The Tagalog Rebellion of 1896-98
Second Period
American Intervention
The prelude to the American occupation of Manila was the demand made
on Spain by the Government of the United States of America to evacuate
the Island of Cuba.
Generations of Spanish misrule in that Island had produced a recurrence
of the many attempts to throw off the sovereignty of Spain. In
February, 1895, the flag of insurrection was again unfurled, and at
Baira a proclamation, claiming independence, was issued at the instance
of one of Cuba's most intelligent patriots--Marti. This civil leader,
however, died a natural death a few months afterwards, but the chief
command of the insurgents in the field was continued by the mulatto
Antonio Maceo. The rebellion was assuming a serious aspect when General
Martinez Campos, who had been instrumental in duping the Cubans in
1878 by the Treaty of Zanjon, was again sent out as Captain-General
of the Island. But the Cubans refused to be caught a second time in
the same trap. Martinez Campos' theme of "political action combined
with military force" held no weight. During his mild _regime_ the
insurrection increased rapidly, and in one encounter he himself was
very near falling a prisoner. In eight months he was relieved of his
post, and General Weyler, Marquis de Teneriffe, who had a reputation
for severity, succeeded him in command. He was a man of the Duke of
Alba type--the ideal of the traditional Spanish Colonial party who
recognized no colonists' rights, and regarded concessions of liberty
to the colonies as maternal dispensations to be hoped for only,
but never demanded. Antonio Canovas, the ultra-Conservative Prime
Minister, had declared that so long as an armed rebel remained in
the field he would not grant reforms, so the prospect of a settlement
of the disputes between the Government and the governed was hopeless
during that administration. The duration of the civil war had seriously
prejudiced American trade interests; the pursuance of a conflict under
the conditions imposed by General Weyler, who caused all non-combatant
Islanders to be "concentrated" in places where they were left to
starve, aroused the just indignation of America and Europe alike. The
hand of the assassin brought the Canovas Ministry to an end on August
8, 1897; General Weyler was recalled six weeks later, and the United
States Government, which had so repeatedly protested against the
indefinite and wanton waste of lives and fortune in Cuba, dictated to
Spain a limit to its continuance. After a Conservative interregnum
of six weeks under the leadership of General Marcelo Azarraga,
Praxedes Sagasta came into power at the head of a Liberal ministry
and with a Cuban autonomy bill in his portfolio. The newly-appointed
Gov.-General, Ramon Blanco, Marquis de Pena Plata, ex-Gov.-General
of the Philippines (_vide_ p. 377)--a more noble and compassionate
man than his predecessor--unsuccessfully essayed the policy of
coercing the rebels in arms whilst cajoling peaceful autonomists and
separatists with the long-talked-of self-government. Nevertheless,
the separatist movement had in no way abated when the Autonomy Bill was
promulgated, and an insular Cuban Government was formed on January 1,
1898. In the meantime the incident of the blowing-up of the American
warship _Maine_, the cause of which has not yet been made clear to
the satisfaction of the world, had further incensed the war party
in the United States. [191] Autonomy had come too late; examined in
detail it was but another form of Spanish dominion, open to almost
similar abuses; it was not the will of the people, and it failed
to bring peace. The thousands "concentrated" under Weyler's rule
still formed a moribund mass of squalid misery which Spain was still
unable or unwilling to relieve. America's offer to alleviate their
wretchedness materially was received with suspicion, hemmed in with
conditions, and not openly rejected for the want of physical power to
do so. Three months of insular government and over 200,000 Spanish
troops had effected practically nothing; the prospect of peace was
hopeless, and the United States of America formally called upon Spain
to evacuate the Island. Spain argued the point; America insisted on
the course dictated, and sent an ultimatum to Madrid on April 20,
1898, to be accepted or otherwise within three days. The ministers
Polo de Bernabe and General Woodford withdrew from Washington and
Madrid respectively, and war broke out between the United States and
Spain on Saturday, April 23, 1898.
In anticipation of hostilities an American fleet had concentrated at
Hong-Kong. On April 23 Major-General Black, the officer administering
the Colony, issued a proclamation of neutrality, and Commodore Dewey
withdrew his fleet from British waters to Mirs Bay, [192] at that
time within Chinese jurisdiction.
It was known in Manila that the hostile squadron was on the way to
the Philippine capital. Submarine mines were laid, or said to have
been laid, for some old cable was purchased for the purpose from the
telegraph-ship _Sherard Osborn _when the submarine cable was removed
from Bolinao and carried on to Manila. Admiral Patricio Montojo went
with four ships to await the arrival of the enemy off Subig (Zambales)
on the west coast of Luzon. Subig is a fine natural harbour, but
with precipitous shores just as Nature has made it. For years the
"project" had existed to carry a State railway there from Manila, and
make Subig the principal Government Naval Station and Arsenal instead
of Cavite. But personal interests and the sloth of the Government
combined to frustrate the plan. Under the pressing circumstances
the military authorities pretended to be doing something there,
and sent up a commission. Admiral Montojo expected to find batteries
of artillery mounted and 14 torpedoes in readiness, but absolutely
nothing had been done, so he at once returned to Manila Bay, and
prepared to meet the adversary off Cavite. In Cavite there were two
batteries, with three guns between them, but at the last moment two
defective guns were put ashore there from the _Don Juan de Austria_
and two similar pieces from the _Castilla_.
In Hong-Kong there was great agitation among the members of the
Philippine Patriotic League (_Junta Patriotica_) and the rebel chiefs
exiled under the alleged Treaty of Biac-na-bato. The League had
presented to several European Governments, through its own agents,
a sort of _Memorandum_, to which no official recognition could be
given. The leaguers were now anxious to co-operate with the Americans
in compelling the Spaniards to evacuate the Archipelago. An influential
American in Hong-Kong accepted the honorary post of treasurer of the
Patriotic League Fund, but quarrels over the spoil resulted in General
Aguinaldo being obliged by one of his ex-ministers to pay him his
share, amounting to several thousands of Mexican dollars. Under these
circumstances General Aguinaldo and his suite proceeded to Singapore,
travelling _incognito_, so as to avoid any undue interference,
and Aguinaldo took the opportunity to explain in certain official
quarters the existing conditions in the Philippines. The rebel general
opportunely arrived in Singapore at or about the time of the outbreak
of American-Spanish hostilities. Certain American authorities in
the Far East were desirous of utilizing Aguinaldo's services and
prestige with the armed natives to control them and prevent reprisals
when the American forces should appear before Manila. It was hoped
that, in this way, the lives of many Spaniards in the Islands would
be spared. Indeed, it eventually resulted so, for Aguinaldo, with
admirable tact, restrained any impolitic movement on the part of his
followers during the American operations against the Spaniards. Only
one who had lived in the Islands could adequately appreciate the
unbounded confidence some 20,000 armed natives must have had in
Aguinaldo to have refrained, at his bidding, from retaliating on
their old masters. According to _El Liberal _newspaper of Madrid,
dated June 28, 1898 (which quotes from _El Dia_), the aspirations
of the Revolutionary Party would appear to have been, at that date,
as follows, viz.:--
1. Philippine Independence to be proclaimed.
2. A Federal Republic to be established by vote of the rebels;
pending the taking of this vote Aguinaldo was to appoint the
members of that Government.
3. The Federal Republic to recognize a temporary intervention of
American and European Administrative Commissions.
4. An American Protectorate to be recognized on the same terms
as those fixed for Cuba.
5. Philippine ports to be opened to all the world.
6. Precautionary measures to be adopted against the influx
of Chinese.
7. The existing judicial system to be reformed.
8. Liberty of the press and right of assembly to be proclaimed.
9. Ample tolerance of all religions and sects, but abolition and
expulsion of all monastic Orders.
10. Measures to be adopted for working up the natural resources
of the Archipelago.
11. The wealth of the country to be developed by the construction
of highroads and railways.
12. The obstacles operating against the development of enterprises
and employment of foreign capital to be removed.
13. The new Government to preserve public order and check all
reprisals against the Spaniards.
14. Spanish officials to be transported to another safe and
healthy island until there should be an opportunity for their
return to Spain.
From Singapore, General Emilio Aguinaldo returned with his suite to
Hong-Kong, where instructions had been given apparently favouring
his plans for co-operation in the Islands. Consequent on this,
General Aguinaldo and his staff made preparations for proceeding to
Manila in an American warship when it should be deemed opportune to
do so. About the same time the Philippine Patriotic League issued a
proclamation which is too long to reproduce here, as it covers eight
folios of print. This document sets forth that whereas the Treaty of
Biac-na-bato had not been fulfilled by the Spanish Government, the
Revolutionists considered themselves absolved therefrom, and morally
free again to take the offensive in open warfare for the security of
their rights and liberty. But this document does not quote any of the
text of the above alleged treaty. Proclamations and exhortations to
the rebels were issued with such frequency that it would be tedious
to cite them all, but the following is a fair example:--
_(Translation of Full Text)_
_Philippine Patriots_:--
A nation which has nothing good can give nothing. It is evident
we cannot depend on Spain to obtain the welfare we all desire. A
country like Spain, where social evolution is at the mercy of
monks and tyrants, can only communicate to us its own instincts
of calumny, infamy, inquisitorial proceedings, avarice, secret
police, false pretences, humiliation, deprivation of liberties,
slavery, and moral and material decay which characterize its
history. Spain will need much time to shake off the parasites
which have grown upon and cling to her; she has no self-dependence
so long as her nationality is composed of inquisitorial monks,
ambitious soldiers, demoralized civil servants, and a populace
bred to support this state of things in silence. It is therefore
useless to expect anything from Spain.
During three and a half centuries Spain's policy has been a
delusion. Is there a conflict between Spain and England or
Holland? Then the friars come and relate to us preposterous
absurdities of the miracles of Saint Francis and of the Image of
the Virgin of the Rosary, whilst Simon de Anda calls the Pampango
natives his brothers so long as they fight to save the Spanish
flag falling into the hands of English or Dutch _savages!_
Is the foreign invasion ended? Then the friars, through their
salaried agents in the press, reward us with epithets such as
monkey, buffalo, etc. Is there another conflict imminent between
Germany and Spain? Then the friars call the natives Spaniards and
the military officers own us as their sons and they dub us brave
soldiers. Is the conflict finished? Then we are again overgrown
boys, beings of inferior race and incapable of being civilized. Is
there now to be a struggle with Americans? Then General Augusti,
who is the living symbol of Spanish authority, who ought to be the
most prudent of the prudent, the most cultivated of the cultivated,
points at America as a nation composed of all social excrescences;
the friars and their enslaved Spaniards want again to cajole
and cheat us with offers of participation in public affairs,
recognition of the military grades of ex-rebel chiefs, and other
twaddle degrading to those who would listen to it. In fact,
they have called into their councils the sons of the country,
whilst they exclusively carry out their own ideas, and reserve
to themselves the right to set aside all the resolutions at a
stroke. They offer to enrol in their ranks the insurgents of
yesterday, so that they can have them all shot on the morrow of
the present difficulty. What irrision! Do you want another trick
exposed? Now that Spain is in danger of losing the Philippines,
the executioners of the other day--the everlasting tyrants--tell us
that America will sell the Islands to England. No, America has its
past and its present. America will preserve a clear intelligence;
she is not dominated by friars and tyrants like Spain; she is
liberal; she has liberated her slaves against the will of the
Spaniards who were, for the most part, their owners. A country
is known by its national character; review its past history
and it is easy to understand the calumny launched against the
Americans. But even though we became English, should we not gain
by it? The English have conceded self-government to many of their
colonies, and not of the frail delusive sort that Spain granted
to Cuba. In the English colonies there are liberties which Spain
never yielded to hers in America or the Philippines.
