Manila, as the successor of General Camilo Polavieja, in the spring
of 1897. He knew the country and the people he was called upon to
pacify, having been Gov.-General there from April, 1880, to March,
1883. A few days after his arrival he issued a proclamation offering
an amnesty to all who would lay down their arms within a prescribed
period. Many responded to this appeal, for the crushing defeat of
the rebels in Cavite Province, accompanied by the ruthless severity
of the soldiery during the last Captain-Generalcy, had damped the
ardour of thousands of would-be insurgents. The rebellion was then
confined to the north of Manila, but, since Aguinaldo had evacuated
Cavite and joined forces with Llaneras, the movement was carried far
beyond the Provinces of Bulacan and Pampanga. Armed mobs had risen
in Pangasinan, Zambales, Ilocos, Nueva Ecija, and Tarlac. Many
villages were entirely reduced to ashes by them; crops of young
rice too unripe to be useful to anybody were wantonly destroyed;
pillage and devastation were resorted to everywhere to coerce the
peaceful inhabitants to join in the movement. On the other hand, the
nerves of the priests were so highly strung that they suspected every
native, and, by persistently launching false accusations against their
parishioners, they literally made rebels. Hence at Candon (Ilocos Sur),
a town of importance on the north-west coast of Luzon, five influential
residents were simply goaded into rebellion by the frenzied action
of the friars subordinate to the Bishop of Vigan, Father Jose Hevia
de Campomanes. These residents then killed the parish priest, and
without arms fled for safety to the mountain ravines. A few months
before, at the commencement of the rebellion, this same Austin friar,
Father Rafael Redondo, had ignominiously treated his own and other
native curates by having them stripped naked and tied down to benches,
where he beat them with the prickly tail of the ray-fish to extort
confessions relating to conspiracy. In San Fernando de la Union the
native priests Adriano Garces, Mariano Gaerlan, and Mariano Dacanaya
were tortured with a hot iron applied to their bodies to force a
confession that they were freemasons. The rebels attacked Bayambang
(Pangasinan), drove out the Spanish garrison, seized the church
and convent in which they had fortified themselves, made prisoner
the Spanish priest, burnt the Government stores, Court-house, and
Spanish residences, but carefully avoided all interference with the
British-owned steam rice-mill and paddy warehouses. Troops were sent
against them by special train from Tarlac, and they were beaten out
of the place with a loss of about 100 individuals; but they carried
off their clerical prisoner. General Monet operated in the north
against the rebels with Spanish and native auxiliary forces. He
attacked the armed mobs in Zambales Province, where encounters of
minor importance took place almost daily, with no decisive victory
for either party. He showed no mercy and took no prisoners; his
troops shot down or bayoneted rebels, non-combatants, women and
children indiscriminately. Tillage was carried on at the risk of
one's life, for men found going out to their lands were seized as
spies and treated with the utmost severity as possible sympathizers
with the rebels. He carried this war of extermination up to Ilocos,
where, little by little, his forces deserted him. His auxiliaries
went over to the rebels in groups. Even a few Spaniards passed to
the other side, and after a protracted struggle which brought no
advantage to the Government, he left garrisons in several places
and returned to Manila. In Aliaga (Nueva Ecija) the Spaniards had
no greater success. The rebels assembled there in crowds, augmented
by the fugitive mobs from Pangasinan, and took possession of the
town. The Spaniards, under General Nunez, attacked them on two sides,
and there was fought one of the most desperate battles of the north. It
lasted about six hours: the slaughter on both sides was appalling. The
site was strewn with corpses, and as the rebels were about to retreat
General Nunez advanced to cut them off, but was so severely wounded
that he had to relinquish the command on the field. But the flight of
the insurgents was too far advanced to rally them, and they retired
south towards Pampanga.
In Tayabas the officiousness of the Governor almost brought him to
an untimely end. Two well-known inhabitants of Pagsanjan (La Laguna)
were accused of conspiracy, and, without proof, court-martialled
and executed. The Governor went to witness the scene, and returning
the next day with his official suite, he was waylaid near Lucbang
by a rebel party, who killed one of the officers and wounded the
Governor. Filipinos returning to Manila were imprisoned without trial,
tortured, and shipped back to Hong-Kong as deck passengers. The wet
season had fully set in, making warfare in the provinces exceedingly
difficult for the raw Spanish recruits who arrived to take the place
of the dead, wounded, and diseased. Spain was so hard pressed by
Cuban affairs that the majority of these last levies were mere boys,
ignorant of the use of arms, ill clad, badly fed, and with months of
pay in arrear. Under these conditions they were barely a match for
the sturdy Islanders, over mountains, through streams, mud-pools,
and paddy-fields. The military hospitals were full; the Spaniards
were as far off extinguishing the _Katipunan_ as the rebels were
from being able to subvert Spanish sovereignty. The rebels held only
two impregnable places, namely Angat and San Mateo, but whilst they
carried on an interminable guerilla warfare they as carefully avoided
a pitched battle. The Gov.-General, then, had resort to another edict,
dated July 2, 1897, which read thus:--
_Edict_
Don Fernando Primo de Rivera y Sobremonte, Marquis de
Estella, Governor and Captain-General of the Philippines, and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army.
Whereas the unlimited amplitude given to my former edicts by
some authorities who are still according the benefits of the
amnesty to those who present themselves after the expiration of
the conceded time, imperatively calls for a most absolute and
positive declaration that there is a limit to clemency and pardon,
otherwise the indefinite postponement of the application of the
law may be interpreted as a sign of debility; and
Whereas our generosity has been fully appreciated by many who
have shown signs of repentance by resuming their legal status,
whilst there are others who abuse our excessive benevolence
by maintaining their rebellious attitude, and encroach on our
patience to prolong the resistance; and
Whereas it is expedient to abolish the spectacle of a few groups,
always vanquished whilst committing all sorts of felonies under
the protection of a fictitious political flag, maintaining a
state of uneasiness and corruption;
Now, therefore, the authorities must adopt every possible means
of repression, and I, as General-in-Chief of the Army,
Order and Command
_Article_ 1.--All persons having contracted responsibilities up
to date on account of the present rebellion who fail to report
themselves to the authorities or military commanders before the
10th of July will be pursued and treated as guilty.
_Article_ 2.--Commanding generals in the field, military and civil
governors in districts where the rebels exist, will prohibit all
inhabitants from leaving the villages and towns, unless under
absolute necessity for agricultural purposes, or taking care of
rural properties or other works. Those comprised in the latter
class will be provided by the municipal captains with a special
pass, in which will be noted the period of absence, the place to
be visited, and the road to be taken, always provided that all
persons absenting themselves from the villages without carrying
such passes, and all who, having them, deviate from the time,
road, or place indicated, will be treated as rebels.
_Article 3._--After the 10th instant all persons will be required
to prove their identity by the personal document (_cedula
personal_), together with the pass above-mentioned, and neither
the amnesty passes already granted nor any other document will
have any legal validity.
All who contravene these orders will be tried by court-martial.
_Fernando Primo de Rivera_.
The indiscreetness of this measure was soon evident. It irritated
the well-disposed inhabitants, from whom fees were exacted by the
Gov.-General's venal subordinates; the rigorous application of the
edict drove many to the enemy's camp, and the rebels responded to
this document by issuing the following Exhortation in Tagalog dialect,
bearing the pseudonym of "Malabar." It was extensively circulated in
July, 1897, but bears no date. The Spanish authorities made strenuous
but unsuccessful efforts to confiscate it. It is an interesting
document because (1) It admits how little territory the _Katipunan_
itself considered under its dominion. (2) It sets forth the sum total
of the rebels' demands at that period. (3) It admits their impotence
to vanquish the loyal forces in open battle.
To the Brave Sons of the Philippines
The Spaniards have occupied the towns of Cavite Province because we
found it convenient to evacuate them. We must change our tactics
as circumstances dictate.
