On August 7 Admiral Dewey and General Merritt sent a joint note

to the Captain-General in Manila, giving him 48 hours to remove

women and children, as, at any time after that, the city might be

bombarded. The Captain-General replied thanking the Admiral and

General for their kind consideration, but pointed out that he had no

ships, and to send the women and children inland would be to place

them at the mercy of the rebels. On the expiration of the 48 hours'

notice, i.e., at noon on August 9, another joint note was addressed

to General Augusti, pointing out the hopelessness of his holding out

and formally demanding the surrender of the city, so that life and

property of defenceless persons might be spared. The Captain-General

replied requesting the American commanders to apply to Madrid; but

this proposal being rejected, the correspondence ceased.

On August 11 a Council of War was held between Generals Merritt,

Anderson, McArthur, and Greene, and the plan of combined attack

arranged between General Merritt and Admiral Dewey was explained. For

some hours a storm prevented the landing of more American troops

with supplies, but these were later on landed at Paranaque when the

weather cleared up, and were hurriedly sent on to the camp, where

preparations were being made for the assault on the city.

Whilst the Protocol was being signed in Washington the American troops

were entrenched about 350 yards from the Spaniards, who were prepared

to make their last stand at the Fort San Antonio Abad (Malate). From

the morning of that day there were apparent signs of an intended

sortie by the Spaniards, and, in view of this, the rebels marched

towards the American lines, but were requested to withdraw. Indeed,

the native forces were only too anxious to co-operate with the American

troops, or at least, to have the semblance of doing so, in order to

justify their claim to enter the beleaguered city as allies of the

invaders. General Merritt, however, discouraged any such alliance,

and issued precise orders to his subordinate officers to avoid,

as much as possible, all negotiation with the Aguinaldo party.

Why the Spaniards were still holding the city of Manila at this date

is perhaps best understood by the Americans. To the casual observer

it would have appeared expedient to have made the possession of

Manila a _fait accompli_ before the Protocol of Peace was signed. The

Americans had a large and powerful fleet in Manila Bay; they were

in possession of Cavite, the arsenal and forts, and they had a large

army under Maj.-General Merritt and his staff. General Augusti was,

for weeks previous, personally disposed to surrender, and only refused

to do so as a matter of form, hence the same means as were finally

employed could apparently have brought about the same result at an

earlier date. [201] The only hope the Spaniards could entertain was a

possible benefit to be derived from international complication. From

the tone of several of the Captain-General's despatches, published

in Madrid, one may deduce that capitulation to a recognized Power

would have relieved him of the tremendous anxiety as to what would

befall the city if the rebels did enter. It is known that, before the

bombardment, Admiral Dewey and his colleagues had given the humane

and considerate assurance that the city should not be left to the

mercy of the revolutionary forces.

The next day, Saturday, August 13, the Americans again demanded the

surrender of the city within an hour, which was refused, according

to Spanish custom. Without the slenderest hope of holding the city

against the invaders, the Spaniards preconcerted a human sacrifice,

[202] under the fallacious impression that the salvation of their

honour demanded it, and operations commenced at 9.45 a.m. The ships

present at the attack were the _Olympia_ (flagship), _Monterey,

Raleigh, McCulloch, Petrel, Charleston, Baltimore, Boston_, and

_Concord_, with the little gunboat _Rapido_, and the captured (Spanish)