Our country is very rich, and as a last resource we can buy it
from the Americans. Do not be deceived by the Spaniards! Help
the Americans, who promise us our liberty. Do not fall into
the error of taking Spain to be a civilized country. Europe and
America consider her the most barbarous of the century. There the
weakest is the most persecuted. In no country to-day but Spain is
the Inquisition tolerated. It is proved by the tortures imposed on
the prisoners of Montjuich, of the Philippines, and of Cuba. Spain
did not fulfil the agreement entered into with Maximo Gomez at
Zanjon, nor that made with Aguinaldo at Biac-na-bato. Spain is
a nation always more ready to promise than to perform. But ask
for friars, soldiers, and State dependents to come and devour
our wealth, and instantly you will get them. Spain has nothing
else to give, and God grant she will keep what she has. Spain
will flatter you under the present circumstances, but do not be
deceived. Submit every fawning offer to your conscience. Remember
the executions of the innocents, the tortures and atrocities which
have been the means of covering with decorations the breasts of
those who took the blood of your fathers, brothers, relations
and friends. Providence will aid the Americans in their triumph,
for the war is a just one for the nation elected to lead us to the
goal of our liberty. Do not rail against the designs of Providence;
it would be suicidal. Aid the Americans!
_(Anonymous.)_
On the other side, far richer in poetic imagination and religious
fervour, is the Allocution of the Archbishop of Madrid-Alcala published
in Madrid on the day hostilities commenced. The following extract
will suffice to show how the religious sentiment of the people was
indirectly appealed to to convince them that Spain was defending a
noble cause.
_Very Beloved Sons_:--
The cursed hunger for gold and the unquenchable thirst for power
have combined to tarnish that flag which the Great Queen Isabella
raised, by the hand of Columbus, in the West Indies. With justice
trodden under foot, the voice of the Pope unheeded, and the
intervention of the nations despised with arrogance, every road
to the counsels of peace has been barred and the horrors of war
have become a necessity. Let Heaven be witness that we are not
the authors of this disaster, and let the responsibility before
God be on that vain people whose dogma seems to be that money
is the God of the world.... There, ploughing the seas, go our
soldiers and our sailors. Have no fear, let no one weep, unless,
indeed, it be for fear of arriving too late for the fray. Go,
braves, to fight with the blessing of the Fatherland. With you
goes all Spain, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, from Irun
to Tarifa. With what envy do We contemplate you weighing anchor
to leave our shores! Oh! why does juvenility, or decrepitude, or
duty deprive us of the joy of taking part in your enterprise? But
no! with you goes our Spanish heart.... May the Immaculate Virgin,
whose scapulary hangs around your necks and whose blessed image
floats on your flags, protect you under her mantle in the moment
of danger, deliver you from all evil, and shower blessings upon
you! May Saint James, patron of Spain, and the martyr Nicodemus
and Saint Telmo and Saint Raymond and the King Saint Ferdinand
go before you and ever march in the vanguard wherever you may go
and make you invulnerable to the bullets of the enemy, so that you
may return victorious to tread once more this noble soil and kiss
the cheek of the weeping mother who bore you!... We, who cannot
go to take part in the battles, will hold and brandish the arms
of prayer, like Moses who prayed on the mountain, whilst Joshua
slew his ferocious enemies in the valley.... God has triumph in
His hand and will give it to whom He pleases. He gave it to Spain
in Covadonga, in Las Navas, in El Salado, in the river of Seville,
on the plain of Granada, and in a thousand battles which overflow
the pages of history. O Lord, give it us now! Let the nations
see that against the right of might there is the might of right!
To all beloved sons, from our heart We have pleasure in sending
you our pastoral benediction, in the name of the Father, and the
Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.
Given in our palace in Madrid on the 23rd of April, 1898.
_Jose Ma_
_Archbishop-bishop of Madrid-Alcala_.
This Allocution calls to mind Spain's last struggle with Mexico. Was
it a battle of the saints? The Spaniards relied on Santa Isabel;
the Mexicans appealed to Santa Guadalupe, and the latter came out
victorious.
In Manila, as the critical day approached, Gov.-General Augusti issued
his general order as to special military service and his proclamation
to the Philippine people. The latter is couched in vituperative and
erroneously prophetic language, but both can be better appreciated
from the following translated texts:--
_Special Military Service_
Whereas it is necessary to adopt every possible means for the
defence of this territory and to render assistance to the army
and the fleet in the approaching operations against the United
States of North America, I order:
1. It is hereby declared that a state of war exists.
2. All public functionaries of the State and the municipalities,
not exceeding 50 years of age and not physically unfit, are obliged
to take up arms in defence of the country and serve whenever they
are required. They will proceed, at once, to their offices and
lodge their names and serve under their present chiefs.
3. All Spaniards and sons of Spaniards (although not born in the
Peninsula) above the age of 20 and not more than 50, living in
the Provinces, are also hereby required to take up arms.
4. All those not comprised in the foregoing are at liberty to
serve as Volunteers.
(_a_) All native Spaniards who are not employed in the
public offices.
(_b_) All those who are under 20 and more than 50 years of age,
and who are strong enough to endure the fatigue of a campaign.
(_c_) All foreigners (except North Americans) who are domiciled
in Manila or in the capitals of the Provinces.
5. The General Sub-Inspector will organize these Volunteers,
and distribute them as required for defensive purposes.
6. Public functionaries will receive their orders for military
service from their respective administrative chiefs.
7. From this date no one capable of bearing arms is allowed to
leave these Islands. This prohibition does not apply to those
who are seriously ill.
_Proclamation_
_Spaniards_:--
Between Spain and the United States of North America hostilities
have broken out.
The moment has arrived to prove to the world that we possess
the spirit to conquer those who, pretending to be loyal friends,
take advantage of our misfortunes and abuse our hospitality, using
means which civilized nations consider unworthy and disreputable.
The North American people, composed of all the social excrescences,
have exhausted our patience and provoked war with their perfidious
machinations, with their acts of treachery, with their outrages
against the law of nations and international treaties.
The struggle will be short and decisive. The God of Victories
will give us one as brilliant and complete as the righteousness
and justice of our cause demand. Spain, which counts upon the
sympathies of all the nations, will emerge triumphantly from
this new test, humiliating and blasting the adventurers from
those States that, without cohesion and without a history, offer
to humanity only infamous traditions and the sorry spectacle
of Chambers in which appear united insolence and defamation,
cowardice and cynicism.
A squadron manned by foreigners, possessing neither instruction
nor discipline, is preparing to come to this Archipelago with
the blackguardly intention of robbing us of all that means life,
honour, and liberty. Pretending to be inspired by a courage of
which they are incapable, the North American seamen undertake
as an enterprise capable of realization the substitution of
Protestanism for the Catholic religion you profess, to treat you
as tribes refractory to civilization, to take possession of your
riches as if they were unacquainted with the rights of property,
and to kidnap those persons whom they consider useful to man their
ships or to be serviceable in agricultural or industrial labour.
Vain designs! Ridiculous boastings!
Your indomitable bravery will suffice to frustrate the attempt
to carry out their plans. You will not allow the faith you
profess to be made a mockery of, with impious hands placed on
the temple of the true God, the images you adore to be thrown
down by unbelief. The aggressors shall not profane the tombs of
your fathers, they shall not gratify their lustful passions at
the cost of your wives' and daughters' honour, or appropriate
the property that your industry has accumulated as a provision
for your old age. No, they shall not perpetrate any of the crimes
inspired by their wickedness and covetousness, because your valour
and your patriotism will suffice to punish and abase the people
who, claiming to be civilized and polished, have exterminated the
natives of North America instead of bringing to them the life of
civilization and of progress.
Filipinos, prepare for the struggle, and united under the
glorious Spanish banner, which is ever bedecked with laurels,
let us fight with the conviction that victory will reward our
efforts; against the shouts of our enemies let us resist with
Christian decision and the patriotic cry of "Viva Espana!
_Manila_, _23rd of April_, 1898.
Your General,
_Basilio Augusti y Davila_.
The volunteers and guerilla battalions which had been so recently
disbanded by General Primo de Rivera, because they terrorized the
peaceful inhabitants, were now publicly thanked and praised for their
past services and called upon again to serve their country. The Mayor
of Manila issued his own proclamation, exhorting the inhabitants
to help the Spaniards against the Americans. Archbishop Nozaleda
also made his appeal to the people, assuring them that four Spanish
battleships were on their way out (although, as a matter of fact,
only one existed, namely, the _Pelayo_ 8,500 tons, built in 1887),
and that from direct communication with the Almighty he had learnt that
the most Christian Spain would be victorious in the next engagement.
There was a general stampede of those who could get away; numbers
of families fled up the Pasig River towards the Lake of Bay. The
approaches to Manila from the north were held by the rebels; Cavite
Province threw off the cloak of pacification and sent fresh levies to
invest the highroads leading from the south to the capital. General
Augusti's wife and children, who had been conducted for safety to
Macabebe (Lower Pampanga), were kidnapped by the rebels. All Americans
(about 25), except one family, took refuge on board foreign ships in
the bay. The one exception was a Mr. Johnson, who had been travelling
through the Islands with a cinematograph show, and he refused to remove
his wife, who had just given birth. The well-known s.s. _Esmeralda_
took on board a crowd of passengers for Hong-Kong at fancy rates of
passage. Refugees offered as much as four times the usual passage-money
for a saloon berth, and deck-passengers were willing to pay three
times the normal rate. The Chinese were leaving the Islands by
hundreds by any available opportunity, for they had just as much to
fear from the loyal as the rebel faction. The rich Chinese were robbed
and the labouring class were pressed into service fit for beasts of
burden. Despised by the Spaniards and hated by the natives, their lives
were not safe anywhere. Foreign families of neutral nationality sought
more tranquil asylum far beyond the suburbs or on ships lying in the
harbour. Two days before the Americans arrived a native regiment was
suspected of disaffection. The Spanish officers therefore picked out
six corporals and shot them forthwith, threatening to do the same
on the morrow if the ringleaders were not handed over. During the
night the whole regiment went over to the rebels with their rifles
and accoutrements. No intelligent European foreigner entertained any
doubt as to the result of the coming contest, but the general fear
(which happily proved to be unfounded) was that it would be followed
by an indiscriminate massacre of the Spaniards.
There were warships of several nations in the bay, and the Spanish
fleet was moored off Cavite awaiting the arrival of the adversary's
squadron. The Spanish men-of-war, which were always painted white, had
their colour changed to dark grey like the American ships. All coast
lights were extinguished. The Island of Corregidor and Funta Restinga
were hastily supplied with a few 6-inch guns from the _Castilla_. Punta
Gorda, Punta Larisi, the rock El Fraile, and Caballo Island had toy
batteries compared with the American armament.
The American men-of-war left Mirs Bay (opposite to Hong-Kong Island)
on April 27, under the command of Commodore Dewey, and on the way made
a reconnaissance at Subig, but finding no opponent there, they steamed
on to Manila. With all lights put out the American ships entered the
bay, passing Corregidor Island at 3 a.m. on Sunday, May 1, 1898. The
_Olympia_, with Commodore Dewey aboard, led the way. The defenders of
Corregidor Island [193] were apparently slumbering, for the _Olympia_
had already passed when a solitary cannon-shot was heard and responded
to. Then a shot or two were fired from the rock El Fraile and from
the battery of Punta Sangley. The American squadron kept its course
in line of battle; the Spanish ships, under the command of Admiral
Montojo, who was on board the _Reina Cristina_, cleared for action,
and the opposing fleets took up positions off the north of Cavite
(_vide_ plan of Cavite).