We have proved it to be a bad policy to be fortified in one place
awaiting the enemy's attack. We must take the offensive when we
get the chance, adopting the Cuban plan of ambush and guerilla
warfare. In this way we can, for an indefinite period, defy Spain,
exhaust her resources, and oblige her to surrender from poverty,
for it must be remembered that the very Spanish newspapers admit
that each soldier costs a dollar a day, and adding to this
his passage money, clothing and equipment, the total amounts
to a considerable sum. Considering that Spanish credit abroad
is exhausted, that her young men, to avoid conscription, are
emigrating to France and elsewhere in large numbers, Spain must
of necessity yield in the end. You already know that Polavieja
resigned because the Government were unable to send him the
further 20,000 men demanded. The Cubans, with their guerilla
system, avoiding encounters unfavourable to themselves, have
succeeded in wearying the Spaniards, who are dying of fever in
large numbers. Following this system, it would be quite feasible
to extend the action of the _Katipunan_ to Ilocos, Pangasinan,
Cagayan, and other provinces, because our brothers in these places,
sorely tyrannized by the Spaniards, are prepared to unite with us.
The Provinces of Zambales, Tarlac, Tayabas, etc., are already
under the _Katipunan_ Government, and to complete our success,
the revolutionary movement should become general, for the ends
which we all so ardently desire, namely:
(1) Expulsion of the friars and restitution to the townships
of the lands which the friars have appropriated, dividing the
incumbencies held by them, as well as the episcopal sees equally
between Peninsular and Insular secular priests.
(2) Spain must concede to us, as she has to Cuba, Parliamentary
representation, freedom of the Press, toleration of all religious
sects, laws common with hers, and administrative and economic
autonomy.
(3) Equality in treatment and pay between Peninsular and Insular
civil servants.
(4) Restitution of all lands appropriated by the friars to the
townships, or to the original owners, or in default of finding
such owners, the State is to put them up to public auction in
small lots of a value within the reach of all and payable within
four years, the same as the present State lands.
(5) Abolition of the Government authorities' power to banish
citizens, as well as all unjust measures against Filipinos;
legal equality for all persons, whether Peninsular or Insular,
under the Civil as well as the Penal Code.
The war must be prolonged to give the greatest signs of vitality
possible, so that Spain may be compelled to grant our demands,
otherwise she will consider us an effete race and curtail, rather
than extend, our rights.
_Malabar_.
Shortly after this Emilio Aguinaldo, the recognized leader of the
rebels, issued a _Manifiesto_ in somewhat ambiguous terms which might
imply a demand for independence. In this document he says:--
We aspire to the glory of obtaining the liberty, _independence_,
and honour of the country.... We aspire to a Government
representing all the live forces of the country, in which the most
able, the most worthy in virtue and talent, may take part without
distinction of birth, fortune, or race. We desire that no monk,
or friar, shall sully the soil of any part of the Archipelago,
nor that there shall exist any convent, etc., etc.
Every month brought to light fresh public exhortations, edicts, and
proclamations from one side or the other, of which I have numerous
printed copies before me now. About this time the famous Philippine
painter, Juan Luna (_vide_ p. 195), was released after six months'
imprisonment as a suspect. He left Manila _en route_ for Madrid in
the Spanish mail-steamer _Covadonga_ in the first week of July and
returned to Manila the next year (November 1898).
In the field there were no great victories to record, for the rebels
confined themselves exclusively to harassing the Spanish forces
and then retreating to the mountains. To all appearances trade in
Manila and throughout the Islands was little affected by the war,
and as a matter of fact, the total exports showed a fair average
when compared with previous years. The sugar production was, however,
slightly less than in 1896, owing to a scarcity of hands, because, in
the ploughing season, the young labourers in Negros were drafted off
to military service. Total imports somewhat increased, notwithstanding
the imposition of a special 6 per cent. _ad valorem_ tax.
But the probability of an early pacification of the Islands was
remote. By the unscrupulous abuse of their functions the volunteers
were obliging the well-intentioned natives to forsake their allegiance,
and General Primo de Rivera was constrained to issue a decree, dated
August 6, forbidding all persons in military service to plunder,
or intimidate, or commit acts of violence on persons, or in their
houses, or ravish women, under penalty of death. In the same month
the General commissioned a Filipino, Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno, to
negotiate terms of capitulation with the rebels. By dint of bribes and
liberal expenditure of money (_vide_ Paterno's own letter at p. 410)
Paterno induced the minor chiefs in arms to accept, in principle,
the proposal of peace on the basis of reforms and money. Paterno was
appointed by the Gov.-General sole mediator in the discussion of the
terms to be made with Emilio Aguinaldo, and the General's private
secretary, Don Niceto Mayoral, was granted special powers to arrange
with Paterno the details of the proposed treaty. From Paterno's lips
I have the following account of the negotiations:--
On August 4, 1897, he started on a series of difficult journeys
into the rebel camps to negotiate severally with the chiefs, who,
one after the other, stoutly refused to capitulate. On August 9 he
interviewed Aguinaldo at Biac-na-bato, situated in the mountains, about
a mile north of San Miguel de Mayumo (Bulacan). Aguinaldo withheld his
decision until Paterno could report to him the definite opinions of his
generals. Thereupon Paterno returned to the rebel chiefs, some of whom
still tenaciously held out, whilst others were willing to capitulate,
subject to Aguinaldo's approval. Paterno's mission was daily becoming
more perilous, for the irreconcilable leaders regarded him as an
evil genius sent to sow discord in the camp. After many delays the
principal warriors assembled at Biac-na-bato on October 31 and held a
great meeting, which Paterno, who is a fluent speaker, attended and
harangued his audience in eloquent phrases, but to no purpose. His
position was now a somewhat critical one. Several of the chiefs assumed
such a defiant attitude that but for the clement nature of Aguinaldo,
Paterno might never have returned to tell the tale. They clamorously
insisted on their resolution to fight. Then Paterno adroitly brought
matters to a crisis in a bold peroration which changed the whole
scene. "Capitulate," he exclaimed, "or get hence and vanquish the
enemy! Is victory to be gained in this hiding-place?" Piqued by
this fearless challenge, General Natividad immediately sallied
forth with his troops and encountered the Spaniards for the last
time. His dead body was brought into the camp, and, in the shades of
night, with sombre lights flickering around them, in the presence of
Natividad's bleeding corpse, again Paterno exhorted them to reflect on
the prospects in the field and the offer of capitulation. Impressed
by the lugubrious scene, Aguinaldo yielded, and the next day peace
negotiations were opened. But other difficulties intervened. Aguinaldo
having heard that a subordinate chief was conspiring to force his hand
to capitulate, abruptly cast aside the papers, declaring that he would
never brook coercion. The deadlock lasted a whole day, but at length
Aguinaldo signed conditions, which Paterno conveyed to General Primo
de Rivera at San Fernando (Pampanga). The willingness to capitulate
was by no means unanimous. Paterno was forewarned that on his route
a party of 500 Irreconcilables were waiting to intercept and murder
him, so to evade them he had to hide in a wood. Fifteen minutes' delay
would have cost him his life. Even a Spanish colonel for some occult
reason sought to frustrate the peace negotiations by falsely reporting
to General Primo de Rivera that Paterno was inciting the rebels to
warfare. But the General believed in Paterno's good faith, although
he declared the terms proposed unacceptable, and in like manner three
other amended proposals were rejected, until finally the fifth document
was accepted as tantamount to a Protocol of Peace to serve as a basis
for the treaty. Here ends Paterno's verbal declaration.
The Protocol was signed in duplicate by Emilio Aguinaldo of the one
part, and Pedro A. Paterno, as Peacemaker, of the other part. One
copy was archived in the office of the _Gobierno General_ in Manila,
[184] and the other was remitted to the Home Government with a despatch
from the Gov.-General.
After many consultations and much deliberation it was decided at
a Cabinet meeting to approve unreservedly of the negotiations,
and to that effect a cablegram was sent to General Primo de Rivera
fully empowering him to conclude a treaty of peace on the basis
of the Protocol. Meanwhile, it soon became evident that there
were three distinct interests at stake, namely, those of Spain
and the Spanish people, those of the friars, and the claims of the
rebels. Consequently the traditional feud between the Archbishop of
Manila and the Captain-General was revived.
