuable
precedent for such action on Austria's part. Bismarck laid down the
essence of statesmanship in the maxim "Salus Publica Suprema Lex," and
defined in his memoirs the binding power of treaties of alliance by the
phrase "Ultra posse nemo obligatur." Referring particularly to the
Austro-German alliance, he wrote that "no nation is obliged to sacrifice
its existence on the altar of treaty fidelity." Before long the Dual
Monarchy may take advantage of Bismarck's teaching. After all, it cannot
be expected that she should go beyond her strength, and that she should
ruin herself for the sake of Germany, especially as she cannot thereby
save that country from inevitable defeat. Austria-Hungary should feel
particularly strongly impelled to ask for peace without delay, as her
recent and most disastrous defeat in Serbia has exasperated the people
and threatens to lead to risings and revolts not only in the Slavonic
parts of the monarchy but also in Hungary. Civil war may be said to be
in sight.