After an intimation of "no surrender" from the Spaniards, by a
cannon-shot fired from the Fort of Santiago towards the approaching
United States fleet, the American ships opened fire, to which the
Spanish fleet responded with a furious broadside; but being badly
directed it did very little damage. The _Don Antonio de Ulloa_
discharged a broadside at the enemy's ships with almost no effect,
and simultaneously the drums were beaten, whilst the officers and
crews shouted "Long live the King, Queen, and Spain!" Firing on both
sides then became general. The well-aimed shots of the Americans were
beginning to tell forcibly against the Spaniards. The _Don Juan de
Austria_ advanced towards the _Olympia_ and was met with a shower
of shot and shell, obliging her to turn back. The _Reina Cristina_,
seeing the failure of the _Don Juan de Austria_, steamed full-speed
towards the _Olympia_, intending to engage her at short range,
but a perfect hurricane of projectiles from the _Olympia_ made her
retreat with her decks strewn with the dead and dying. The _Baltimore_
had one gun put out of action by the Hontoria guns of Punta Sangley,
whilst half a dozen men were slightly injured. The _Boston_ also was
slightly damaged, but further than that the American ships suffered
little or nothing. By 7.30 a.m. the Spanish flagship _Reina Cristina_
was in flames, so a boat was lowered to transfer the Admiral and his
staff to the _Isla de Cuba_. The captain of the _Reina Cristina_,
Don Luis Cadarso, although mortally wounded, heroically commanded
his men up to the moment of death. By 8 a.m. the Spanish ships were
decidedly crippled, and the American squadron withdrew to another
part of the bay, where, behind a number of foreign war and merchant
ships, they had left two supply transports, from which they took fresh
ammunition. Meantime the little Spanish gunboats _General Lezo, Marques
del Duero, Manila, Velasco_, and _Argos_, which were quite unfit for
action, ran ashore at Cavite Viejo. The three shore-batteries of Fort
Santiago, the Luneta battlement, and Fort San Antonio Abad (Malate)
respectively continued ineffectual firing towards the American fleet
until the Commodore sent a message telling them to cease fire or he
would shell the city. At 11 a.m. the Americans returned in line of
battle, and opened fire on the Spanish ships which still had their
flags flying, and cannonaded and silenced the forts at Punta Sangley
and Canacao. These operations lasted about one hour. Of the Spanish
ships the _Castillo_, and _Reina Cristina_ were burnt; the _Don Juan
de Austria_ was blown up, and the _Don Antonio de Ulloa_, pierced all
over with shot, sank after the action, and about half of her crew
which had survived the battle were drowned. Only the two cruisers
_Isla de Cuba_ and _Isla de Luzon_ remained in fighting condition,
but the position was so hopeless that Admiral Montojo ordered them
to run aground in the Bay of Bacoor.
The Americans then opened fire on the Arsenal and Fort of Cavite,
which had not a single gun left in place. Soon a Spanish officer,
named Lostoa, signalled for a truce to save the women, children, and
wounded. An American officer met him and replied that having destroyed
the fleet the American mission was ended for the present, and agreed
to suspend firing provided the shore-batteries at the river-mouth
were silent. General Augusti was consulted as to this condition, and
agreed to it. The mail-steamer _Isla de Mindanao_ was aground off Las
Pinas, and being armed as a cruiser the Americans fired on her and
she was soon ablaze. There was still another parley with reference
to Cavite. The Americans demanded the surrender of the Arsenal, the
Admiral, and the surviving crews of the destroyed fleet. As General
Pena declined to surrender Cavite, the Americans gave the Spaniards
two hours to evacuate, under the threat of bombarding Manila if the
demand were not complied with. Again the answer was negative, and
five hours were allowed so that General Pena could consult with the
Captain-General. General Augusti having authorized the evacuation, in
less than two hours Cavite and the whole isthmus, including San Roque,
Caridad, Estanzuela, and Dalahican, were under American control. All
the Spanish families returned to Manila by land. The next day (May 2)
the _debris_was cleared away from Cavite and the environs, and the
dwellings were cleansed and put in order for indefinite military
occupation.
The evacuation of Corregidor Island was demanded by the Americans,
and the 100 men composing the garrison were allowed to depart in
boats for Naig on the west coast of Cavite. Their commander, however,
surrendered himself prisoner, and went on board the _Baltimore_ with
his family. He was at once offered (but wisely refused) his liberty,
and later on he was put ashore at Balanga (Bataan).
On the Spanish side the losses in men and officers amounted to about
400 killed. It was a decisive victory for the Americans; the entire
Spanish fleet in Philippine waters was destroyed, excepting a few small
gunboats stationed about the southern islands. [194] After a 15 months'
cruise one of these--the _Callao_--steamed into Manila Bay on May
12 in complete ignorance of what had happened. The Americans fired a
warning shot, and ordered her to lower her flag. With little hesitation
she did so, in view of the immensely superior force displayed. The
vessel became a prize, and the commander a prisoner of war. But he
was shortly offered his liberty on parole, which he unfortunately
accepted, for the Spaniards in Manila had so lost their heads that
they accused him of cowardice in not having fought the whole American
squadron! He was actually court-martialled and condemned to death,
but afterwards reprieved.
The Spaniards exhibited great bravery in the battle of Cavite, and
man for man they proved themselves to be in no way inferior to their
opponents. Considering the wretched condition of their old-fashioned
ships and armament compared with the splendid modern equipment which
the Americans brought, no other result could have been expected. The
American losses were seven men wounded, none killed, and only slight
damage to one vessel.
Long before sunset Admiral Montojo and his surviving officers found
their way to Manila. [195] In the evening the Admiral serenely
passed the hours in his suburban villa, whilst the Americans were in
possession of the Port of Manila, and the stars and stripes floated
over the town and arsenal of Cavite, and the forts of Canacao and Punta
Sangley. So little did the people and the ignorant Spanish priests
understand how a modern military occupation was conducted that when
Commodore Dewey landed his marines a deputation of friars and nuns
met him to humbly crave clemency for the vanquished. The entry of the
American squadron, without opposition, into the Bay of Manila, was
a great surprise to the inhabitants of the capital. Whilst the women
and children were driven off to the suburbs of the city and near-lying
villages, male Spaniards, from the highest to the lowest--merchants,
State dependents, Spanish troops, and even those native auxiliaries
who still remained loyal hastened to assure the Gov.-General that
"the enemy should not land in Manila without passing over their dead
bodies." Subsequent facts, however, proved these pompous vows to
be merely a figure of speech. From the city walls, the terraces of
houses, the church towers, and every available height, thousands of
curious sightseers witnessed the brave defence and the complete defeat
of the Spaniards. As the American fleet advanced in line of battle a
Spanish transport was scuttled at the mouth of the Pasig River to bar
the entrance. All the small steamers and sailing-craft in the river
moved up as near as possible to the _Puente de Espana_. The obsolete
guns on the Luneta battlement fired a few solitary shots without the
least effect; the Fort of Santiago, defending the Pasig River entrance,
was almost silent, although guns, said to be over a century old, had
been hastily mounted there, notwithstanding the fact that the colonel,
who was instructed to have the rust chipped off these ancient pieces
of artillery, committed suicide in despair. Not a single torpedo had
been brought into action by the Spaniards. There were several in stock
at Cavite Arsenal, but, when wanted, each had an important piece
missing, so they were unserviceable. About 4.30 p.m. the American
ships changed their position, and moved towards Manila City. A
formal demand was made on the Gov.-General Augusti to surrender the
capital. The British Consul, who had received instructions to look
after American interests pending hostilities, served as the medium
of communication between the representatives of the conflicting
parties. The Consuls had an interview with the Captain-General, who,
after a brief consultation with his colleagues, gave the customary
Spanish reply to the effect that he would resist to the last drop of
blood in his veins. Frequent intercourse took place between the Spanish
Gov.-General and the American Commodore through the intermediary of the
British Consul. The same afternoon another British, another French,
and another German man-of-war entered the Bay. Rear-Admiral Dewey
(for he had just been promoted in rank) declared the port blockaded.
On May 2 he demanded to be put in possession of the telegraph-station,
and on this being refused he ordered the cable connecting Luzon with
Hong-Kong to be cut. The Spanish authorities had just time before this
measure was taken to report the bare facts to Madrid by cable. The
news produced immense consternation in the Spanish capital. The whole
city was instantly in uproar. Mobs of people filled the streets,
wildly denouncing the incapability of a Government which could lead
them to such disaster. The newspaper offices were thronged. Special
supplements were issued as quickly as possible. The cafes, clubs,
and other public meeting-places were besieged. General Borbon drove
out in a carriage from which he harangued the populace, and was,
in consequence, sent to a fortress for three months. There was an
attempt at holding a mass meeting in the _Puerta del Sol_, but the
surging crowd started down the _Calle de Sevilla_ and the _Carrera
de San Geronimo_ shouting, "Long live Weyler!" "To the house of
Weyler!" They reached his residence, and after a series of frantic
_vivas_ for the army, navy, etc., they called on General Weyler
to appear at the balcony. But being himself in somewhat strained
relations with the existing Government, he did not think it prudent
to show himself. Then some one having set up the cry of "Down with
the whole Government!" which was responded to with frenzied applause,
the rioters set out for Sagasta's house, returning by the _Carrera de
San Geronimo_. At that moment the mounted civil guard met and charged
the crowd. Many were trodden under foot, and arrests were made. The
Civil Governor, Senor Aguilera, followed up in his carriage, and when
the military police had dispersed the general mass, leaving only here
and there a group, the Civil Governor stepped out of his carriage and
addressed them. His words were hissed from the balcony of a club,
and it was already past midnight when the first outburst of public
indignation and despair had exhausted itself. On May 2 the _Heraldo_
of Madrid, calmly reviewing the naval disaster, commented as follows:--
It was no caprice of the fortune of war. From the very first
cannon-shot our fragile ships were at the mercy of the formidable
hostile squadron; were condemned to fall one after the other
under the fire of the American batteries; they were powerless
to strike, and were defended only by the valour and breasts of
their sailors. What has been gained by the illusion that Manila
was fortified? What has been gained by the intimation that the
broad and beautiful bay on whose bosom the Spanish Fleet perished
yesterday had been rendered inaccessible? What use was made of the
famous Island of Corregidor? What was done with its guns? Where
were the torpedoes? Where were those defensive preparations
concerning which we were requested to keep silence?
Several merchant vessels were seized in and about Manila Bay, and
supplies from seawards were cut off from the city, which was quite at
the mercy of Admiral Dewey, who could have bombarded it and forced
surrender the same day. But it was not easy to foresee what might
follow. Admiral Dewey had full discretion to act as circumstances might
seem to guide him, but it was evident that whatever the surrender of
the Captain-General of the Archipelago might theoretically imply,
a military occupation of Manila was far from being tantamount to
possession of the Islands. Hemmed in everywhere on land by the
insurgent forces which now occupied and collected taxes in several
Luzon provinces, the Spaniards could have been shelled out of the
capital and forced to capitulate, or driven to extermination by the
thousands of armed natives thirsting for their blood. The Americans
had, consequently, a third party to consider. The natives' anxiety
to oust the Spaniards was far stronger than their wish to be under
American, or indeed any foreign, control. But whilst a certain section
of the common people was perfectly indifferent about such matters,
others, wavering at the critical moment between their opposition
to the Spaniards and repulsion of the foreign invader, whoever he
might be, proclaimed their intention to cast in their lot with the
former. Lastly, there was Aguinaldo's old rebel party, which rallied
to the one cry "Independence." "Nothing succeeds like success," and
if the rebel version of the alleged Treaty of Biac-na-bato had been
fulfilled in the spirit, no doubt Aguinaldo would have been unanimously
revered as a great reformer. But the relinquishment of the strife
by the leaders, the money transaction, and the immediate renewal of
Spanish severities, together created an impression in the minds of
the rebel rank-and-file that, in some way, their general welfare had
been sacrificed to personal interest. It was doubtful, therefore,
how Aguinaldo would be received on his return to the Islands. With
the object of investigating the feelings of the old rebel party,
the leader Jose Alejandrino and two other rebels accompanied the
American expedition to Cavite, where they disembarked. Several days
passed in convincing the rebels of Aguinaldo's good faith in all
that had occurred, and in the meantime Aguinaldo himself arrived on
May 19 with 12 other rebel leaders in the American despatch-boat
_Hugh McCulloch_. It yet remained doubtful whether he still held
the confidence of the rank-and-file; but when he at length landed
at Cavite, his old companions-in-arms, and many more, rallied to
his standard with the greatest enthusiasm. The rebels at that date
were computed to number 30,000, and Aguinaldo, on taking the command,
declared himself Dictator. Aguinaldo was, naturally, at that period,
on the most amicable terms with Admiral Dewey, who allowed him to have
two modern field-pieces, 500 rifles, and 200,000 rounds of ammunition,
enjoining on him the strict observance of his engagement to repress
reprisals against the Spaniards.
To prepare the natives for the arrival of the Americans, Emilio
Aguinaldo sent over in advance of the American Fleet the following
exhortation:--
_Compatriots_:--
Divine Providence is about to place independence within our reach,
in a manner most acceptable to a free and independent people.