General Primo de Rivera in his despatch urged the Madrid Government to
grant certain reforms, in any case, which could not fail to affect the
hitherto independent position of the friars in governmental affairs. He
also drew the attention of the Government to the defenceless
condition of the capital in the event of a foreign attack (_vide_
Senate speeches reported in the _Diario de las Sesiones_, Madrid,
1899 and 1900). The friars were exceedingly wroth, and combined to
defeat the General's efforts to come to an understanding with the
rebels. They secretly paid natives to simulate the _Katipunan_ in
the provinces, and the plot only came to light when these unfortunate
dupes fell into the hands of the military authorities and confessed
what had happened. Nevertheless, the General pursued the negotiations
with Paterno as intermediary. Aguinaldo's original demand was for a
total indemnity of P3,000,000, but, in the course of the negotiations
alluded to, it was finally reduced to P1,700,000, inclusive of P800,000
to be paid to Aguinaldo on his retirement from the Colony.
The terms of the Protocol of Peace having been mutually agreed upon,
a treaty, known as the _Pacto de Biac-na-bato_, [185] is alleged to
have been signed at Biac-na-bato on December 14, 1897, between Emilio
Aguinaldo and others of the one part, and Pedro A. Paterno, as attorney
for the Captain-General, acting in the name of the Spanish Government,
of the other part. Under this treaty the rebels undertook to deliver up
their arms and ammunition of all kinds to the Spaniards; to evacuate
the places held by them; to conclude an armistice for three years for
the application and development of the _reforms to be introduced_
by the other part, and not to conspire against Spanish sovereignty
in the Islands, nor aid or abet any movement calculated to counteract
those reforms. Emilio Aguinaldo and 34 other leaders undertook to quit
the Philippine Islands and not return thereto until so authorized by
the Spanish Government, in consideration whereof the above-mentioned
P800,000 was to be paid as follows:--P400,000 in a draft on Hong-Kong
to be delivered to Aguinaldo on his leaving Biac-na-bato [This draft
was, in fact, delivered to him]; P200,000 payable to Aguinaldo as soon
as he should send a telegram to the revolutionary general in command
at Biac-na-bato, ordering him to hand over the rebels' arms to the
Captain-General's appointed commissioner [This telegram was sent],
and the final P200,000 immediately after the singing of the _Te Deum_
which would signify an official recognition of peace.
_It was further alleged_ that on behalf of the Spanish Government
many radical reforms and conditions were agreed to (outside the
Treaty of Biac-na-bato), almost amounting to a total compliance
with the demands of the rebels. But no evidence whatever has been
adduced to confirm this allegation. Indeed it is a remarkable fact
that neither in the Madrid parliamentary papers (to copies of which
I have referred), nor in the numerous rebel proclamations and edicts,
nor in the published correspondence of Pedro A. Paterno, is even the
full text of the treaty given. It is singular that the rebels should
have abstained from publishing to the world those precise terms which
they say were accepted and not fulfilled by the Spanish Government,
which denies their existence.
Whatever reforms might have been promised would have been purely
governmental matters which required no mediator for their execution;
but as to the money payments to be made, Paterno was to receive them
from the Government and distribute them. An Agreement to this effect
was, therefore, signed by General Primo de Rivera and Pedro A. Paterno
in the following terms, viz.:--
In the peace proposals presented by the sole mediator, Don Pedro
Alejandro Paterno, in the name and on behalf of the rebels in arms,
and in the Peace Protocol which was agreed to and submitted to His
Majesty's Government, _which approved of the same_, there exists
a principal clause relating to the sums of money which were to be
handed over to the rebels and their families as indemnity for the
loss of their goods consequent on the war, which sums amounted to
a total of P1,700,000, which the mediator, Senor Paterno, was to
distribute absolutely at his discretion, but the payment of the
said sum will have to be subject to the conditions proposed by
the representative of the Government, H.E. the General-in-Chief of
this Army. These conditions were agreed to be as follows, viz.:--
(1) For the rebels in arms a draft for the sum of P400,000 will
be handed to Senor Paterno, payable in Hong-Kong, as well as
two cheques for P200,000 each, payable only on the condition
of the Agreement being fulfilled on the other part. (2) For
the families of those who were not rebels in arms, or engaged
in rebellion, but who have likewise suffered the evils of war,
the balance of the sum offered shall be paid in three equal
instalments, the last to be paid six months after the date on
which the _Te Deum_ shall be sung, assuming the peace to become
an accomplished fact. Peace shall be held to be effectively
concluded if, during the interval of these instalment periods,
no party of armed rebels, with recognized leader, shall exist,
and if no secret society shall have been discovered as existing
here or abroad with the proved object of conspiracy by those who
benefit by these payments. The representative of the rebels, Don
Pedro Alejandro Paterno, and the representative of the Government,
the Captain-General Don Fernando Primo de Rivera, agree to the
above conditions, in witness whereof each representative now
signs four copies of the same tenour and effect, one being for
the Government, another for the archives of the Captain-Generalcy,
and one copy each for the said representatives.
[186]Done in Manila on the 15th of December, 1897.
_Fernando Primo de Rivera_,
_The General-in-Chief._
_Pedro A. Paterno_,
_The Mediator._
In the course of a few days a military deputation was sent by the
Gov.-General, under the leadership of Lieut.-Colonel Primo de Rivera,
to meet Aguinaldo and his 34 companions-in-arms at a place agreed
upon in the Province of Pangasinan. They had a repast together,
and Aguinaldo called for cheers for Spain, in which all heartily
joined. Thence they proceeded in vehicles to Sual to await the arrival
of the s.s. _Uranus_, in which they embarked for Hong-Kong on Monday,
December 27, 1897. Armed rebel troops were stationed at several places
all along the route to Sual, ready to avenge any act of treachery,
whilst two Spanish generals were held as hostages at the rebel camp
at Biac-na-bato until Aguinaldo cabled his safe arrival in Hong-Kong.
Aguinaldo had very rightly stipulated that a Spanish officer of high
rank should accompany him and his followers to Hong-Kong as a guarantee
against foul play. The Gov.-General, therefore, sent with them his
two nephews, Lieut.-Colonel Primo de Rivera and Captain Celestino
Espinosa, and Major Antonio Pezzi. Aguinaldo and eight other chiefs,
namely, Gregorio H. del Pilar, Wenceslao Vinegra, Vito Belarmino,
Mariano Llaneras, Antonio Montenegro, Luis Viola, Manuel Fino, and
Escolastico Viola, stayed at the Hong-Kong Hotel, whilst the remainder
took up their abode elsewhere in the city. Aguinaldo cashed his draft
for P400,000, but as to the other two instalments of the P800,000,
the Spanish Government defaulted.
There was great rejoicing in Manila, in Madrid, and in several Spanish
cities, and fetes were organized to celebrate the conclusion of
peace. In Manila particularly, amidst the pealing of bells and strains
of music, unfeigned enthusiasm and joy were everywhere evident. It was
a tremendous relief after sixteen months of persecution, butchery,
torture, and pecuniary losses. General Primo de Rivera received
the thanks of the Government, whilst the Queen-Regent bestowed on
him the Grand Cross of San Fernando, with the pension of 10,000
pesetas (nominal value L400). But no one in Spain and few in Manila
as yet could foresee how the fulfilment of the Agreement would be
bungled. According to a letter of Pedro A. Paterno, dated March 7,
1898, published in _El Liberal_ of Madrid on June 17, 1898, it would
appear that (up to the former date) the Spanish Government had failed
to make any payment to Paterno on account of the P900,000, balance of
indemnity, for distribution according to Clause (2) of the Agreement
set forth on the preceding page. The letter says:--
As a matter of justice, I ought to have received the two
instalments, amounting to P600,000. Why is this obligation not
carried out, and why has General Primo de Rivera not followed my
advice by arresting Yocson and his followers from the 5th of last
February? I have my conscience clear respecting the risings in
Zambales and Pangasinan Provinces and those about to take place
in La Laguna and Tayabas.