gunboat _Callao_, and the armed steam-launch _Barcelo_. The _Concord_

watched the Fort Santiago at the Pasig River entrance. The American

commanders confined the bombardment to the forts and trenches situated

to the south of the city. The whole of the walled city and the trading

quarter of Binondo were undamaged. The fighting-line was led by the

_Olympia_, which sent 4-inch shells in the direction of the fort at

Malate (San Antonio de Abad). A heavy shower of rain made it difficult

to get the range, and every shell fell short. The _Petrel_ then took

up position and shelled the fort with varying result, followed by

the _Raleigh_. The _Rapido_ and the _Callao_, being of light draught,

were able to lie close in shore and pour in a raking fire from their

small-calibre guns with considerable effect. The distance between the

ships and the fort was about 3,500 yards, and, as soon as this was

correctly ascertained, the projectiles had a telling effect on the

enemy's battery and earthworks. The _Olympia_ hurled about 70 5-inch

shells and 16 8-inch shells, and the _Petrel_ and the _Raleigh_

about the same number each. There was rather a heavy wash in the

bay for the little _Callao_ and the _Barcelo_, but they were all the

time capering about, pouring a hail of small shell whenever they had

a chance. The Spaniards at Malate returned the fire and struck the

_Callao_ without doing any damage. The transport _Zafiro_ lay between

the fighting-line and the shore, having on board General Merritt, his

staff, and a volunteer regiment. The transport _Kwonghoi_ was also in

readiness with a landing-party of troops on board. In another steamer

were the correspondents of the London _Times_ and _New York Herald_,

and the special artists of the _Century Magazine_ and the _Herald_. The

field artillery took no part in the operations. The shelling of the

Fort San Antonio Abad from the ships lasted until about 11 a.m., when

the general signal was given to cease firing. One shell, from Malate,

reached the American camp. The firing from the ships had caused the

Spaniards to fall back. General Greene then ordered the 1st Colorado

to advance. Two companies deployed over a swamp and went along the

beach under cover of the Utah Battery. Two other companies advanced in

column towards the Spanish entrenchments with colours flying and bands

of music playing lively tunes. The first and second companies fired

volleys to cover the advance of the other columns. They crossed the

little creek, near Malate, in front of the fort; then, by rushes, they

reached the fort, which they entered, followed by the other troops,

only to find it deserted. The Spaniards had retreated to a breastwork

at the rear of the fort, where they kept up a desultory fire at the

Colorado troops, killing one man and wounding several. Fort San Antonio

Abad was now in possession of the 1st Colorado under Lieut.-Colonel

McCoy, who climbed up the flagstaff, hauled down the Spanish flag, and

hoisted the Stars and Stripes amidst cheers from the army and fleet.

Four companies of the 1st Colorado advanced across the fields, entered

the Spanish trenches, crossed the bridge, and moved up the road,

the Spaniards still keeping up an ineffective fire from long range.

The 3rd Colorado came up with a band of music, and then the whole

regiment deployed in skirmishing order and maintained a continual rifle

fire until they halted on the Luneta Esplanade. The band took up a

position in an old Spanish trench and played as the troops filed past

along the beach. The Spaniards were gradually falling back on the city,

and the rebels who were located near the Spanish lines continued the

attack; but the Americans gave them the order to cease firing, which

they would not heed. The Americans thereupon turned their guns upon

the rebels, who showed an inclination to fight. Neither, however,

cared to fire the first shot; so the rebels, taking another road,

drove the Spaniards, in confusion, as far as Ermita, when Emilio

Aguinaldo ordered his men to cease firing as they were just outside

the city walls. The rebel commander had received strict orders not

to let his forces enter Manila. The American troops then developed

the attack, the Spaniards making, at first, a stubborn resistance,

apparently for appearance' sake, for the fight soon ended when the

Spaniards in the city hoisted the white flag on a bastion of the old

walls. Orders were then given to cease firing, and by one o'clock the

terms of capitulation were being negotiated. General F. V. Greene then

sent an order to the troops for the rear regiments to muster on the

Luneta Esplanade, and there half the American army waited in silent

expectation. The Spanish entrenchments extended out from the city

walls in different directions as far as three miles. The defenders were

about 2,500 in number, composed of Spanish regular troops, volunteers,

and native auxiliaries; about the same number of troops being in the

hospitals inside the city. The opponent force amounted to about 15,000

rebels and 10,000 Americans ashore and afloat. The attacking guns threw

heavier shot and had a longer range than the Spanish artillery. The

Americans were also better marksmen than the Spaniards. They were,

moreover, better fed and in a superior condition generally. The

Americans were buoyed up with the moral certainty of gaining an

easy victory, whereas the wearied Spaniards had long ago despaired

of reinforcements coming to their aid; hence their defence in this

hopeless struggle was merely nominal for "the honour of the country."