The Americans, not for mercenary motives but for the sake of
humanity, in response to the woes of the persecuted, have thought
fit to extend their protecting arm to our beloved country,
now that they have been obliged to sever their relations with
Spain on account of the tyranny practised in Cuba, to the great
prejudice of the large commercial interests which the Americans
have there. An American squadron is at this moment preparing
to sail for the Philippines. We, your brothers, fear you may be
induced to fire on the Americans. No, brothers, never make this
mistake. Rather blow out your own brains than treat with enmity
those who are your liberators.
Your natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your
misery and your woe, are the Spaniards who rule you. Raise
against these your weapons and your hatred. Understand well,
against the Spaniards; never against the Americans. Do not
heed the Governor-General's decree, calling you to arms, even
though it cost you your lives. Die rather than be ungrateful
to our American liberators. The Governor-General calls you
to arms. Why? To defend your Spanish tyrants? To defend those
who have despised you and in public speeches called for your
extermination--those who have treated you little better than
savages? No! no! a thousand times, no!
Glance at history and you will see that in all Spain's wars
undertaken in the Far East, Philippine blood has been sacrificed;
we were sent to fight for the French in Cochin China over a
matter which in no way concerned us; we were forced by Simon de
Anda to spill our blood against the English, who, in any case,
would have been better rulers than the Spaniards; every year our
sons are taken away to be sacrificed in Mindanao and Sulu against
those who, we are led to believe, are our enemies when, in reality,
they are our brothers, fighting, like us, for their liberty. After
such a sacrifice of blood against the English, the Annamites,
the Mindanaos, etc., what reward or thanks have we received from
the Spanish Government? Obscurity, poverty, the slaughter of our
dear ones. Enough, brothers, of this Spanish tutelage!
Note that the Americans will attack by sea and prevent any
reinforcements coming from Spain, therefore the insurgents must
attack by land.
You will, probably, have more than sufficient arms, because the
Americans, having arms, will find means to help us. Wherever
you see the American flag, there flock in numbers. They are
our redeemers.
Our unworthy names are nothing, but we all invoke the name of the
greatest patriot our country has seen, certain in the hope that
his spirit will be with us and guide us to victory, our immortal
_Jose Rizal_.
Cavite being occupied by the American forces, foreign Manila residents
were permitted to take refuge there, for no one could tell when the
Spaniards would be forced to capitulate, or what might happen if they
did. Meantime the rebels had cut off, to a considerable extent, but
not entirely, supplies of food to the capital, which was, however,
well stored; and at no time during the three and a half months'
siege was there a danger of famine among the civilian population,
although prices of commodities gradually advanced to about double
the normal rates. Even the hotels in the city only charged double
prices. The Spanish troops fared far worse; their condition became
more and more deplorable. All were badly and insufficiently fed, as
much from disorganized commissariat arrangements as from actual want
of supplies. The latest arrivals of youthful raw recruits particularly
felt the pangs of hunger, and as the swarming rebels took one outpost
after another from its emaciated defenders and raided the adjacent
provinces, the Spanish prisoners in their hands (soldiers, friars,
and civil servants) reached the figure of thousands. Among them was
Brig.-General Garcia Pena (lately in command of Cavite), a colonel,
several other officers, a civil governor, etc., and some hundreds
of volunteers.
Of the neutral warships in the bay, Germany had sent the largest
number, and the actions of their commanders caused much anxiety to
the blockading forces. In the city the German Consul made little
secret of his sympathies for Spain, and was in frequent consultation
with the Captain-General. German and Spanish officers fraternized
freely in the streets and cafes. On May 18 a German steamer, with
cargo and provisions, was reported outside Manila Bay, but her entry
into the port was forbidden by the Americans. Later on the commander
of a German man-of-war and his staff were received and feted by the
Captain-General. These German officers were invited to a picnic at San
Juan del Monte accompanied by several general and other high Spanish
military officers. The German commander's post-prandial oration at
the feast was much commented upon, for he is said to have declared
(presumably on his own responsibility) that so long as William II was
Emperor of Germany the Philippines should never come under American
sway. The party then rode back to Manila, watched by the rebels, who
were too wise to intercept them and so jeopardize their own cause by
creating international complications. There is little doubt that the
attitude taken up by the Germans nurtured the hope entertained by
Spaniards all over the world, that at the last hour some political
entanglement between the other Powers might operate beneficially for
Spain's interests.
The city and commercial suburb of Binondo wore their usual aspect,
although trade was almost at a standstill. The undisguised sympathies
of Great Britain for America revived the long dormant feeling of
distrust and ill-will towards the British residents, which now became
so marked that the Captain-General issued a proclamation commanding due
respect to be paid to neutral foreigners. Even this did not prevent
a Spanish officer spitting in the face of an Englishman. Indeed,
at any time, there was far more danger to all civilian classes from
the Spanish soldiery than from the rebels, who were strictly enjoined
by Admiral Dewey not to attempt to enter the city. Had they done so,
certainly their choicest prize would have been the Archbishop Nozaleda,
who, well aware of this, escaped, long before the capitulation of
the city, to Shanghai on board the German warship _Darmstadt_.
The volunteers, too, were constantly giving trouble to the Spanish
authorities, from whom they demanded their pay, and once when this
was refused they threatened to seize the stores.
Although trade in and with Manila had been more or less suspended,
and at intervals absolutely so, since the great naval engagement, just
a few profited by the circumstances of war. One British firm there,
figuratively speaking, "coined" money. They were able frequently to
run a steamer, well known in Chinese waters (in which I have travelled
myself), between Manila and Hong-Kong carrying refugees, who were
willing to pay abnormally high rates of passage. In ordinary times
fares ranged from P50 saloon accommodation to P8 a deck passage. On one
trip, for instance, this steamer, with the cabins filled at P125 each,
carried 1,200 deck passengers (no food) at P20, and 30 deck passengers
(with food) at P30. Their unsold cargoes on the way in steamers when
Manila was blockaded came in for enormously advanced prices. Shiploads
of produce which planters and native middlemen were glad to convert
into pesos at panic rates were picked up "dirt cheap," leaving
rich profits to the buyers. When steamers could not leave Manila, a
Britisher, Mr. B----, walked for several days under the tropical sun
to embark for Yloilo with trade news, and steamers were run at high
war rates in and out of Borneo, Hong-Kong, and the Philippine southern
ports. One British firm obtained a special licence to run a steamer
between Hong-Kong and the port of Dagupan, hitherto closed to foreign
traffic. These were, naturally, the exceptions, for, upon the whole,
the dislocation and stoppage of trade entailed very serious losses
to the general body of merchants. A few days after the bombardment of
Cavite the natives refused to accept the notes of the _Banco Espanol
Filipino_ (the Spanish bank), and a run was made on the bank to convert
them into silver. However, the managers of the Hong-Kong and Shanghai
Banking Corporation, and the Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and
China, came to the rescue of the _Banco Espanol-Filipino_ and agreed
to honour the paper issue in order to check the scare. The three
banks thereupon opened their doors and satisfied the note-holders,
ordinary business being, meanwhile, suspended.
Aguinaldo had not only been busy organizing his forces, but had, in
several engagements with the Spaniards, driven them back with loss,
made prisoners, and replenished his own armouries. He then assumed
the _Dictatorship_ and issued the following proclamation:--
_Filipinos_:--
The Great North American nation, example of true liberty, and,
as such, the friend of freedom for our country oppressed and
subjugated by the tyranny and despotism of its rulers, has
come to offer its inhabitants protection as decisive as it is
disinterested, regarding our unfortunate country as _gifted with
sufficient civilization and aptitude for self-government_. In
order to justify this high conception formed of us by the great
American nation, we ought to abstain from all acts which would
destroy that opinion, such as pillage, robbery and every kind of
outrage against persons or property. So as to avoid international
conflicts during the period of our campaign I order as follows:--
_Article_ 1.--The lives and properties of all foreigners shall
be respected, including in this denomination the Chinese and all
Spaniards who have not directly or indirectly contributed to the
bearing of arms against us.
_Article_ 2.--Those of the enemy who shall surrender their arms
shall be, in like manner, respected.
_Article_ 3.--Medical establishments and ambulances shall also be
respected as well as the persons and effects connected therewith,
provided they show no hostility.
_Article_ 4.--Persons disobeying the above three articles shall
be summarily tried and executed if their disobedience should lead
to assassination, incendiarism, robbery or rape.
Given at Cavite, May 24, 1898.
_Emilio Aguinaldo_.
On June 8, at 5 p.m., a Philippine deputation, headed by Dr. Santos,
waited on the American Consul-General in Singapore and delivered to
him a congratulatory address on the American successes in the war
with Spain. In reply to this address, the Consul-General made some
pleasing remarks which were received with vociferous cheers by the
Filipinos for the President of the United States and all sympathizers
with their welfare. At the close of the reception a band of Philippine
musicians played a selection of graceful airs of their native isles.
With his despatch No. 229, dated Singapore, June 9, the Consul-General
sent press reports of these proceedings to the Secretary of State in
Washington, who replied as follows [196]:--
No. 87.
_Department of State_,
_Washington, July_ 20, 1898.
_Sir_,--
Your No. 229 of the 9th ultimo, inclosing printed copies of
a report from the _Straits Times_ of the same day ... with a
view to its communication to the Press, has been received and
considered. By Department's telegram of the 17th of June you were
instructed to avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine
insurgents. The reasons for this instruction were conveyed to you
in my No. 78 of the 16th of June, by which the President's views
on the subject of your relations with General Aguinaldo were
fully expressed. The extract now communicated by you from the
_Straits Times_ of the 9th of June, has occasioned a feeling of
disquietude and a doubt as to whether some of your acts may not
have borne a significance and produced an impression which this
Government would be compelled to regret. The address presented
to you by the 25 or 30 Filipinos who gathered about the consulate
discloses an understanding on their part that the object of Admiral
Dewey was to support the cause of General Aguinaldo, and that the
ultimate object of our action is to secure the independence of
the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." Your
address does not repel this implication, and it moreover represents
that General Aguinaldo was "sought out by you," whereas it had
been the understanding of the Department that you received him
only upon the request of a British subject ... who formerly lived
in the Philippines. Your further reference to General Aguinaldo
as "the man for the occasion" and to your "bringing about" the
"arrangement" between "General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey which
has resulted so happily" also represents the matter in a light
which causes apprehension lest your action may have laid the
ground of future misunderstandings and complications. For these
reasons the Department has not caused the article to be given to
the Press, lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to views,
the expression of which it had not authorized.
Respectfully yours,
_William R. Day_.
During the first few weeks following the Cavite naval battle nothing
remarkable occurred between the belligerents. The British Consul
and Vice-Consul were indefatigable in the services they rendered
as intermediaries between Admiral Dewey and General Augusti. The
American fleet was well supplied with coal from British vessels. The
Manila-Dagupan Railway was in working order, and bringing supplies
into the city. The Spanish authorities issued a decree regulating the
price of meat and other commodities. American vessels made occasional
trips outside the Bay, and brought in captive sailing-vessels. Neutral
passenger-steamers were allowed to take away refugees other than
Spanish subjects. The rebels outside Manila were very active in the
work of burning and pillaging churches and other property. Streams
of smoke were daily seen rising from the valleys. In the outskirts
of the city, skirmishes between Spanish troops and rebels were of
frequent occurrence. The Spaniards still managed to preserve routes
of communication with the country districts, although, little by
little, the rebels were closing in upon them. Aguinaldo and his
subordinate leaders were making strenuous efforts effectually to cut
off all supplies to the city, with the view of co-operating with the
Americans to starve the Spaniards into capitulation. The hospitals in
the capital were crowded with wounded soldiers, brought in at great
risk from the rural districts. Spanish soldiers sauntered about the
city and Binondo--sad spectacles of emaciation in which body and soul
were only kept together by small doles of rice and dried fish. The
volunteers who had enlisted on the conditions of pay, food, and
clothing, raised an unheeded cry of protest, and threatened revolt,
whilst the officers whiled away the time in the cafes with resigned
indifference. The Archbishop issued his Pastoral Letter, in which he
told the natives that if the foreigners obtained possession of the
Islands there would be an end to all they most dearly cherished. Their
altars would be desecrated; the churches would become temples of
heresy; Christian morality would be banished, and vice would become
rampant. He reminded them (with the proviso "circumstances permitting")
that he had appointed June 17 as the day on which the consecration
of these Islands to the "Heart of Jesus" would be solemnly confirmed.