Whatever were the means employed, the rebellion was disorganized for a
while, but the Spanish authorities had not the tact to follow up this
_coup_ by temperate and conciliatory measures towards their wavering
quondam foes. Persons who had been implicated in the rebellion
were re-arrested on trivial trumped-up charges and imprisoned,
whilst others were openly treated as seditious suspects. The priests
started a furious campaign of persecution, and sought, by all manner
of intrigue, to destroy the compact, which they feared would operate
against themselves. More executions took place. Instead of the expected
general amnesty, only a few special pardons were granted.
There had been over two months of nominal peace; the rebels had
delivered up their arms, and there was nothing to indicate an
intention to violate their undertakings. Primo de Rivera, who
believed the rebellion to be fast on the wane, shipped back to
Spain 7,000 troops. The Madrid Government at once appointed to vacant
bishoprics two friars of the Orders obnoxious to the people, and it is
inconceivable that such a step would have been so speedily taken if
there were any truth in the rebels' pretension that the expulsion of
the friars had been promised to them. Rafael Comenge, the President
of the Military Club, was rewarded with the Grand Cross of Military
Merit for the famous speech which he had delivered at the Club. It
was generally lauded by Spaniards, whilst it filled all classes of
natives with indignation. Here are some extracts from this oration:--
You arrive in time; the cannibals of the forest are still there;
the wild beast hides in his lair (_bravo_); the hour has come
to finish with the savages; wild beasts should be exterminated;
weeds should be extirpated. (_Great applause_.) Destruction
is the purport of war; its civilizing virtue acts like the
hot iron on a cancer, destroying the corrupt tendons in order
to arrive at perfect health. No pardon! (_Very good, very
good_.) Destroy! Kill! Do not pardon, for this prerogative belongs
to the monarch, not to the army. . . . From that historical,
honoured, and old land Spain, which we all love with delirious joy,
no words of peace come before this treason, but words of vigour
and of justice, which, according to public opinion, is better
in quality than in quantity. (_Frantic applause, several times
repeated, which drowned the voice of the orator_.) Soldiers! you
are the right arm of Spain. Execute; exterminate if it be
necessary. Amputate the diseased member to save the body;
cut off the dry branches which impede the circulation of the
sap, in order that the tree may again bring forth leaves and
flowers. (_Senor Penaranda interposed, shouting, "That is the
way to speak!" Frantic applause_.)
Thirty thousand pesos were subscribed at the Military Club for the
benefit of General Primo de Rivera. Admiral Patricio Montojo, who had
co-operated against the rebels by firing a few shots at them when they
occupied the coast towns of Cavite Province and transporting troops
to and from Manila, was the recipient of a sword of honour on March
17, 1898. It was presented to him, on behalf of the Military Club,
by Senor Comenge (who escaped from Manila as soon as the Americans
entered the port) as a "perpetual remembrance of the triumph of our
ships off the coast of Cavite," although no deed of glory on the
part of the fleet, during the period of the rebellion, had come to
the knowledge of the general public.
The reforms alluded to in the treaty made with the rebel chiefs were
a subject of daily conversation; but when the _Diario de Manila _
published an article on March 17, demanding autonomy for the Islands
and urging the immediate application of those reforms, General
Primo de Rivera suspended the publication of the newspaper. Some
were inquisitive enough to ask, Has a treaty been signed or a trick
been played upon the rebels? The treatment of the people was far from
being in harmony with the spirit of a treaty of peace.
The expatriated ex-rebels became alarmed by the non-receipt of the
indemnity instalment and the news from their homes. A committee of
Filipinos, styled _La Junta Patriotica,_ was formed in Hong-Kong. They
were in frequent communication with their friends in the Islands. The
seed of discontent was again germinating under the duplicity of the
Spanish lay and clerical authorities. Thousands were ready to take
the field again, but their chiefs were absent, their arms surrendered,
and the rebellion disorganized. Here and there roving parties appeared,
but having no recognized leaders, their existence did not invalidate
the treaty. The Spaniards, indeed, feigned to regard them only
as a remnant of the rebels who had joined the pre-existing brigand
bands. The volunteers were committing outrages which might have driven
the people again into open revolt, and General Primo de Rivera had,
at least, the sagacity to recognize the evil which was apparent to
everybody. The volunteers and guerilla battalions were consequently
disbanded, not a day too soon for the tranquillity of the city. On
March 25, the tragedy of the _Calle de Camba _took place. This street
lies just off the _Calle de San Fernando _in Binondo, a few hundred
yards from the river. In a house frequented by seafaring men a large
number of Visayan sailors had assembled and were, naturally, discussing
the topics of the day with the warmth of expression and phraseology
peculiar to their race, when a passer-by, who overheard the talk,
informed the police. The civil guard at once raided the premises,
accused these sailors of conspiracy, and, without waiting for proof
or refutation, shot down all who could not escape. The victims of this
outrage numbered over 70. The news dismayed the native population. The
fact could no longer be doubted that a reign of terrorism and revenge
had been initiated with impunity, under the assumption that the
rebellion was broken for many a year to come. How the particulars of
this crime were related by the survivors to their fellow-islanders we
cannot know, but it is a coincidental fact that only now the flame of
rebellion spread to the southern Island of Cebu. For over a generation
the Cebuanos around Talisay, Minglanilla, and Talambau had sustained
a dispute with the friars respecting land-tenure. From time to time
procurators of the Law Court secretly took up the Cebuanos' cause,
and one of them, Florencio Gonzalez, was cast into prison and slowly
done to death. This event, which happened almost coincidentally with
the _Calle de Camba_ tragedy, excited the Cebuanos to the utmost
degree. Nine days after that unfortunate episode, on April 3, 1898,
a party of about 5,000 disaffected natives made a raid on the city of
Cebu. The leaders were armed with rifles, but the rank-and-file carried
only bowie-knives. About 4 p.m. all the forces which could be mustered
in the city went out against the rebels, who overwhelmed the loyalists,
cutting some to pieces, whilst the remainder hastened back to the
city in great disorder. But, instead of following up their victory,
the half-resolute rioters camped near Guadalupe for the night. At
5 a.m. on April 4 they marched upon the city. Peaceful inhabitants
fled before the motley, yelling crowd of men, women and children
who swarmed into the streets, armed with bowie-knives and sticks,
demanding food and other trifles. The terrified Spanish volunteers,
after their defeat, took refuge in the _Cotta de San Pedro _(the
Fort), where the Governor, General Montero, joined them, and ordered
all foreigners to do the same. Later on the foreigners were permitted
to return to their residences. Amidst the confusion which prevailed,
the flight of peaceful citizens, the street-fighting, and the moans of
the dying, the rebels helped themselves freely to all they wanted. The
mob of both sexes told the townspeople that they (the rioters) had
nothing to fear, as _anting-anting _wafers (q.v.) had been served
out to them. The rebels had cut the Cebu-Tuburan telegraph-wires
(_vide_ p. 267), but in the meantime three small coasting steamers
had been despatched to Yloilo, Yligan, and another port to demand
reinforcements. The next day, at sunrise, the rebels attempted
to reach the Fort, but were fired upon from the Governor's house,
which is situated in front of it, compelling them to withdraw along
the shore road, where the gunboat _Maria Cristina _opened fire on
them. The rebels then retreated to the Chinese quarter of Lutao,
around the Cathedral and the Santo Nino Church. The Spaniards remained
under cover whilst the mob held possession of the whole city except the
Fort, Government House, the College, the churches, and the foreigners