For some time after the white flag was hoisted there was

street-fighting between the rebels and the loyals. The rattle

of musketry was heard all round the outskirts. The rebels had

taken 300 to 400 Spanish prisoners and seized a large quantity

of stores. General Basilio Augusti, who was personally averse to

useless bloodshed, relinquished his command of the Colony about a

week prior to the capitulation. Just before the attack on the city

he went on board a German steam-launch which was waiting for him

and was conveyed to the German cruiser _Kaiserin Augusta_, which

at once steamed out of the bay northwards. General Fermin Jaudenes

remained as acting-Captain-General. [203] Brig.-General of Volunteers

and Insp.-General Charles A. Whittier and Lieutenant Brumby then

went ashore in the Belgian Consul's launch, and on landing they

were met by an interpreter, Carlos Casademunt, and two officers,

who accompanied them to the house of the acting-Captain-General,

with whom the draft terms of capitulation were agreed upon. In his

evidence before the Peace Commission at Paris, General Whittier said:

"I think the Captain-General was much frightened. He reported in great

trepidation that the insurgents were coming into the city, and I said

that I knew that that was impossible because such precautions had been

taken as rendered it so. "His fear and solicitude about the natives

entering the city when I received the surrender of Manila were almost

painful to witness." Lieutenant Brumby returned to Admiral Dewey to

report, and again went ashore with General Merritt. In the meantime

General Jaudenes had taken refuge in the sacristy of a church which

was filled with women and children, presumably with the wise object of

keeping clear of the unrestrained mobs fighting in the suburbs. For

some time the Spanish officers refused to reveal his whereabouts,

but eventually he and General Merritt met, and on August 14 the

terms of the Capitulation were signed between General Nicolas de la

Pena y Cuellas and Colonels Jose Maria Olaguer Tellin and Carlos Rey

y Rich, as Commissioners for Spain, and Generals F. V. Greene and

Charles A. Whittier, Colonel Crowder, and Captain Lamberton, U.S.N.,

as Commissioners for the United States. The most important conditions

embodied in the Capitulation are as follows, viz.:

1. The surrender of the Philippine Archipelago.

2. Officers to be allowed to retain their swords and personal

effects, but not their horses.

3. Officers to be prisoners of war on parole.

4. The troops to be prisoners of war and to deposit their arms

at a place to be appointed by General Merritt.

5. All necessary supplies for their maintenance to be provided

from the public Treasury funds, and after they are exhausted,

by the United States.

6. All public property to be surrendered.

7. The disposal of the troops to be negotiated, later on, by the

United States and Spanish Governments.

8. Arms to be returned to the troops at General Merritt's

discretion.

The Capitulation having been signed, Lieutenant Brumby immediately went

to Fort Santiago with two signalmen from the _Olympia_ and lowered

the Spanish flag, which had been flying there all day. Many Spanish

officers and a general crowd from the streets stood around, and as he

drew near to the flagstaff he was hissed by the onlookers. When the

orange-and-red banner was actually replaced by the Stars and Stripes,

many in the crowd shed tears. The symbol of Spanish sovereignty had

disappeared for ever. The attitude of the mob was not reassuring, so

Lieutenant Brumby asked an infantry officer who was present to bring

his detachment as a guard. A company of infantry happened to be coming

along, and presented arms, whilst the band, playing "The Star-spangled

Banner," enlivened this dramatic ceremony. Whilst this was going on the

Spaniards hoisted the Spanish flag on the transport _Cebu_ and brought

it down to the mouth of the Pasig River, where they set fire to it. A

party of American marines boarded her, hauled down the Spanish flag,

and tried to save the hull, but it was too far consumed. The Spaniards

also destroyed barges and other Government property lying in the river.

In the official reports furnished by Generals T. M. Anderson and

A. McArthur and published in America, the total casualties on the

American side are stated to be as follows, viz.:--On August 13, five

killed and 43 wounded. Previous to this in the trenches there were

14 killed and 60 wounded, making a total of 122.