To draw the remnant of loyalty to his side, the Gov.-General instituted
a reformed "Consulting Assembly" composed of 15 half-castes and
natives, under the nominal presidency of Pedro A. Paterno, the
mediator in the Biac-na-bato negotiations. Senor Paterno, whose
sympathy for Spain was still unalienated, issued a _Manifiesto_
of which the following is a translation (published in _El Comercio_
of Manila on June 2, 1898):--
_Filipinos: Beloved Brethren_.
I love our country as none other does. I want it to be great,
free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to
its desires and aspirations. Therefore, I respect all the vital
forces in it at the cost of my life and my fortune. A long time
ago I risked my existence for the rights and liberties of the
Philippine people, who were sorely agitated, by bringing the
majority together, and directing the salvation of their interests
based on liberty and justice. My ideas are neither strange nor new;
they are the _result of study and political experience,_ and not
recently conceived under the existing circumstances. I desire,
with all the vehemence of my soul, to see my country strong and
great--its honour and dignity respected and in the enjoyment
of the greatest happiness. But however great our efforts may be
we need an ally. Let us imitate the example of the Great Powers;
they cannot exist alone, however strong and great they may be. They
need help, and the union of strength increases their power. Russia
seeks France; Germany seeks Italy and Austria. Unhappy is the Power
that isolates itself! And what better ally can we have than Spain,
a nation with which we are united for nearly four centuries in
religion, laws, morals, and customs, understanding full well her
virtues and her defects? The evil days of Spanish colonization are
over, and by dint of experience and the sacrifice of blood Spain
has understood that we are already of age, and require reforms
in our territory such as the formation of Philippine Militia,
which gives us the force of arms, and the Consulting Assembly,
which gives us the power of speech, participation in the higher
public employments, and the ability to control the peaceful
development and progress of society. Spain is at war with the
United States; we neither know that nation nor its language. The
Americans will endeavour by all imaginable means to induce us to
help them against Spain. And then, alas! they, the all-powerful,
will absorb us and reward our treachery to Spain by betraying
us, making us slaves and imposing upon us all the evils of a new
colonization. On the other hand, by helping Spain, if we die, we
do so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain
the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of
a civil war. We shall not die! No! Under the flag which shields
us and our garrisons, fighting with faith, decision, and ardour,
as a country does which yearns to be free and great, the enemy
will disappear like the wave which washes the seashore. Let us
hope to obtain from Spain all the good that the American stranger
can offer to us. Let us help our old ally, our old friend Spain,
and realize, with her, more quickly our aspirations. These are
they:--With the greatest decentralization possible consistent with
national unity, the organization and attributions of public powers
must be based on three principles:--(1) Spanish sovereignty. (2)
Local representation. (3) Colonial Government responsibility. Three
institutions correspond to these three principles, viz.: (1)
The institution of the General Government of the Philippines. (2)
The Insular Deputation or Philippine Assembly. (3) The Governative
Council. In this way the rights of the Government and those of
the Colony are harmonized. Let us shun the policy of suspicion
and doubt. With these firm and solid guarantees let us establish
civil and political liberty. The Assembly, representing the will of
the people, deliberates and resolves as one would treat one's own
affairs in private life, and thus constitutes the legislative power
of the Archipelago. Its resolution will be put into practice with
all fidelity by the executive power in its character of responsible
government. There are only Spaniards in the Archipelago; we are all
Filipinos and all European Spaniards. Such is _the programme of
the party who want home rule for the Philippines--ever Spanish!_
Thus shall we see the destinies of this country guided under the
orange and red flag. Thus will my beloved country be governed,
without detriment to the integrity of Spain. Finally, under Spain
our future is clear, and with all certainty we shall be free and
rule. Under the Americans our future is cloudy; we shall certainly
be sold and lose our unity; some provinces will become English,
others German, others French, others Russian or Chinese. Let us
struggle, therefore, side by side with Spain, we who love the
Philippines united and free. Long live Spain!
_Pedro Alejandro Paterno_.
_Manila_, _31st of May_, 1898.
This _Manifiesto_ was replied to a week later by the rebel party,
who published a Refutation, of which the following is a translation:--
_Refutation_ of the _Manifiesto_ of Senor Paterno.
"Actions speak louder than words."
A better phrase, or idea, could not be found with which to reply
to the _Manifiesto_ of Don Pedro A. Paterno, published in _El
Comercio_ of the 2nd instant, than the epigraph which heads
these lines.
Senor Paterno begins by saying that he loves his country as
none other does; he wants it to be great, free, and happy,
and to shape its own destinies according to its own desires and
aspirations. _Would to God such beautiful language represented
the truth_, for it is just what we wish and what we have, long
ago, been aiming at, at the risk of our lives and property,
as proved by our actions and our arguments, especially since
the middle of the glorious year of 1896, the period in which we
commenced the conquest, by force of arms, of our most cherished
liberties. May Senor Paterno forgive us if we cite a little of
the history of this movement, so that he may see that neither
are we ungrateful, nor are we acting with precipitation, but as
a logical and undeniable consequence of the vile conduct and bad
faith of the Spanish Government.
For over 300 years the country slumbered in ignorance of all that
referred to its rights and political liberties. It was resigned to
the Spanish governmental system of spoliation, and no one thought
of reforms. But when the Revolution of September, 1868, broke
out in Spain and overthrew the throne of Isabella II., the first
revolutionary leaders, inspired by ideas of humanity and justice,
caused an Assembly of Reformists to be established here, one of
the members of which, if we remember rightly, was Don Maximo Molo
Paterno, father of Don Pedro. The Assembly agreed to and proposed
good and appropriate reforms, amongst which was that relating
to the incumbencies which were monopolized by the friars. What
did the Spanish Government do with these reforms? What did the
friars do? Ah! though it may appear cruel to Senor Paterno,
historical facts oblige us to remind him that the Government,
in agreement with the friars, engineered the military rising
of the City of Cavite in January, 1872, and at the instigation
of its authors and accomplices, sentenced the secular priests
Father Jose Burgos, Father Jacinto Zamora, Father Mariano Gomez,
parish priests of Manila, Santa Cruz (suburb), and Bacoor (Cavite)
respectively, to be garotted. Moreover, another secular priest,
Father Agustin, the Philippine lawyers and landed proprietors, Don
Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Don Antonio Regidor, Don Pedro Carrillo,
Don Jose Basa, and others, amongst whom was Don Maximo Molo
Paterno, the father of Don Pedro, were banished to the Ladrone
Islands. This virtuous grand old man (Don Maximo Paterno) did
indeed (and we proclaim it with pride) make sacrifices of health
and fortune for the advancement of the liberties of his native
country. From the year 1872 the Spanish Government carried on a
persistent persecution of all the Philippine reformers by unjust
imprisonment and banishment. In 1888 the authorities went so far
as to prosecute 700 representative men of the suburbs of Manila,
simply for having presented a petition of rights and aspirations
to the Gov.-General Don Emilio Terrero. There is not a single
insalubrious island or gloomy corner in the country which has not
been the forced home of some banished Filipino. No one was sure
of his personal liberty; none were safe in their homes, and if
three or four Filipinos met together for an innocent purpose,
they were spied, arrested, and banished. Calumny has brought
about enough banishments to Fernando Po, Chafarinas Islands,
Ceuta, and other African and Spanish places to demonstrate the
bad faith, cruelty, and injustice of the Spanish Government with
respect to the Philippine people. This virile, intelligent people
received the supreme decree of reforms with joy and enthusiasm,
sharing the feelings of those who felt in their souls the flame
of liberty. This people worked, through legitimate channels, to
advance its ideal, inspired by the purest loyalty to Spain. How
did the Spanish Government fulfil, on its part, the decree
spontaneously issued in 1868? By prosecuting and banishing the
reformists, and employing a system of terror to damp the courage
of the Filipinos. Vain, ridiculous fallacy!--for it ought to
have known better after three centuries of rule of that country
of intelligence, birthplace of Rizal, Luna, Rosario and other
living examples of Philippine energy. The Filipinos, lovers
of their liberty and independence, had no other recourse open
to them than an appeal to arms, to bring force against force,
terror against terror, death for death, resolute and sworn to
practise the system of fire and blood, until they should attain
for the whole Philippine Archipelago absolute freedom from the
ignominious sovereignty of Spain. Now let us continue our comments
on the _Manifiesto_.
Senor Paterno says that a long time ago he risked his existence
for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people, even at
the cost of his health and his fortune. We, however, do not see
how he put into practice such magnificent ideas, for what we do
know is that Senor Paterno passed his younger days in Madrid,
where, by dint of lavish expenditure, he was very well treated
by the foremost men in Spanish politics, without gaining from
Spain anything whereby the Philippine people were made free and
happy during that long period of his brilliant existence. On
the contrary, the very epoch of the persecutions narrated above
coincided with the period of Don Pedro A. Paterno's brilliant
position and easy life in Madrid, where, because he published a
collection of poems under the title of "Sampaguitas," he became
distinguished by the nickname of _Sampaguitero_. We know, also,
that Senor Paterno came back to this, his native soil, appointed
director of a Philippine Library and Museum not yet established,
without salary, but with the decoration of the Grand Cross of
Isabella the Catholic. This was no gain to us, no distinction to
him, seeing that the same decoration was given to the Chinaman
Palanca and two others, without their leaving their homes to
obtain them.
How are we then to understand those generous sacrifices of health
and fortune for the cause of Philippine liberty? Perhaps he
refers to the recently created Philippine Militia and Consulting
Assembly. Well, admitting for argument sake, that with such
Militia and Consulting Assembly the liberty and happiness of the
Philippines were assured (a doubtful hypothesis, Senor Paterno),
this happiness is not due to Senor Paterno's efforts, but simply
to the circumstances. Spain is at war with North America, and
now offers us this sugar-plum to draw us to her side to defend
her against invasion.
We ask you again, Senor Paterno, where are those sacrifices?
We do not see them, although we seek them with the light of
impartiality, for, as the splendour of justice shines on our flag,
we should not fail to do this even for our greatest enemies,
amongst whom we do not count you.
Do you allude to the Peace of Biac-na-bato? If so, we ask, what
have you done with that peace to which we subscribed in good
faith, and which you and General Primo de Rivera together have
stupidly and scandalously torn into shreds? You have, indeed,
bungled the amnesty when many of the banished are, up to now,
suffering the miseries of their sad and unjust fate.
You have put off the promised reforms which, even yet, have
not come.
You have delayed the payment of the P400,000 for the second and
third instalments of the agreed sum.
You have not delivered into the hands of our chief, Don Emilio
Aguinaldo, the money as agreed upon.
Ah! You thought that when we had surrendered to you our arms and
our garrisoned strongholds--when our forces were dispersed and we
were absent--you could turn back to the Government of iniquity
without reflecting that Divine Providence could permit, in the
hour of great injustice, her emissary Don Emilio Aguinaldo to
return resolved to chastise energetically the immoral and impotent
Spanish Government.