houses. During the whole day there was an incessant fusillade, the
rebels' chief stronghold being the Recoleto Convent. Groups of them
were all over the place, plundering the shops and Spanish houses and
offices. On April 5 a small force of Spanish regulars, volunteers,
and sailors made a sortie and fired on the insurgents in Lutao from
long range. They soon retired, however, as the Fort was in danger of
being attacked from another side. The same afternoon the steamer sent
to Yligan for troops returned with 240 on board. During the night the
Spanish troops ventured into the open and shots were exchanged. On
April 6 the _Venus_ arrived with 50 soldiers from Yloilo and was at
once sent on to Bojol Island in search of rice and cattle, which were
difficult to procure as that island was also in revolt. Native women
were not interfered with by either party, nor were the foreigners,
many of whom took refuge at the British Consulate. The rebels wished
to advance from Lutao, but were kept back by the fire from the gunboat
_Maria Cristina_. The Spanish troops did not care to venture past a
block of buildings in which were the offices and stores of a British
firm. On April 7 the merchant steamer _Churruca_ arrived with troops,
and in a couple of hours was followed by the cruiser _Don Juan de
Austria_, also bringing reinforcements under the command of General
Tejeiro (a former Governor of Cebu Is.). The total fresh troops
amounted to about 500 men of the 73rd Native Regiment and Spanish
_cazadores_. Whilst these troops were landing, many of the rebels
hastened out of the city towards San Nicolas. General Montero and
the Spanish refugees then emerged from the _cotta_. After General
Tejeiro had strategically deployed his troops, a squad of them,
crossing the General Lono Square (now called _Plaza de Rizal_)
drove the rebels before them and dislodged them from the vicinity
of the Recoleto Convent. At the same time the rebels were attacked
at the _mestizo_ quarter called the Parian and at Tiniago, whence
they had to retreat, with severe loss, towards San Nicolas, which
practically adjoins Cebu and is only separated therefrom by a narrow
river. Simultaneously, the _Don Juan de Austria_ threw a shell into
the corner house of the (chiefly Chinese) shopping-quarter, Lutao,
which killed several Chinese and set fire to the house. The flames,
however, did not catch the adjoining property, so the troops burst open
the doors, poured petroleum on the goods found therein, and caused
the fire to extend until the whole quarter was, as I saw it, a mass
of charred ruins with only the stone walls remaining. To complete
the destruction of Lutao, once a busy bazaar, situated in that part
of the city immediately facing the sea, another bomb was thrown into
the centre. The troops then marched to San Nicolas, and a third shell
fired at the retreating enemy entered and completely destroyed a large
private residence. An attempt was made to procure supplies from the
little Island of Magtan, which lies only half a mile off the coast
of Cebu, but the expedition had to return without having been able
to effect a landing at the capital town of Opon, which had risen in
rebellion. On April 8 the loyal troops continued their pursuit of the
rebels, who suffered severe losses at San Nicolas and Pili, on the road
south of Cebu city. The corpses collected in the suburbs were carted
into the city, where, together with those lying about the streets,
they were piled into heaps, partly covered with petroleum-bathed logs,
and ignited. The stench was very offensive for some hours, especially
from a huge burning pile topped with a dead white horse in the General
Lono Square. Practically the whole of the east coast of the island
had risen against the Spaniards, but the rebels were careful not to
interfere with foreigners when they could distinguish them as such. A
large force of insurgents made another stand at Labangan, where they
were almost annihilated; it is estimated they left quite a thousand
dead on the field. The loyal troops followed up the insurgents towards
the mountain region, whilst the _Don Juan de Austria_ cruised down
the coast with the intention of bombarding any town which might be in
rebel hands. The material losses in Cebu amounted to about P1,725,000
in Lutao, represented by house property of Chinese and half-castes
and their cash and stock-in-trade. The "Compania General de Tabacos"
lost about P30,000 in cash in addition to the damage done to their
offices and property. Rich natives and Chinese lost large sums of
money, the total of which cannot be ascertained. From the Recoleto
Convent P19,000 in cash were stolen, and there, as well as in many of
the Spanish residences, everything valuable and easily removable was
carried off; but whether all this pillage was committed by the rebels
alone must ever remain a mystery. The only foreigner who lost his life
was my late Italian friend Signor Stancampiano, who is supposed to have
died of shock, for when I last saw him he was hopelessly ill. As usual,
a considerable number of well-known residents of the city were arrested
and charged with being the prime movers in these doleful events.
Upon the hills on the west coast of Cebu, near Toledo town,
some American friends of mine experienced a series of thrilling
adventures. Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, mother and son, to whom I am indebted
for their generous hospitality, resided on a large sugar-estate at
Calumampao, of which Mr. Wilson was part owner. They were, naturally,
in ignorance of what had taken place in Cebu City. The rebellion spread
to their district, and many of the natives on and about the estate were
eager to join in the movement. Mr. Wilson did his utmost to point out
to them the futility of the attempt, but they indulged in all sorts of
superstitions about the invulnerability of their chief, Claudio, and
the charm attached to a red flag he carried, and they were determined
to take their chance with him. On April 19 an insurgent force came on
to the plantation, compelled the labourers to join their standard, and
coolly quartered themselves in the out-buildings and warehouses. They
did no harm to the Wilsons, but they kidnapped a Spanish gentleman who
lived close by, and shot him, in spite of Mr. Wilson's entreaties to
spare his life. The insurgents moved off, taking with them the estate
hands, and in a couple of days a company of Spanish soldiers, under the
command of Captain Suarez, arrived at the estate-house. The officer
was very affable, and Mr. and Mrs. Wilson treated him as hospitably
as they did all their friends and European passers-by. Naturally
the conversation fell on the all-absorbing topic of the day and the
object of his mission. After he and his men had been well refreshed
they started down the hill to meet some cavalry reinforcements, and,
as the Wilsons watched their departure, to their astonishment they
saw Claudio, at the head of 200 rebels, rushing down the hill with
the red flag floating in the air. Simultaneously a body of Spanish
horse approached through the valley; Claudio and his followers, caught
between the Spanish cavalry and infantry, retreated to a storehouse
in the valley. The result was that some 40 rebels were killed,
others taken prisoners, and the remainder escaped into the planted
fields. Every leader was killed, and every peaceful native whom the
Spaniards met on their way was unmercifully treated. Mr. Wilson was
then asked to go on board a Spanish vessel, and when he complied he
was charged with being in league with the rebels. He was allowed to
return to shore to fetch his mother--a highly-educated, genial old
lady--and when they both went on board they found there two Englishmen
as prisoners. Their guest of a few days previous treated them most
shamefully. When they were well on the voyage to Cebu the prisoners
were allowed to be on the upper deck, and Mrs. Wilson was permitted
to use an armchair. The soldiers insulted them, and, leaning their
backs against Mrs. Wilson's chair, some sang ribald songs, whilst
others debated whether their captives would be shot on the beach or
at the _Cotta_ in Cebu. Sometimes they would draw their swords and
look viciously towards them. At last, after a series of intimidations,
they reached Cebu, where, after being detained on board several hours,
they were all taken before the Governor and the Chief Justice, and
were only saved from further miseries through the intercession of
the American Vice-Consul, who, by the way, was an Englishman. War
had just been declared between America and Spain (April 23, 1898),
and the estate had to be left to the mercy of the rebels, whilst my
friends took passage to Singapore on the _Gulf of Martaban_.