The approximate number of European Spanish troops in the Archipelago

during the year 1898 would stand thus:--

Total of troops under Gen. Primo de Rivera in

January, 1898, say 25,000

Shipped back to Spain by Gen. Primo de Rivera

after Aguinaldo's withdrawal to Hong-Kong

(_vide_ p. 400) 7,000

At the date of the Capitulation of Manila

Prisoners (regular troops) in hands of the rebels 8,000

Detachments in the Luzon Provinces (subsequently

surrendered to, or killed by, the rebels) 1,000

Killed or mortally wounded in general combat 1,000

Wounded and diseased in Manila hospitals 2,600

Approximate total in Visayas and Mindanao Island

(General Rios' jurisdiction) 3,000

Approximate total of able-bodied troops in Manila,

prisoners of war (to America), up to December

10, 1898 2,400

25,000

General F. V. Greene marched his troops down the _Calzada_ and

entered the walled city, where he massed his forces. Sentinels

were placed at all the city gates; some rebels got inside the city,

but were disarmed and sent out again. At 7 p.m. the American troops

took up their quarters in public buildings, porches, and even on the

streets, for they were tired out. One might have imagined it to be a

great British festival, for the streets were bedecked everywhere with

the British colours displayed by the Chinese who were under British

protection. That night General Merritt, General Greene and the staff

officers were served at dinner by the late Captain-General's servants

in the Town Hall (_Plaza de la Catedral_), the splendid marble entrance

of which became temporarily a depot for captured arms, ammunition,

and accoutrements of war.

No hostile feeling was shown by Spaniards of any class. The inhabitants

of the city looked remarkably well after the 105 days' siege. Trade

was absolutely at a standstill, and American troops were drafted out

of the walled city to occupy the commercial quarter of Binondo on

the opposite side of the river. The government of the city was at

once taken over by Maj.-General Wesley Merritt, appointments being

made by him to the principal departments as follows, viz.:--

By General Order dated August 15, Brig.-General T. M. Anderson became

Commandant of the Cavite district, the garrison of which would be

increased on the arrival of the transports on the way. Brig.-General

Arthur McArthur became Military Commandant of the walled city of Manila

and Provost-Marshal of the city of Manila, including all the suburbs,

his barracks and staff-quarters to be within the walled city. The

Commandant was to take over the offices, staff, and functions of the

late Civil Governor. Colonel Ovenshine became Deputy Provost-Marshal

of the walled city south of the river; Colonel James S. Smith was

appointed Deputy Provost-Marshal of Binondo and all districts situated

north of the river.

By General Order dated August 16, Brig.-General F. V. Greene became

Treasurer-General; Brig.-General of Volunteers C. A. Whittier was

nominated Commissioner of Customs.

By General Order dated August 15, it was provided that within 10 days a

complete list should be sent to Washington of all public establishments

and properties of every description, including horses; that all private

property, including horses, would be respected, and that lodging for

the prisoners of war would be provided by the Military Commandant

of the city in the public buildings and barracks not required for

the American troops. Colonel C. M. C. Reeve was appointed Chief of

Police, with the 13th Regiment of Volunteer Minnesota Infantry for

this service.

On August 16 a notice was placarded outside the General Post Office

to the effect that, as all the Spanish staff had refused to work for

the Americans, the local and provincial correspondence could not be

attended to. This was, however, soon remedied.

In an order issued on August 22 it was enacted that all natives and

all Spanish soldiers were to be disarmed before they were admitted

into the walled city. The insurgent troops were included in the above

category, but their arms were restored to them on their leaving the

city. An exception was made in favour of the insurgent officers,

from the grade of lieutenant upwards, who were permitted to enter

and leave Manila with their swords and revolvers.

On August 25 a provisional agreement was entered into between the

American authorities and Emilio Aguinaldo, to remain in force pending

the result of the Paris Peace Commission, whereby their respective

spheres were defined. The Americans retained jurisdiction over Manila

City, Binondo, the right bank of the Pasig River up to the Calzada

de Iris and thence to Malacanan, which was included. The remaining

districts were necessarily in the hands of the rebels, there being

no recognized independent government in Luzon other than the American

military occupation of the capital and environs.

Towards the end of August, the American Commander-in-Chief,

Maj.-General Wesley Merritt, quitted the Islands in order to give

evidence before the Peace Commission at Paris, after having appointed

General E. S. Otis to be the first Military Governor of Manila.

The British Consul, Mr. E. A. Rawson Walker, who had rendered such

excellent service to both the contending parties, died of dysentery

in the month of August, and was buried at Paco cemetery.

Philippine refugees returned to the Islands in large numbers, but

the American authorities notified the Consul in Hong-Kong that only

those Chinese who could prove to his satisfaction previous residence

in Manila would be allowed to return there.