Then comes Senor Paterno, telling us that however great our efforts
may be in the cause of liberty, we cannot live without an ally,
and that we can find no better alliance than the sovereignty of
Spain. Frankly, we must say that this is inconceivably incompatible
with Senor Paterno's clear intelligence. How do you understand an
alliance with sovereignty? How can you imagine a people great,
free and happy under the sovereignty of Spain? Senor Paterno
cites, as examples, the alliances between Russia and France,
Germany and Italy and Austria, but, so far, we do not know that
Russia is the sovereign power of the French, nor the Germans that
of the Italians and Austrians. Senor Paterno further says that by
helping Spain in the war with the United States, if we die, we do
so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the
triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil
war. Know, Senor Paterno, and let all know, that in less than six
days' operations in several provinces we have already taken 1,500
prisoners, amongst whom is the Brigadier-General Garcia Pena,
one Colonel, several Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and officers,
besides the Governor of the Province of Bulacan, his wife and all
the civil service staff of that province. We also have about 500
Philippine volunteers as prisoners, of whom 10 have died and 40
are wounded, whilst among the European prisoners there is only one
wounded. This goes to prove that the Europeans were too cowardly
to defend the sovereignty of Spain in these Islands, therefore we
do not understand the appeal you make to the Filipinos to defend
Spain as a duty, when the Spaniards themselves are heedless of
that which ought to be a more rigorous and strict obligation
with them, seeing that they defend their own possession which
brings them so much lucre and profit. This does not say much for
the duty when the favoured ones themselves forget it and trample
upon it. To die to-day for cowardly Spain! This implies not only
want of dignity and delicate feeling, but also gross stupidity in
weaving a sovereignty of frightened Spaniards over the heads of
brave Filipinos. It is astonishing that in the face of such an
eloquent example of impotence there should still be a Filipino
who defends the sovereignty of Spain.
Remember, Senor Paterno, that we make war without the help of any
one, not even the North Americans; but no! we have the help of God,
who is the eternal ally of the great and just causes such as that
which we defend against Spain--our own beloved _independence_!!!
Senor Paterno concludes by explaining his political and
administrative principles on the basis of Spanish sovereignty, but,
as we have charged that sovereignty with cowardice and immorality,
we dismiss this detail.
To conclude, we will draw the attention of Senor Paterno to two
things, viz.:
1. That he _commits an injustice in imputing to the North Americans
the intention of taking possession of these Islands_ as soon as we
have conquered the Spaniards, for, besides having no grounds on
which to make such an allegation against a nation distinguished
for its humanity like the Federal Republic, there is the fact
that _its own constitution prohibits the absorption of territory
outside America, _in accordance with that principle laid down
by the immortal Monroe, of America for the Americans. There is,
moreover, the historical antecedent that the independence of
South America, once under Spanish dominion, is largely due to
the protection of the United States; and
2. That Senor Paterno should reflect on the fact that the Spaniards
would never have allowed him to publish his _Manifiesto_ had it not
been for the existence and attitude of our Dictator, Don Emilio
Aguinaldo. This ought to serve Senor Paterno as further proof of
the cowardice of the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding all that has
been shown, insist on creating discord by provoking civil war:
on their heads will fall the responsibilities of the moment and
of the historical past.
_Cavite_, _9th of June_, 1898.
_The Revolutionists_.
The feeling against Don Pedro A. Paterno in the rebel camp was very
strong for the time being, because of his supposed complicity in the
alleged Biac-na-bato fraud.
The rebels stopped all the traffic on the Tondo-Malabon steam tramway
line, and shortly afterwards the Manila-Dagupan railway trains had
temporarily to cease running.
On June 10, 1898, General Monet received, through a Chinaman,
a message from the Gov.-General to hasten to Manila with all
the force he could bring. Monet had been so long in the northern
provinces unsuccessfully trying to hold them against the rebels
that his fate was, for a time, despaired of in the capital. Hemmed
in on all sides by the enemy, concentration of all his detachments
for general retreat was impossible. The forces spread over Tarlac,
North Pangasinan and Nueva Ecija had to be left to their fate; their
junction was quite impracticable, for, surrounded everywhere by
the enemy, each group was then only just able to defend itself, and
subsequently most of them fell prisoners. With only 600 fighting men,
escorting 80 wounded, General Monet set out on his terrible southward
march amidst recurring scenes of woe and despair. At every few miles
between San Fernando and Macabebe his progress was hampered by an
ever-increasing terror-stricken, weeping crowd of European women
and children who besought him not to let them fall into the hands
of a revengeful enemy. In the course of his march at most another
hundred fighting men, a few of whom were natives, were able to join the
retreating column. Their ammunition was scarce; they had no artillery
waggons; every _carromata_ (gig) of the districts traversed had been
seized by the enemy. Near San Fernando his passage was disputed,
but he entered the town, nevertheless, and evacuated it immediately
after, having secured only 12 carts for the transport of the sick
and the wounded and what little remained of the war-material. The
greatest difficulty was how to feed the swelling mob of refugees. At
6 a.m. on June 14 a start was made for Santo Tomas, but they were
so fiercely attacked on the road that, for the moment, annihilation
seemed inevitable. Concentrated between Apalit, Santo Tomas, Bacolor,
and Mexico the rebel forces were estimated at 9,000 well-armed men,
between whom Monet's column had to pass or die. The sobs of the
children, the lamentations of the women, the invocation of the saints
by the helpless were drowned in the united yelling of half-starved
troopers in their almost superhuman struggle for existence. Fortunately
the best order possible, under such distressing circumstances, was
maintained by the splendid officers supporting Monet. They were men
personally known to many of us years before. Lieut.-Colonel Dujiols
commanded the vanguard; the rearguard was under Major Roberto White;
the refugee families were in charge of Lieut.-Colonel Oyarzabal, all
under the superior orders of Colonel Perez Escotado. At length they
cut their way through to Apalit, where the railway station served
them as a stronghold, which they were able to defend whilst food
was served out and some attention could be bestowed on the sick and
wounded. On leaving Apalit a group of rebels approached the column
with a white flag saying they were friendly Macabebes, but when they
were close enough they opened fire. Nearly the whole town turned out
against the fugitives, and Monet had to hasten the march by deploying
his troops to keep the road clear. Understanding well that Monet was
acting only on the defensive to cover his retreat, the rebels sent him
an audacious message offering to spare the lives of his people if he
would surrender their arms. The general's reply was in the negative,
adding that if he once reached Santo Tomas not a stick or stone of
it would he leave to mark its site. This defiant answer nonplussed
the rebels, who had private interests to consider. To save their
property they sent another message to General Monet, assuring him
that he would not be further molested; and to guarantee their promise
they sent him the son of a headman as hostage, whose life they said
he could take if they broke their word. That night was, therefore,
passed, without attack, at Mandaling, around which outposts were
established and trenches occupied. The following day the retreating
column and the refugees reached Macabebe safely, [197] but what became
of their leader at this crisis we must leave to future historians to
explain. Some nine months afterwards the acts of two generals were
inquired into by a court of honour in Spain; one of them was disgraced,
[198] and the other, who was accused of having abandoned his whole
party to escape alone in disguise, was acquitted.
General Augusti's wife and family were chivalrously escorted
from Macabebe, where they were quite safe, by a loyal Philippine
volunteer named Blanco (the son of a planter in Pampanga), who was
afterwards promoted to effective rank of colonel in Spain. They were
conducted from the Hagonoy marshes to the Bay of Manila and found
generous protection from the Americans, who allowed them to quit the
Islands. The Spanish garrisons in the whole of La Laguna and Pampanga
had surrendered to the rebels, who were in practical possession of
two-thirds of Luzon Island. General Augusti was personally inclined
to capitulate, but was dissuaded from doing so by his officers.
Several American generals arrived with reinforcements, more were
_en route_, and about the middle of July the Commander-in-Chief,
Maj.-General Wesley Merritt, reached the Islands and remained
there until the end of the following month, that is to say, for
about 10 or 12 days after the Spanish surrender and the American
military occupation of Manila were accomplished facts. On the way
out from San Francisco to Manila some American ships called at the
Ladrone Islands and brought the Spanish garrison of about 40 men
prisoners. The surrender of the capital had been again demanded
and refused, for the Spaniards were far from being starved out, and
the American commander had strictly forbidden Aguinaldo to make an
attack on the city. Aguinaldo, however, had been wonderfully active
elsewhere. In several engagements the Spaniards were completely
routed, and in one encounter the rebel party took over 350 prisoners,
including 28 officers; in another, 250 prisoners and four guns; and 150
Spaniards who fled to Cavite Viejo church were quietly starved into
surrender. Amongst the prisoners were several provincial governors,
one of whom attempted to commit suicide. At Bacoor a hotly-contested
battle was fought which lasted about nine hours. The Spaniards were
surprised very early one morning, and by the afternoon they were
forced to retreat along the Cavite-Manila road to Las Pinas. The
Spanish loss amounted approximately to 250 troops wounded, 300 dead,
and 35 officers wounded or dead. The rebels are said to have lost more
than double this number, but whatever may have been the sacrifice,
the victory was theirs. The Spaniards would probably have come
better out of this combat but for the fact that a native regiment,
hitherto loyal, suddenly murdered their officers and went over to
the rebels. The Spaniards undoubtedly suffered much from unexpected
mutinies of native auxiliaries and volunteers at critical moments,
whilst in no case did rebels pass over to the Spanish side. [199]
They were not long left in possession of Las Pinas, where a subsequent
attack in overwhelming numbers drove the survivors still nearer to
the capital.
Long before the capitulation of Manila the rebels were as well armed
as they could wish from three sources,--that is to say, the Americans,
the Spanish arms seized in warfare, and consignments from China. They
also made good use of their field-pieces, and ever and anon the
booming of cannon was heard in the streets of Manila. The Spaniards,
hard pressed on all sides, seemed determined to make their last stand
in the old citadel. The British banks shipped away their specie to
China, and the British community, whose members were never united as
to the course they should adopt for general safety, was much relieved
when several steamers were allowed, by the mutual consent of Admiral
Dewey and General Augusti, to lie in the bay to take foreigners on
board in case of bombardment. Emilio Aguinaldo, on his return to the
Islands, had declared himself Dictator. The Dictatorial Government
administered the provinces as they were conquered from the Spaniards,
collected taxes, and enacted laws. In a month's time the management
of these rural districts had so far assumed shape that Aguinaldo
convened deputies therefrom and summoned a Congress on June 18. He
changed the name of Dictatorial to Revolutionary Government, and on
June 23 proclaimed the Constitution of that provisional government,
of which the statutes are as follows:--
_(Translation)_
_Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy_,
President of the Philippine Revolutionary Government and
Commander-in-Chief of its army
This Government, desirous of demonstrating to the Philippine
people that one of its objects is to abolish with a firm hand
the inveterate vices of Spanish administration, substituting
a more simple and expeditious system of public administration
for that superfluity of civil service and ponderous, tardy and
ostentatious official routine, I hereby declare as follows, viz:--
CHAPTER I
Chapter I
Of the Revolutionary Government
_Article_ 1.--The Dictatorial Government shall be henceforth called
the Revolutionary Government, whose object is to struggle for
the independence of the Philippines, until all nations, including
Spain, shall expressly recognize it, and to prepare the country
for the establishment of a real Republic. The Dictator shall be
henceforth styled the President of the Revolutionary Government.
_Article_ 2.--Four Government Secretaryships are created: (1)
of Foreign Affairs, Navy and Trade; (2) of War and Public Works;
(3) of Police, Public Order, Justice, Public Education and Health;
(4) of Finance, Agriculture, and Manufactures. The Government has
power to increase the number of secretaryships when experience has
shown that the above distribution of public offices is insufficient
to meet public requirements.
_Article_ 3.--Each Secretary shall assist the President in the
administration of affairs concerning his particular branch. The
Secretary at the head of each respective department shall not
be responsible for the Presidential Decrees, but shall sign the
same to give them authenticity. But if it should appear that
the decree has been issued on the proposal of the Secretary of
the corresponding branch, then the Secretary shall be jointly
responsible with the President.
_Article_ 4.--The Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs shall be
divided into three centres, one of Diplomacy, one of Navy, and
another of Trade. The first centre shall study and execute all
affairs which concern the direction of diplomatic negotiations
with other Powers and the correspondence of this Government
connected therewith. The second shall study all that relates to
the formation and organization of our Navy, and the fitting out
of whatever expeditions the circumstances of the Revolution may
require; and the third shall attend to all matters concerning
home and foreign trade and the preliminary work in connection
with the Treaties of Commerce to be made with other nations.
_Article_ 5.--The Secretaryship of War shall be divided into two
centres, the one exclusively of War and the other exclusively
of Public Works. The first centre shall be divided into four
sections, one of Campaign, one of Military Justice, one of Military
Administration, and the other of Military Health.