All immediate danger having now been dispelled, the Spaniards solaced
themselves with the sweets of revenge. A Spanish functionary (who
with his wife and brother's family were well known to me for several
years) caused the soldiers to raid private houses, and bring out
native families by force into the public square, or conduct them to
the cemetery on the Guadalupe road, where they were shot in batches
without inquiry and cremated. The heartrending scenes and wailing
of the people failed to turn their persecutor from his purpose,
save in one case--that of a colleague, who, wearing his chain of
office, stepped forward and successfully begged for his life. A low
estimate of this official's victims is 200. The motive for his awful
crime was greed, for he formally confiscated his victims' goods and
shipped them off daily in schooners to Yloilo. His ill-gotten gains
would have been greater but for the action of the Governor, who,
fearing that retribution might fall on his own head as the highest
authority, ordered his guilty subordinate to appear before him, and
in the presence of Filipinos he reprimanded him, boxed his ears,
and commanded him to quit the island within a given period under
pain of death. The Governor's indignation was evidently feigned,
for he very shortly availed himself of an altogether novel means
of terrorism. Sedition was smouldering throughout the island, but
after the events of April the Spaniards seemed too daunted to take
the field against the Cebuanos. The Christian Governor, therefore,
took into his service a Mindanao Mahometan, Rajahmudah Datto Mandi, and
his band of about 100 Samal Moros to overrun the island and punish the
natives. This chief, with his warriors, had been called from Zamboanga
(Mindanao Is.) to Yloilo by General Rios, who immediately commissioned
him to Cebu in the month of July, 1898. On his arrival there he at once
started his campaign under the auspices of the Governor, who granted
him full liberty to dispose of the lives and property of the Cebuanos
to his heart's content, and as proof of the accomplishment of his gory
mission he brought in and presented to his patron the ears which he
had cut off the Cebuanos. North of Cebu City he and his retainers made
a fresh start, slaying the people, burning villages, and devastating
the standing crops. Having accomplished his task within three months
Datto Mandi withdrew with all his men, except two who wished to
settle at Pardo. He could not persuade them to leave, and after his
departure they were cut to pieces by the Cebuanos. Pending positive
corroboration I was very sceptical about this strange narrative; but,
being in Mindanao Island six years afterwards, I went to visit Datto
Mandi, who most readily confirmed all the above particulars, and
presented me with his portrait. Prior to the American advent, Datto
Mandi, _protege_ as well as protector of the Spaniards, exercised a
sort of feudal dominion over the services and the sundry cherished
belongings of his people. Speaking of him as I myself found him, he
was extremely affable and hospitable. The invitation to Datto Mandi
was perhaps the most singular event of this period, and goes to show
with what desperate fear the Spaniards retained their hold on the
island up to the evacuation, which took place on December 26, 1898.
In the provinces north of Manila the rebellion was again in full
vigour, and, all trust in Spanish good faith was irrevocably lost. The
Spanish quarters at Subig (Zambales) and Apalit (Pampanga) were
attacked and looted in the first week of March. The new movement bore
a more serious aspect than that under Aguinaldo and his colleagues,
who, at least, were men of certain intelligence, inspired by a wish
to secure reforms, whereas their successors in revolt were of far
less mental capacity, seeking, apparently, only retaliation for the
cruelties inflicted on the people. It is possible, too, that the
premium of P800,000 per 35 rebel chiefs inflamed the imaginations of
the new leaders, who were too ignorant to appreciate the promised
reforms linked with the same bargain. During the month of February
the permanent-way of the Manila-Dagupan Railway had been three times
torn up to prevent the transport of loyal troops. At the same time
the villages around were looted and burnt. Early in March the rebels,
under the chief leadership of Yocson, of Malolos, attacked and killed
the garrisons and the priests in the north of Pangasinan and Zambales,
excepting six soldiers who managed to escape. [187] Some of the
garrison troops were murdered after surrender. The telegraph-line
between Lingayen (Pangasinan) and a place a few miles from Bolinao
(Zambales) was cut down and removed. A lineman was sent out to repair
it under escort of civil guards, who were forced by the rebels to
retire. On March 7, about 2 a.m., the Eastern Extension Telegraph
Company's cable-station at Bolinao was besieged by rebels. The village
was held by about 400 armed natives, who had killed one native and
two European soldiers on the way. The lighthouse-keeper and the
Inspector of Forests safely reached Santa Cruz, 40 miles south, in
a boat. The other civilian Spaniards and priests escaped in another
boat, but were pursued and captured by the insurgents, who killed
two of the civilians and brought the European women and friars into
the village as prisoners at 4.30 the same afternoon. Eight soldiers
had taken refuge in the cable-station, and at 6 a.m. a message was
sent to the British staff requiring them to turn out the soldiers or
quit the premises themselves. They refused to take either course, and
declared their neutrality. A similar message was sent several times,
with the same result. By 4 p.m. the soldiers had fortified the station
as well as they could, and the rebels attacked, but were repulsed
with a few shots. Nothing happened during the night, but the next day
(March 8) another message was sent to the British staff urging them to
withdraw as the rebels would renew the assault at 10 a.m. The staff
again refused to comply. Then it appears that the rebels delayed
their attack until the arrival of their chief, hourly expected. An
ultimatum was at length received at the station, to the effect that
if all arms were given up they would spare the soldiers' lives. They
also demanded the surrender of the two rebels held prisoners by these
soldiers. At this stage one of the company's staff, who were allowed
to go and come as they pleased, volunteered to interview the rebels;
but matters could not be arranged, as the Spanish corporal (a plucky
youth of twenty years of age) in the station refused to surrender
anything at any price. Still parleying was continued, and on March 11
one of the company's staff again visited the rebel camp to state that
if the regular bi-monthly steamer failed to arrive on the morrow the
corporal would surrender arms. Then the rebel chief proposed that the
corporal should meet him half-way between the company's office and the
rebel camp, the rebel pledging his word of honour that no harm should
befall the corporal. The corporal, however, could not do this, as it
would have been contrary to the Spanish military code to capitulate
on his own authority, but he confirmed his willingness to surrender
arms if no steamer arrived the next day, and the company's employee
returned to the camp to notify this resolution. But in a few minutes
he observed a commotion among the insurgents; some one had descried
a warship approaching, and the native canoes were very busy making
ready for escape or attack. The British delegate, therefore, hastened
back to the station, and at 3 p.m. a Spanish gunboat arrived, to
their immense relief, and landed 107 marines. Heavy firing continued
all that afternoon, inflicting great loss on the rebels, whilst the
Spaniards lost one soldier. On March 12 a Spanish cruiser anchored
off the Bay of Bolinao; also a merchant steamer put into port bringing
the Company's Manila Superintendent with apparatus for communicating
with Hong-Kong in case the station were demolished. The next day
H.M.S. _Edgar_ entered, and Bolinao was again perfectly safe.
In consequence of this threatened attack on the cable-station the
cable was detached from Bolinao and carried on to Manila in the
following month (_vide_ p. 267).
As soon as the news reached Manila that Bolinao was menaced, General
Monet proceeded north with 1,000 men, whilst 3,000 more followed by
railway as far as they could reach. On the way the General had five
engagements with the enemy, between Lingayen (Pangasinan) and Bolinao,
where he arrived on the night of March 14, having routed the insurgents
everywhere with great loss to them. On the Spanish side one lieutenant
and one soldier were killed. After leaving a garrison of 300 men in
Bolinao, General Monet returned to Manila in the Spanish cruiser the
next day.
On March 31 Father Moises Santos, who had caused all the members of the
Town Council of Malolos to be banished in 1895, was assassinated. He
had been appointed Vicar of the Augustine Order and was returning to
Malolos station, en route for Manila, in a buggy which stuck fast in
a mud-pool (the same in which I have found myself several times),
where he was stabbed to death. His body was recovered and taken by
special train to Manila, where it was interred with great pomp in
the Church of St. Augustine. He was 44 years of age, and had been 19
years in the Colony (_vide_ p. 364).
In April, 1898, the Home Government recalled General Primo de Rivera,
appointing in his stead General Basilio Augusti, who had never before
held chief command in the Islands. Primo de Rivera was no doubt
anxious to be relieved of a position which he could not well continue
to hold, with dignity to himself, after the Madrid Government had
shelved his recommendations for reforms. His subsequent speeches in
the Senate incline one to draw this conclusion. The Colonial Minister,
Segismundo Moret (who became Prime Minister in 1905), warmly supported
the proposed reforms, but monastic influences were brought to bear
which Praxedes Sagasta had not the moral courage to resist.
Don Pedro A. Paterno, the peacemaker, was sorely disappointed, too,
that the Government had failed to remunerate him for his services. His
position will be best understood from the subjoined translation of
the letter which he addressed to a high authority on the subject. The
original document was read in public session of Congress in Madrid
on June 16, 1898, by the Deputy Senor Muro.
_Manila_, _23rd of February_, 1898.