Trading operations were resumed immediately after the capitulation,

and the first shipment of cigars made after that date was a parcel

of 140,000 exported to Singapore in the first week of September

and consigned to the _Tabaqueria Universal_. Business in Manila,

little by little, resumed its usual aspect. The old Spanish newspapers

continued to be published, and some of them, especially _El Comercio_,

were enterprising enough to print alternate columns of English and

Spanish, and, occasionally, a few advertisements in very amusing

broken English. Two rebel organs, _La Independencia_ and _La Republica

Filipina_, soon appeared. They were shortly followed by a number

of periodicals of minor importance, such as _El Soldado Espanol, La

Restauracion_ (a Carlist organ), _The Kon Leche, El Cometa_ and _El

Motin_ (satirical papers) and two American papers, viz., _The Manila

American_ and _The Manila Times_. Liberty of the press was such a

novelty in Manila that _La Voz Espanola_ over-stepped the bounds of

prudence and started a press campaign against the Americans. Delgado,

the editor, after repeated warnings from the Provost-Marshal, was at

length arrested. The paper was suppressed for abusing the Americans

from the President downwards, and publishing matter calculated to

incite the Spanish inhabitants to riot. The capital was seething

with opposition to the new conditions; many were arrested, but few

lamented the incarceration, for the prison was the porch which led to

fame, and through it all who were ambitious to rise from obscurity

had to pass. Moreover, imprisonment (for mere trifles) was such a

commonplace event in Spanish times that no native lost caste by the

experience of it, unless it were for a heinous crime which shocked

his fellows. Meanwhile, in the public ways and the cafes and saloons,

altercations between the three parties, Spanish, native, and American,

were of frequent occurrence.

For some weeks before the capitulation there had been a certain amount

of friction between the American soldiery and the rebels, who resented

being held in check by the American authorities. Emilio Aguinaldo had

his headquarters at Bacoor, on the Cavite coast, situated between

two divisions of the American army, one at Cavite and the other at

Manila, and within easy shelling distance from the American fleet. For

obvious reasons he decided to remove his centre of operations,

for it was becoming doubtful how long peace between the two parties

would continue. The rebels had been sorely disappointed that they

were not allowed to enter Manila with the Americans, or even before,

for since the first few months of the rebellion they had pictured to

themselves the delights of a free raid on the city. Aguinaldo therefore

removed his headquarters to a place three miles north of Manila, but

General Otis requested him to go farther away from the capital. As

he hesitated to do so the General sent him an ultimatum on September

13 ordering him to evacuate that place by the afternoon of the 15th,

so during the night of the 14th Aguinaldo moved on with his troops to

Malolos. From this town, situate about 20 miles from Manila, he could

better unite and control the rebel factions here and there over the

northern provinces; he could, moreover, either make use of the line

of railway or cut off the connection with Manila, or he could divert

supplies from the rich rice districts and Pangasinan ports, whilst

the almost impregnable mountains were of easy access in case of need.

Aguinaldo declared Malolos to be the provisional capital of his

Revolutionary Government, and convened a Congress to meet there on

September 15 in the church of Barasoain. [204] Fifty-four deputies

responded to the summons, and in conformity with Aguinaldo's

proclamation of June 23 they proceeded to elect a President of

Congress, Vice-President, Secretaries, etc. The result of the voting

was a remarkable event of the revolution. Don Pedro A. Paterno was

elected President of Congress! The man whom the revolutionists had,

less than four months before, so satirically admonished for his

leaning towards Spanish sovereignty, was chosen to guide the political

destinies of this budding democracy and preside over their republican

legislative body! Deputies Benito Legarda and Ocampo were chosen

to be Vice-President and Secretary respectively. Congress voted

for Aguinaldo a salary of P50,000 and P25,000 for representation

expenses. These figures were afterwards reversed, i.e., P25,000

salary, and P50,000 for expenses; but Aguinaldo, who never showed any

desire for personal gain, was quite willing to set aside the vote. A

decree in Congress, dated September 21, imposed compulsory military

service on every able-bodied Philippine male over 18 years of age,

except those holding office under the Revolutionary Government. At

an early session of Congress Deputy Tomas del Rosario made a long

speech advocating Church Disestablishment. [205]

The night before Congress met to announce the election of President,

etc., an attempt was made to poison Emilio Aguinaldo. Dinner was

about to be served to him; the soup was in the tureen, when one of

the three Spanish prisoners who were allowed to be about the kitchen

tasted the soup in a manner to arouse suspicion. The steward at once

took a spoonful of it and fell dead on the spot. The three prisoners

in question, as well as 11 Franciscan friars, were consequently placed

in close confinement. At the next sitting of Congress the incident

was mentioned and it was resolved to go _en masse_ to congratulate

Aguinaldo on his lucky escape. At 5 p.m. the same day a _Te Deum_

was sung in Malolos Church anent this occurrence.