The Campaign section shall draw up and attend to all matters
concerning the service and enlistment of the Revolutionary Militia,
the direction of campaigns, the making of plans, fortifications,
and the editing of the announcements of battles, the study of
military tactics for the Army, and organization of the respective
staffs, artillery, and cavalry corps, and all other matters
concerning campaigns and military operations.
The section of Military Justice shall attend to all matters
concerning courts-martial and military sentences, the appointment
of judges and assistant judges in all military-judicial
affairs. The military administrator shall take charge of the
commissariat department and all Army equipment, and the Military
Health department shall take charge of matters concerning the
health and salubrity of the Militia.
_Article_ 6.--The other secretaryships shall be divided into so
many centres corresponding to their functions, and each centre
shall be sub-divided into sections as the nature and importance
of the work requires.
_Article_ 7.--The Secretary of each department shall inspect and
watch over the work therein and be responsible to the President
of the Government. At the head of each section there shall be
a director, and in each section there shall be an official in
charge assisted by the necessary staff.
_Article_ 8.--The President shall have the sole right to appoint
the secretaries, and in agreement with them he shall appoint all
the staff subordinate to the respective departments. Nevertheless,
in the election of individuals favouritism must be avoided on
the understanding that the good name of the Fatherland and the
triumph of the Revolution need the services of the most really
capable persons.
_Article_ 9.--The secretaries can take part in the sessions of the
Revolutionary Congress, whenever they have a motion to present in
the name of the President, or on the interpellation of any deputy,
but when the question under debate, or the motion on which they
have been summoned is put to the vote, they shall retire and not
take part in that voting.
_Article_ 10.--The President of the Government is the
personification of the Philippine people, and as such he cannot be
held responsible for any act whilst he holds that position. His
position is irrevocable until the Revolution shall triumph,
unless extraordinary circumstances should compel him to tender
his resignation to Congress, in which case only Congress shall
elect whomsoever is esteemed most fit.
CHAPTER 2
Chapter II
Of the Revolutionary Congress
_Article_ 11.--The Revolutionary Congress is the assembly of those
deputies from the Philippine provinces, elected in due form, as
prescribed in the Decree of the 18th inst. Nevertheless, if any
province could not elect deputies because the majority of its towns
had not yet been able to free themselves from Spanish dominion,
the Government can nominate provisional deputies chosen from the
persons of highest consideration by reason of their education
and social position up to the number fixed by the said Decree,
always provided that such persons shall have been born or have
resided for a long time in the provinces to be represented.
_Article_ 12.--When the deputies shall have met in the town and
in the building to be provided by the Revolutionary Government
the preliminary act shall be the election by majority of votes
of a commission of five persons who shall examine the documents
accrediting the personality of each person, and another commission
of three persons who shall examine the documents exhibited by
the first commission of five.
_Article_ 13.--The next day the said deputies shall again meet
and the two commissions shall read their respective reports on
the validity of the said documents, all doubts on the same to
be resolved by an absolute majority of votes. They shall then
at once proceed to the election, by absolute majority, of a
president, a vice-president, and two secretaries, to be chosen
from among the same deputies, after which the Congress shall be
held to be constituted, and notice of the same shall be given to
the Government.
_Article_ 14.--The meeting-place of Congress is sacred and
inviolable, and no armed force can enter therein except on the
summons of the President of the Congress for the purpose of
restoring order, should the same have been disturbed by those
who know not how to honour themselves and their solemn functions.
_Article_ 15.--The powers of Congress are:--To look after the
general interests of the Philippine people and the fulfilment of
the revolutionary laws; to discuss and vote laws; to discuss and
approve, before ratification, all treaties and loans to examine
and approve the accounts of the general expenses which shall
be presented annually by the Finance Secretary and to fix the
extraordinary taxes, and others which, in future, may be imposed.
_Article_ 16.--The voice of Congress shall also be heard in all
matters of grave importance the resolution of which will admit of
delay, but the President of the Government can resolve questions of
an urgent character, rendering an account of his acts to Congress
by means of a message.
_Article_ 17.--Any Deputy can present a bill in Congress, and any
Secretary can do so by order of the President of the Government.
_Article_ 18.--The sessions of Congress shall be public, and only
in cases where reserve is necessary shall secret sessions be held.
_Article_ 19.--The order of debate and parliamentary usages shall
be determined by instructions to be formulated by Congress. The
President shall lead the debate, but shall not vote, unless
there fail to be a majority, in which case he shall give his
casting vote.
_Article_ 20.--The President of the Government cannot, in any
manner, impede the meeting of Congress, nor interfere with the
sessions of the same.
_Article_ 21.--Congress shall appoint a permanent judicial
commission, to be presided over by the Vice-President, assisted
by one of the Secretaries and composed of these persons and
seven assessors, elected by majority of votes, from among the
deputies. This commission shall revise the sentences given in
criminal cases by the provincial councils, and shall judge and
sentence, without right of further appeal, cases brought against
the Government Secretaries, Provincial Chiefs and Provincial
Councillors.
_Article_ 22.--In the office of the Secretary to Congress there
shall be a Book of Honour, in which shall be noted the great
services rendered to the Fatherland and esteemed as such by
Congress. Any Filipino, military or civil, can solicit of Congress
inscription in the said book on producing the documents which
prove the praiseworthy acts performed by him for the good of the
Fatherland since the present Revolution began. For extraordinary
services which may, in future, be rendered, the Government will
propose the inscription, the proposal being accompanied by the
necessary justification.
_Article_ 23.--Congress shall determine, on the proposal of the
Government, the money rewards to be paid, once for all, to the
families of those who were victims to duty and patriotism in the
execution of heroic acts.
_Article_ 24.--The resolutions of Congress shall not be binding
until they have received the sanction of the President of the
Government. When the said President shall consider any resolution
undesirable, or impracticable, or pernicious, he shall state his
reasons to Congress for opposing its execution, and if Congress
still insist on the resolution the said President can outvote it
on his own responsibility.
CHAPTER III
Chapter III
Of Military Justice
_Article_ 25.--When any commandant of a detachment shall receive
notice of an individual in the service having committed a fault or
having performed any act reputed to be a military misdemeanour,
he shall inform the Commandant of the District of the same, and
this officer shall appoint a judge and secretary to constitute
a Court of Inquiry in the form prescribed in the instructions
dated 20th instant. If the accused held the rank of lieutenant,
or a higher one, the same Commandant shall be the judge, and if the
Commandant himself were the accused the Superior Commandant of the
Province shall appoint as judge an officer of a higher rank, and
if there were none such the same Commandant of the Province shall
open the inquiry. The judge shall always hold the rank of chief.
_Article_ 26.--When the Court of Inquiry has finished its labours,
the Superior Commandant shall appoint three assistant judges of
equal or superior rank to the judge, and a Court-Martial shall be
composed of the three assistant judges, the judge, the assessor,
and the president. The Commandant of the District shall be the
judge if the accused held the rank of sergeant, or a lower one,
and the Superior Commandant shall be judge if the accused held the
rank of lieutenant, or a higher one. This court shall pass sentence
in the same form as the Provincial Courts, but the sentence can
be appealed against before the Superior Council of War.
_Article 27_.--The Superior Council of War shall be composed
of six assistant judges, who shall hold the minimum rank of
Brigadier-General, and the War Office adviser. If the number of
generals residing in the capital of the Revolutionary Government
be insufficient, the number shall be made up by deputies to
be appointed on commission by Congress. The President of this
Council shall be the general of the highest rank amongst them,
and if there were more than one of the same rank, one shall be
elected by themselves by majority of votes.
_Article 28_.--The Superior Council shall judge and sentence,
without right of further appeal, Superior Commandants, Commandants
of Districts, and all officers who hold rank of Commandant,
or a higher one.
_Article 29_.--Military misdemeanours are the following:--
(1) Violation of the immunity due to foreigners, both as to
their persons and their goods, and violation of the privileges
appertaining to sanitary establishments and ambulances, as well
as the persons and effects in, or belonging to, one or the other,
and persons employed in the service of the same so long as they
commit no hostile act. (2) Want of respect for the lives, money,
and jewellery of the enemy who surrenders his arms, and for
prisoners of war. (3) The entry of Filipinos into the service of
the enemy as spies, or to discover war secrets, make plans of the
revolutionists' positions and fortifications, or present themselves
to parley without proving their mission or their individuality. (4)
Violation of the immunity due to those who come with this mission,
duly accredited, in the form prescribed by international law.
The following persons also commit military misdemeanours:--
(1) Those who endeavour to break up the union of the
revolutionists, fomenting rivalry between the chiefs, and forming
divisions and armed bands. (2) Those who collect taxes without
being duly authorized by Government, or misappropriate public
funds. (3) Those who, being armed, surrender to the enemy or
commit any act of cowardice before the same; and (4) Those who
sequester any person who has done no harm to the Revolution, or
violate women, or assassinate, or seriously wound any undefended
persons, or commit robbery or arson.
_Article_ 30.--Those who commit any of the above-named
misdemeanours shall be considered declared enemies of the
Revolution and shall be punished on the highest scale of punishment
provided for in the Spanish Penal Code. If the misdemeanour be
not provided for in the said code, the culprit shall be confined
until the Revolution has triumphed, unless his crime shall have
caused an irreparable injury which, in the opinion of the court,
would justify the imposition of capital punishment.
Additional Clauses
_Article_ 31.--The Government shall establish abroad a
Revolutionary Committee, composed of an indefinite number of
the most competent persons in the Philippine Archipelago. This
Committee shall be divided into three sections, viz.:--Of
diplomacy; of the navy; and of the army. The diplomatic section
shall negotiate with the foreign cabinets the recognition of
belligerency and Philippine independence. The naval section shall
be intrusted with the study and organization of a Philippine
navy and prepare the expeditions which the circumstances of the
Revolution may require. The army section shall study military
tactics and the best form of organizing staff, artillery and
engineer corps, and all that is necessary to put the Philippine
army on a footing of modern advancement.
_Article_ 32.--The Government shall dictate the necessary
instructions for the execution of the present decree.
_Article_ 33.--All decrees of the Dictatorial Government which
may be in opposition to the present one are hereby rescinded.
Given at Cavite, June 23, 1898.
_Emilio Aguinaldo_.
The Promulgation of the Constitution of the Revolutionary Government
was accompanied by a Message from Emilio Aguinaldo, of which the
following is a translation:--
_Message of the President of the Philippine Revolution_
It is an established fact that a political Revolution, judiciously
carried out, is the violent means employed by nations to recover
the sovereignty which naturally belongs to them, when the same has
been usurped and trodden under foot by tyrannical and arbitrary
government. Therefore, the Philippine Revolution cannot be more
justifiable than it is, because the country has only resorted
to it after having exhausted all peaceful means which reason and
experience dictated.
The old Kings of Castile were obliged to regard the Philippines
as a sister nation united to Spain by a perfect similarity
of aims and interests, so much so that in the Constitution of
1812, promulgated at Cadiz, as a consequence of the Spanish War
of Independence, these Islands were represented in the Spanish
Parliament. But the monastic communities, always unconditionally
propped up by the Spanish Government, stepped in to oppose the
sacred obligation, and the Philippine Islands were excluded from
the Spanish Constitution, and the country placed at the mercy of
the discretional or arbitrary powers of the Gov.-General.
Under these circumstances the country clamoured for justice,
and demanded of the Peninsular Government the recognition and
restitution of its secular rights, through reforms which should
gradually assimilate it to Spain. But its voice was soon stifled,
and its children were rewarded for their abnegation by punishment,
martyrdom and death. The religious corporations, whose interests
were always at variance with those of the Filipinos and identified
with the Spanish Government, ridiculed these pretensions, calmly
and persistently replying that liberty in Spain had only been
gained by the sacrifice of blood.
What other channel, then, was open to the country through which
to insist upon the recovery of its lawful rights? No other remedy
remained but the application of force, and convinced of this,
it had recourse to revolution.
Now its demands are no longer limited to assimilation with the
Spanish Constitution. It asks for a definite separation therefrom;
it struggles for its independence, with the certainty that the
time has arrived when it is able and ought to rule itself.