_My Esteemed Friend_,--
As it appears that, at last, one is thinking of giving me something
for the services rendered by me, and as, according to you, the
recompense is going to be a title of Castile, I wish to speak
frankly, in secret, on the subject. I do not wish to fall into
ridicule, because in such a material and mercantile place as Manila
a title without rent-roll, or grandeur, or anything of the nature
of an employment, or Cross of Maria Christina, or rewards such
as have been showered broadcast by three Captain-Generals would,
in Philippine circles, make me appear as the gullible boy and
the laughing-stock of my fellows. To express my private opinion,
I aspire, above all, to the preservation of my name and prestige,
and if I were asked to renounce them for a childish prize,
even though it be called a title of Castile, despised by serious
statesmen in Europe, I think I should be obliged to refuse it. But
I am willing to meet half-way the state of Spanish society in
the Philippines, and as I belong to the family of the _Maguinoo_
Paterno, I must express myself in another way. That title of
Castile might become the cherished ideal in the Philippines if
it were valued as I desire.
In the first place, it _must not be less than that of Duke_,
because the natives have obeyed me as the _Great Maguinoo_, or
Prince of Luzon, and the ex-revolutionists call me the arbiter
of their destinies.
The reward from Spain must not be less than the Philippine public
already award to me.
In the second place, the reward, to be accepted by me with dignity
and preservation of prestige, must be presented to me in the sense
that it is for the general welfare of the Philippines as implied
in the title of _Grandee of Spain of the First Class_ with the
consequent right to a seat in the Senate to defend the interests
of the Colony, seeing that we have no Members of Parliament,
and parliamentary representation is anxiously desired.
I can show that I possess an income of P25,000 and more,
if necessary.
In the third place, it must be in the nature of a gift and not
a purchase, that is to say, the patent of nobility must be a
free gift.
In the fourth place, it must be valued in dollars, so that the
reward may not be held in contempt by the public, who know my
liberality when I pay, with splendid generosity, sea voyages,
river and land journeys for myself and for my emissaries, or
when I distribute with abundant profusion pecuniary and material
recompenses _to buy over the wills of and unite all the insurgent
chiefs to bring them to surrender to Spain_. Up to the present,
I have not received a cent from the revolutionists or from the
Spanish Government to cover these expenses.
It is notorious that I have worked so grandly that no one can
now ask me to sink into insignificance.
The recent concessions made by the Spanish Government have been
seen by the Philippine public. The grade of Captain-General was
given for subjecting a few Moslem chiefs of Mindanao; promotions
and grand crosses with pensions have been awarded, and I, who have
put an end to the war at a stroke, saving Spain many millions of
dollars--I, who, amidst inundations and hurricanes have assaulted
and conquered the barracks and military posts of the enemy, causing
them to lay down their arms to Spain without bloodshed, and at my
command surrender all their chiefs and revolutionary Government
with their brigades and companies, I think I have good right to
ask Spain, if she wishes to show herself a mother to me, to give
me as much as she has given to other sons for lesser services.
To conclude, for family reasons, _ I want a title of Castile,
that of Prince or Duke, if possible, and to be a Grandee of the
first class_, free of nobility patent fees and the sum of P----
once for all.
I think that the title of Castile, or Spain's reward, if it
reaches me without the mentioned formalities, will be an object
of ridicule, and Spain ought not to expose me to this, because
I wish to serve her always, in the present and in the future.
I also recommend you very strongly to procure for my brother
Maximino Molo Agustin Paterno y Debera Ignacio the title of Count
or a Grand Cross free of duties, for he has not only rendered
great services to the nation, but he has continually sustained
the prestige of Spain with the natives.
I am, etc., etc.,
_Pedro A. Paterno_.
N.B.--1. I told you verbally that if my merits did not reach two
millimetres, it is the friend's duty to amplify them and extend
them and make others see them as if they were so many metres,
especially as they have _no equal_.
Prince of Limasaba is the first title of Castile conceded to a
native of the Philippines. He was the first king of the Island
of Limasaba in the time of Maghallanes, according to Father Jose
Fernandez Cuevas, of the Company of Jesus, in his "Spain and
Catholicism in the Far East," folio 2 (years 1519 to 1595). In
Spain, in modern times, Prince of Peace, Prince of Vergara, etc.
2. and 3. Verbally I mentioned _one million_ of dollars, and
that Parliament should meet sometimes for the Philippines and for
extraordinary reasons. Take note that out of the 25,000 men sent
here by Spain on account of the insurrection, statistics show
6,000 struck off the effective list in the first six months and
many millions of dollars expenses. The little present, or the
Christmas-box (_mi Aguinaldo_) is of no mean worth.
Some biographical notes of Don Pedro A. Paterno, with most of which
he furnished me himself, may be interesting at this stage.
His Excellency Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno belongs to the class of
Filipinos--the Chinese half-caste--remarkable in this Colony for that
comparative intellectual activity of which Don Pedro himself is one of
the brightest living examples. In the early decades of last century
a Chinaman, called Molo, carried on a prosperous trade in the _Calle
del Rosario_, in the Manila district of Binondo. His Philippine wife,
whose family name was Yamson, carried in her veins the "blue blood,"
as we should say in Europe, of Luzonia. She was the direct descendant
of the Great _Maguinoo_, or Prince of Luzon, a title hereditary,
according to tradition. Three sons were the issue of this marriage,
one of whom, Maximino Molo, was the father of Pedro. Averse to indolent
pleasure during his father's lifetime, Maximino, with his own scant
but independent resources, started active life with a canoe and a
barge, conveying goods out as far as Corregidor Island to secure the
first dealings with the ships entering the port. In this traffic
he made money so fast that he opened an office, and subsequently
a store of his own, in the _Escolta_. His transactions attained
large proportions, and by the time this kind of trade in the bay
became obsolete, he was already one of the most respected middlemen
operating between the foreign houses and provincial producers. His
Christian name was abbreviated to Maximo; and so proverbial were his
placidity and solicitude for others that his friends affectionately
nicknamed him Paterno (paternal), which henceforth became the adopted
cognomen of the family. His unbounded generosity won for him the
admiration of all his race, who graciously recognized him as their
_Maguinoo_. Sympathetic in the ambitions and in the distress of his
own people, he was, nevertheless, always loyal to Spanish authority;
but whether his fortune awakened Spanish cupidity, or his influence
with the masses excited the friars' jealousy, the fact is that in 1872
he was banished to the Ladrone Islands, accused of having taken part
in the rising of Cavite. Ten years afterwards he was again in Manila,
where I had the pleasure of his acquaintance, and on his decease,
which took place July 26, 1900, he left considerable wealth.
Born in 1857, Pedro A. Paterno, at the early age of 14 years, was
sent for his education to Spain, where he resided 11 years. The
preparatory period over, he entered the University of Salamanca, and
later on that of Madrid, where, under the protection and tutelage of
the Marquis de Heredia, he was introduced into aristocratic circles,
in which he became a great favourite. Amongst his college companions
was the Marquis de Mina. At one time it was proposed that he should
wed the daughter of the Marchioness de Montolibar, a suggestion which
he disregarded because his heart already inclined towards the Filipina
who is now his wife.
His assistance to the Home Government was of no mean importance. In
1882 he supported the abolition of the Government Tobacco Monopoly. In
1893 he again rendered valuable service to the State, in consideration
of which he was awarded the Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic, with
the distinction of "Excellency." In 1895 the oft-discussed question
of the title of nobility he was to receive was revived. After the
Peace of Biac-na-bato he fully expected that the usual Spanish custom
would have been followed of conceding a title to the Peacemaker. The
precedents for such an act, in modern times, are the titles given
to Manuel Godoy (1795) and to General Espartero [188] (1840), who
became respectively Prince of Peace and Prince of Vergara for similar
services rendered to the Crown. A dukedom, Paterno believes, would
have been his reward if the revolution had definitely terminated with
the retirement of Emilio Aguinaldo from the Islands in 1897.