On October 1 the _Ratification of Philippine Independence_ was

proclaimed at Malolos with imposing ceremony. From 6 a.m. the Manila

(Tondo) railway-station was besieged by the crowd of sightseers on

their way to the insurgent capital (Malolos), which was _en fete_ and

gaily decorated with flags for the triumphal entry of General Emilio

Aguinaldo, who walked to the Congress House attired in a dress suit,

with Don Pedro A. Paterno on his right and Don Benito Legarda on his

left, followed by other representative men of the Revolutionary Party,

amidst the vociferous acclamations of the people and the strains of

music. After the formal proclamation was issued the function terminated

with a banquet given to 200 insurgent notabilities. This day was

declared by the Malolos Congress to be a public holiday in perpetuity.

By virtue of Article 3 of the Protocol of Peace the Americans were

in possession of the city, bay, and harbour of Manila pending the

conclusion of a treaty of peace. The terms of peace were referred to

a Spanish-American Commission, which met in Paris on October 1, five

commissioners and a secretary being appointed by each of the High

Contracting Parties. The representatives of the United States were

the Hon. William R. Day, of Ohio, ex-Secretary of State, President

of the American Commission; Senator Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota;

Senator William P. Frye, of Maine; Senator George Gray, of Delaware;

and the Hon. Whitelaw Reid, of New York, ex-Minister Plenipotentiary

of the United States in France, assisted by the Secretary and Counsel

to their Commission, Mr. John Bassett Moore, an eminent professor

of international law. The Spanish Commissioners were Don Eugenio

Montero Rios, Knight of the Golden Fleece, President of the Senate,

ex-Cabinet Minister, etc., President of the Spanish Commission;

Senator Don Buenaventura Abarzuza, ex-Ambassador, ex-Minister,

etc.; Don Jose de Garnica y Diaz, a lawyer; Don Wenceslao Ramirez de

Villa-Urrutia, Knight of the Orders of Isabella the Catholic and of

Charles III., etc., Minister Plenipotentiary to the Belgian Court;

and General Don Rafael Cerero y Saenz, assisted by the Secretary

to their Commission, Don Emilio de Ojeda, Minister Plenipotentiary

to the Court of Morocco. The conferences were held in a suite of

apartments at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, placed at their

disposal by M. Delcasse. Among other questions to be agreed upon

and embodied in the treaty was the future of the Philippines. For

Washington officials these Islands really constituted a _terra

incognita_. Maj.-General Merritt and a number of other officials went

to Paris to give evidence before the Commission. At their request,

conveyed to me through the American Embassy, I also proceeded to

Paris in October and expressed my views before the Commissioners, who

examined me on the whole question. The Cuban debts and the future of

the Philippines were really the knotty points in the entire debate. The

Spanish Commissioners argued (1) that the single article in the

Protocol relating to the Philippines did not imply a relinquishment

of Spanish sovereignty over those Islands, but only a temporary

occupation of the city, bay, and harbour of Manila by the Americans

pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace. (2) That the attack on

Manila, its capitulation, and all acts of force consequent thereon,

committed _after_ the Protocol was signed, were unlawful because the

Protocol stipulated an immediate cessation of hostilities; therefore

the Commissioners claimed indemnity for those acts, a restoration

to the _status quo ante_, and "the immediate delivery of the place

(Manila) to the Spanish Government" (_vide_ Annex to Protocol No. 12

of the Paris Peace Commission conference of November 3).