Hence, it has constituted a Revolutionary Government, based
on wise and just laws, suited to the abnormal circumstances
it is passing through, preparatory to the founding of a real
Republic. Accepting Right as the only standard of its acts,
Justice as its sole aim, and honourable Labour as its sole means,
it calls upon all Filipinos, without distinction of birth, and
invites them to unite firmly with the object of forming a noble
society, not by bloodshed, nor by pompous titles, but by labour
and the personal merit of each one; a free society where no egoism
shall exist--where no personal politics shall overflow and crush,
nor envy nor partiality debase, nor vain boasting nor charlatanry
throw it into ridicule.
Nothing else could be expected from a country which has proved
by its long suffering and courage in tribulation and danger,
and industry and studiousness in peace, that it is not made for
slavery. That country is destined to become great; to become one of
the most solid instruments of Providence for ruling the destinies
of humanity. That country has resources and energy sufficient to
free itself from the ruin and abasement into which the Spanish
Government has drawn it, and to claim a modest, though worthy,
place in the concert of free nations.
Given at Cavite, June 23, 1898.
_Emilio Aguinaldo_.
These public documents were supplemented by the issue, on June 27,
of "Instructions," signed by Emilio Aguinaldo, which, as they relate
solely to working details of the Revolutionary Government offices,
are of minor interest to the general reader.
Since June 30 the rebels were in possession of Coloocan (the first,
station--beyond Manila--on the Manila-Dagupan Railway) and the Manila
suburbs of Santa Cruz and Tondo. The rebels purchased four vessels in
Singapore and armed them, but, later on, Admiral Dewey forbade them to
fly their flag pending the ultimate settlement of the whole Philippine
problem. They also took possession of the waterworks of Santolan
(near San Juan del Monte), but did not cut off the water-supply to the
capital. Dissensions arose in the rebel camp between Emilio Aguinaldo
and the leaders Yocson and Sandico. Yocson was the chief who carried
on the war in the northern provinces during the absence of Aguinaldo
and his companions (_vide_ pp. 399, 407). The Americans had no less
difficulty in dealing with the natives than with the Spaniards. There
were frequent altercations between individual rebels and American
soldiers which, in one case at least, near Cavite, resulted very
seriously. The rebels were irritated because they considered
themselves slighted, and that their importance as a factor in the
hostilities was not duly recognized; in reality, there was nothing
for them to do in co-operation with the Americans, who at any time
could have brought matters to a crisis without them (by shelling the
city) but for considerations of humanity. Aguinaldo's enemies were
naturally the Spaniards, and he kept his forces actively employed in
harassing them in the outlying districts; his troops had just gained
a great victory in Dagupan (Pangasinan), where, on July 22, the whole
Spanish garrison and a number of civilian Spaniards had to capitulate
in due written form. But experience had taught him that any day an
attempt might be made to create a rival faction. Such a contingency
had been actually provided for in Article 29 of the Statutes of the
Revolutionary Government already cited. Presumably with a view to
maintaining his prestige and keeping his individuality well before
the people, he was constantly issuing edicts and proclamations. He was
wise enough to understand the proverbs, "_L'union fait la force_," and
"A house divided against itself shall surely fall." Not the least of
his talents was that of being able to keep united a force of 30,000 to
40,000 Filipinos for any object. His proclamation of the Constitution
of the Revolutionary Government on June 23 implied a declaration of
independence. He really sought to draw the American authorities into
a recognition of it; but he did not seem to see, what others saw, the
inopportunity of their doing so at that stage of America's relations
with Spain. The generals were not the arbiters of the _political_
situation. Then Aguinaldo adopted a course quite independently of
the Great Power which had undertaken the solution of the Philippine
question, and addressed a Memorandum to the foreign Governments, with a
copy of an Act of Independence. The result was altogether negative; not
a single Power chose to embarrass America, at that critical period, by
a recognition of Aguinaldo's party. The Memorandum read as follows:--
(_Translation_)
_To the Powers_:--
The Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, on being
constituted, explained, by means of a message of the 23rd June
last, the real causes of the Philippine Revolution, and went on to
show that this popular movement is the result of those laws which
regulate the life of a nation ardently desiring progress, and
the attainment of perfection by the only possible road of liberty.
The Revolution, at the present moment, is predominant in the
provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Mindoro, Tayabas, La Laguna, Morong,
Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, La
Union, La Infanta, and Zambales, and is besieging the capital,
Manila. In these provinces the most perfect order and tranquillity
reign; they are administered by the authorities elected by
themselves in conformity with the decrees of the 18th and 23rd
of June last.
Moreover, the Revolution has about 9,000 prisoners of war, who are
treated with the same consideration observed by cultured nations,
agreeably with the sentiments of humanity, and a regular organized
army of more than 30,000 men fully equipped on a war footing.
Under these circumstances the representatives of the townships
comprised within the provinces above mentioned, interpreting the
popular will of those who have elected them, have proclaimed the
Independence of the Philippines, and requested the Revolutionary
Government to petition and solicit of the foreign Powers
an acknowledgment of their belligerency and independence,
under the conviction that the Philippine nation has arrived
at that state in which it can and ought to govern itself. As a
consequence, the annexed document has been signed by the said
representatives. Wherefore the undersigned, using the faculties
reserved to him as President of the Revolutionary Government
of the Philippines, and in the name and representation of the
Philippine nation, implores the protection of all the Powers of
the civilized world, and beseeches them formally to recognize the
belligerency, the Revolutionary Government, and the Independence of
the Philippines, because these Powers are the bulwarks designated
by Providence to maintain the equilibrium amongst nations by
sustaining the weak and _restraining the ambitions of the more
powerful_, in order that the most faultless justice may illuminate
and render effective indefinitely the progress of humanity.
Given under my hand and seal in Bacoor, in the Province of Cavite,
this 6th day of August 1898.
_Emilio Aguinaldo_,
_The President of the Revolutionary Government._
The accompanying Act of Independence, dated August 1, 1898, and couched
in the flowery language of the preceding edicts and proclamations,
was signed by those Filipinos who had been appointed local presidents
of the townships in the provinces referred to. The allusion to "the
ambitions of the more powerful" could well be understood to signify
an invitation to intervene in and counteract America's projects, which
might, hereafter, clash with the Aguinaldo party's aspirations. At the
same time a group of agitators, financed by the priests in and out of
the Islands, was straining every nerve to disseminate false reports
and create discord between the rebels and the Americans, in the hope
of frustrating their coalition. But, even then, with a hostile host
before Manila, and the city inevitably doomed to fall, the fate of
Spanish sovereignty depended more on politicians than on warriors.
In the absence of a Spanish Ambassador at Washington the French and
Austro-Hungarian Governments had accepted, conjointly, the protection
of Spanish subjects and interests in the United States on terms set
forth in the French Ambassador's letter to the Secretary of State in
Washington, dated April 22, 1898. In August the city of Santiago de
Cuba was beleaguered by the Americans under General Shafter; the forts
had been destroyed by Admirals Schley and Sampson; General Linares,
in command there, had been wounded and placed _hors de combat_; the
large force of Spanish troops within the walls was well armed and
munitioned, but being half-starved, the _morale_ of the rank-and-file
was at a low ebb, and General Toral, who succeeded General Linares,
capitulated. The final blow to Spanish power and hopes in Cuba was the
destruction of Admiral Cervera's fleet outside the port of Santiago de
Cuba. Cuba was lost to Spain. No material advantage could then possibly
accrue to any of the parties by a prolongation of hostilities, and on
July 22 the Spanish Government addressed a Message to the President
of the United States (Mr. William McKinley) to inquire on what terms
peace might be re-established between the two countries. In reply to
this inquiry the U.S. Secretary of State sent a despatch, dated July
30, conveying an outline of the terms to be stipulated. The French
Ambassador at Washington, M. Jules Cambon, having been specially
appointed "plenipotentiary to negotiate and sign," by decree of the
Queen-Regent of Spain, dated August 11, 1898, peace negotiations were
entered into, and a Protocol was signed by him and the U.S. Secretary
of State, Mr. William R. Day, for their respective Governments at
4.25 p.m. on August 12, 1898. It is interesting to note the exact
hour and date, in view of subsequent events.
Protocol of Peace
_The English Text_ [200]
_Article_ 1.--Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over
and title to Cuba.
_Article_ 2.--Spain will cede to the United States the Island of
Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the
West Indies, and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected
by the United States.
_Article_ 3.--_The United States will occupy and hold the city,
bay, and harbour of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty
of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and
government of the Philippines_.
_Article_ 4.--Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Porto Rico, and
other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies; and
to this end each Government will, within ten days after the signing
of this protocol, appoint Commissioners, and the Commissioners so
appointed shall, within 30 days after the signing of this protocol,
meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out
the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adjacent
Spanish islands; and each Government will, within ten days after
the signing of this protocol, also appoint other Commissioners,
who shall, within 30 days after the signing of this protocol,
meet at San Juan, in Porto Rico, for the purpose of arranging and
carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Porto Rico
and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies.
_Article_ 5.--The United States and Spain will each appoint
not more than five Commissioners to treat of peace, and the
Commissioners so appointed shall meet at Paris not later than
October 1, 1898, and proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of
a treaty of peace, which treaty shall be subject to ratification
according to the respective constitutional forms of the two
countries.
_Article_ 6.--Upon the conclusion and signing of this protocol,
hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and
notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each
Government to the commanders of its military and naval forces.
Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by
the undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals,
the 12th day of August, 1898.
_William R. Day_.
_Jules Cambon_.
For a month before the Protocol was signed the relations between
Spaniards and Americans were verging towards a crisis. The respective
land forces were ever on the point of precipitating the end. General
F. V. Greene had his brigade encamped along the Cavite-Manila road,
about 2 1/2 miles from the Spanish fort at Malate, with outposts thrown
forward to protect the camp. The rebel lines were situated nearer
to Manila, between the Americans and Spaniards. On July 28 General
Greene took possession of a line, from the road already occupied by
his forces, in front of the rebels' advanced position, to be ready to
start operations for the reduction of Manila. The American soldiers
worked for three days at making trenches, almost unmolested by the
Spaniards, who had a strong line of breastworks not more than 1,000
yards in front. No Americans were killed or wounded whilst so working.
On July 31, at 11 p.m., the Spaniards opened a furious infantry
and artillery fire upon the American lines and kept it up for two
hours. Fort San Antonio Abad (Malate) with five guns, Blockhouse No. 14
with two guns, and connecting infantry trenches, concentrated fire
upon the American breastworks, which caused considerable annoyance
to the Americans. The night was pitch-dark, it rained in torrents,
there was mud and water everywhere, and the ground was too flat
to drain. The 10th Pennsylvania Regiment and four guns of the Utah
Batteries occupied the American line, with two batteries of the 3rd
Foot Artillery in reserve. The last was brought up under a heavy fire,
and taking up a position on the right, silenced the Spaniards, who
were pouring in a flanking fire. The whole camp was under arms, and
ammunition and reinforcements were sent. The regiments were standing
expectantly in the rain. The 1st California was ordered forward,
the bugle sounded the advance, the whole camp cheered, and the men
were delighted at the idea of meeting the enemy. Over a flat ground
the American troops advanced under a heavy Spanish fire of shell and
Maueser rifles, but they were steady and checked the Spaniards' attack.
General Greene went forward to the trenches, firing was exchanged, and
the wounded were being brought back from the front in _carromatas_. The
contending parties were separated by bamboo thickets and swamp. The
Americans lost that night 10 killed and 30 wounded. The Spanish
loss was much heavier. Most of the Americans killed were shot in the
head. The Maueser bullet has great penetrating power, but does not kill
well; in fact it often makes a small wound which hardly bleeds. As
pointed out at p. 369, four Maueser bullets passed right through Sancho
Valenzuela at his execution and left him still alive. Captain Hobbs,
of the 3rd Artillery, was shot through the thigh at night, and only
the next morning saw the nature of the wound.
During the following week the Spaniards made three more night-attacks,
the total killed and wounded Americans amounting to 10 men. The
American soldiers were not allowed to return the fire, unless the
Spaniards were evidently about to rush the breastworks. There was
some grumbling in the camp. The Spaniards, however, got tired of
firing to so little purpose, and after the third night there was
silence. Meanwhile, in the daytime the Americans went on strengthening
their line without being molested.