A man of versatile gifts, Pedro A. Paterno has made his mark in
literature with works too numerous to mention; he is a fluent orator,
a talented musician, and the composer of the argument of an opera,
_Sangdugong Panaguinip_ ("The Dreamed Alliance"). As a brilliant
conversationalist and well-versed political economist he has few
rivals in his country. A lover of the picturesque and of a nature
inclined to revel in scenes of aesthetic splendour, his dream of
one day wearing a coronet was nurtured by no vulgar veneration for
aristocracy, but by a desire for a recognized social position enabling
him, by his prestige, to draw his fellow-men from the sordid pleasure
of mere wealth-accumulation towards the sentimental, imaginative
ideals of true nobility. In 1904 Pedro A. Paterno was the editor and
proprietor of the newspaper _La Patria_, the mission of which was (1)
to support the American dominion as a _fait accompli_, (2) to urge
the fulfilment of the promise of eventual Philippine home rule, (3)
to sustain a feeling of gratitude towards Spain, whence the Filipinos
derived their civilization, and (4) to support Roman Catholic unity,
on the ground that unity is strength.
In the second week of April, 1898, General Primo de Rivera left Manila
for Spain, on the arrival of his successor in the Captain-Generalcy,
General Basilio Augusti, in the s.s. _Isla de Mindanao_. [189] Some
days before General Primo de Rivera's departure the American Consul
at Manila had received despatches from his Government to prepare
to quit the Islands, as war was imminent between Spain and the
United States. He was further instructed to hand over his consulate
archives to the British Consul, who would take charge of American
interests. But without the concurrence of the Spanish authorities no
official transfer could be made from one consulate to the other, and
the General professed ignorance of the existing relations between his
country and America. He cabled to Madrid for information, but managed
to delay matters until his successor assumed office, when the transfer
was duly made. Consul Oscar F. Williams was in no way molested. He
passed to and fro in the city without the least insult being offered
him by any Spaniard. The Gov.-General courteously proposed to send
a large bodyguard to his consulate, but it was not necessary. Yet,
as soon as Consul Williams closed his office and went on board the
s.s. _Esmeralda_, the American Consulate escutcheon was painted out,
and the notice boards outside the doors were kicked about the streets.
General Primo de Rivera was so well aware of the strained relations
between Spain and America, that the s.s. _Leon XIII._, in which he
travelled from Manila to Barcelona, was armed as a cruiser, with two
4-inch Hontoria guns mounted aft of the funnel and two Nordenfeldts
in the bows. This steamer, crowded with refugee Spanish families,
some of whom slept on the saloon floors, made its first stoppage at
Singapore on April 17. At the next port of call General Primo de Rivera
learnt that the United States of America had presented an ultimatum
to his Government. Before he reached Barcelona, in the third week of
May, war between the two countries had already broken out (April 23,
1898). There were riots in Madrid; martial law was proclaimed; the
Parliamentary Session was suspended; a strict censorship of the press
was established; the great disaster to Spanish arms in Philippine
waters had taken place; the Prime Minister Sagasta had intimated
his willingness to resign, and Primo de Rivera entered Madrid when
it was too late to save the Philippine Islands for Spain, even had
the rebel version of the implied reforms under the alleged Treaty of
Biac-na-bato been fulfilled to the letter.
The leaders of the principal political parties were hastily summoned
to the palace to consult separately with the Queen-Regent on the
situation, and they were unanimously of opinion that the Prime Minister
who had accepted war should carry them through the crisis. Spain was
apparently more concerned about the salvation of the Antilles than
of her Far Eastern Colony.
The friars, fully alive to their moral responsibility towards the
nation for the loss of the Philippines, were, nevertheless, desirous
of finding a champion of their cause in the political arena, and Deputy
Uria was willing to accept this onerous task. The Bishop-elect of Porto
Rico (an Austin friar) was a fellow-passenger with General Primo de
Rivera. According to _El Liberal_ of June 3, 1898, when he arrived
in Madrid he went with the Procurator of his Order to interview the
Colonial Minister, Senor Romero Giron, on the prospects of Deputy
Uria's proposed debate when Congress should meet again. The Minister
pointed out to them the attendant difficulties, and referred them to
the Prime Minister. They immediately went to Senor Sagasta's residence,
where they were promptly given to understand that _if any one could
be found to defend them, there might well be others who would oppose
them_, so their champion withdrew.
When, months later, Parliament was re-opened, the Minister of War
denied in Congress that the Treaty of Biac-na-bato had ever existed,
[190] and in support of his contention he cited a cablegram which
the Gov.-General Primo de Rivera is alleged to have sent to the
Prime Minister Sagasta. It was published in the _Gaceta de Madrid_
of December 16, 1897, and reads as follows:--
_(Translation)_
_Manila_, 12th of December, 1897
To the President of the Council of Ministers, from the
Governor-General
At the expiration of the time allowed and announced in the
_Gazette_ of November 28, after which rigorous and active
war measures would be taken against the rebels, a deputation
from the enemy came to me on behalf of the brothers Aguinaldo,
Llaneras, and the so-called Republican Government, offering to
surrender themselves, their followers, and their arms, _on the
sole conditions of their lives being spared and that they should
receive means with which to emigrate_. It appears to me, and to the
general officers of this army, that this surrender is the result
of the successive combats by which we have held the positions
taken in Morong, Paray, Minuyan, and Arayat, and the enthusiasm
displayed by the resolute volunteers in the provinces outside
Tagalog sphere. I feel sure of being able to take Biac-na-bato,
as well as all the other points occupied by the rebels, but I am
not so certain of being able to secure the persons of the chiefs
of the rebellion with their followers. The war would then be
carried on by roving parties who, from their hiding-places in
the forests and mountains, might appear from time to time, and
although of little importance, they would sustain the rebellion.
The generals agree with me that the peace will save the honour
of Spain and the army, but in view of the importance of the event
I consider it necessary to solicit the approval of the Government.
If the Government should accept the proposals, I will bring them
to an issue at once, but I so far distrust them that I cannot
be sure of anything until I have the men and the arms in my
possession. In any case, it is now the unanimous opinion that
the situation is saved.
_Primo de Rivera_.
_(Translation of reply)_
_Madrid_, 13th of December, 1897
President of the Council of Ministers to the Governor-General,
Manila
Colonial Ministry Code. H.M. the Queen has perused with great
satisfaction your Excellency's telegram, and commands me to
congratulate you in the name of the nation. In view of the opinion
of your Excellency and the generals under your orders that _the
honour of the army is saved_, the Government fully authorizes
your Excellency to accept the surrender of the rebel chiefs and
their Government on the terms specified in your telegram. Please
advise the surrender as soon as possible in order to give due and
solemn publicity to the event. Receive my sincere congratulations
and those of the Government.
_Sagasta_.
At the period of the above despatches the Peninsular and the Insular
authorities were living in a fool's paradise with respect to Philippine
affairs. Had it been officially admitted that those reforms which the
clerical party so persistently opposed, but which the home legislators
were willing to concede, had been granted to the rebels as a condition
of peace, "the honour of the army" would have suffered in Spanish
public opinion. Hence, the Spaniards' conception of national dignity
imposed on the Government the necessity of representing the rebel
chiefs as repentant, begging for their lives, and craving the means
of existence in exile as the result of Spanish military valour.
But abroad, where the ministerial denial, mentioned on p. 414, was
published by the foreign press, Aguinaldo was universally spoken of
as having been "bought off."
A wiser government would have learnt a lesson from a sixteen-months'
rebellion and have afterwards removed its causes, if only to ensure
the mother country's sovereignty. The probability of the Filipinos
being able to subvert Spanish rule by their own unaided efforts was
indeed remote, but a review of Spanish colonial history ought to
have suggested to the legislators that that extraneous assistance to
sedition which promoted emancipation in the former Spanish-American
territories might one day be extended to the Filipinos.
The publication of the above documents, however, did little to calm
the anger of the Madrid politicians who maintained that Spanish
dominion in the Philippines could only be peacefully assured by a
certain measure of reform in consonance with the natives' aspirations.
Months afterwards, when Spanish sovereignty in the Archipelago
was drawing to a close, the Conde de las Almenas opened a furious
debate in the Senate, charging all the Colonial Govs.-General with
incompetency, but its only immediate effect was to widen the breach
between political parties.