The American Commissioners replied: (1) "It is the contention on the

part of the United States that this article leaves to the determination

of the treaty of peace the entire subject of the future government and

sovereignty of the Philippines necessarily embodied in the terms used

in the Protocol." (2) It is erroneous to suggest "that the ultimate

demands of the United States in respect of the Philippines were

embodied in the Protocol." (3) That there was no cable communication

with Manila, hence the American commanders could not possibly have been

informed of the terms of the Protocol on the day of its signature. The

Spanish Commissioners, nevertheless, tenaciously persisting in their

contention, brought matters to the verge of a resumption of hostilities

when the American Commissioners presented what was practically an

ultimatum, in which they claimed an absolute cession of the Islands,

offering, however, to pay to Spain $20,000,000 gold, to agree, for a

term of years, to admit Spanish ships and merchandise into the Islands

on the same terms as American ships and merchandise, and to mutually

waive all claims for indemnity--(_vide_ Annex to Protocol No. 15 of

the Paris Peace Commission conference of November 21).

For a few days the Spaniards still held out, and to appease public

feeling in the Peninsula a fleet under Admiral Camara was despatched,

ostensibly to the Philippines. It was probably never intended that

the fleet should go beyond Port Said, for on its arrival there it was

ordered to return, the official explanation to the indignant Spanish

public being that America was preparing to seize the Archipelago by

force, if necessary, and send a fleet to Spanish waters under the

command of Admiral Watson. Sagasta's Government had not the least

intention of letting matters go so far as that, but it suited the

Spanish Cabinet, already extremely unpopular, to make an appearance of

resistance. Moreover, Senor Sagasta had personal motives for wishing

to protract the negotiations, the examination of which would lead

one too far away from the present subject into Spanish politics.

At the next conference of the Commission the demands of the Americans

were reluctantly conceded, and the form in which the treaty was to

be drafted was finally settled. The sitting of the Commission was

terminated by the reading of a strongly-worded protest by Senor

Montero Rios in which the Spanish Commissioner declared that they

had been compelled to yield to brute force and abuse of international

law against which they vehemently protested. The secretaries of the

respective Commissions were then instructed to draw up the document of

the Treaty of Peace, which was signed at 9 p.m. on Saturday, December

10, 1898, in the Grand Gallery of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in

Paris. The expenses of the Spanish Commission amounted to L8,400. A

delay of six months was agreed upon for the ratification by the two

Governments of the treaty, the text of which is given at the end of

this chapter. America undertook to establish equal duties on Spanish

and American goods for a period of ten years; but it subsequently

transpired that this was no special boon to Spain, seeing that America

declared shortly after the signing of the treaty that there would be

no preferential tariff, and that merchandise of all nations could

enter the Islands at the same rate of duty and on equal terms with

America. The clauses of the treaty relating to the Philippines met

with determined opposition in the United States, where politicians

were divided into three parties advocating respectively annexation,

protection, and abandonment of the Islands to the natives.

At the closing conferences of the Commission several additional

clauses to the treaty were proposed by the one party and the other and

rejected. Among the most singular are the following:--The Spaniards

proposed that America should pay annually to the descendants of

Christopher Columbus $7,400 to be charged to the treasuries of Porto

Rico and Manila. The Americans proposed that Spain should concede

to them the right to land telegraph-cables in the Canary Islands,

or on any territory owned by Spain on the coast of Africa, or in

the Peninsula, in consideration of a cash payment of one million

gold dollars.

We must now go back to September to follow the thread of events

which intervened from that period and during the 71 days' sitting of

the Peace Commission in Paris. My old acquaintance Felipe Agoncillo

was sent to Washington in September by Emilio Aguinaldo to solicit

permission from the American Government to represent the rebels'

cause on the Paris Commission, or, failing this, to be allowed to

state their case. The Government, however, refused to recognize

him officially, so he proceeded to Paris. Having unsuccessfully

endeavoured to be heard before the Commission, he drew up a protest in

duplicate, handing a copy to the Spanish and another to the American

Commissioners. The purport of this document was that whereas the

Americans had supplied the Filipinos with war-material and arms to gain

their independence and not to fight against Spain in the interests

of America, and whereas America now insisted on claiming possession

of the Archipelago, he protested, in the name of Emilio Aguinaldo,

against what he considered a defraudment of his just rights. His

mission led to nothing, so he returned to Washington to watch events

for Aguinaldo. After the treaty was signed in Paris he was received

at the White House, where an opportunity was afforded him of stating

the Filipinos' views; but he did not take full advantage of it, and

returned to Paris, where I met him in July, 1900, holding the position

of "High Commissioner for the Philippine Republic." His policy was,

then, "absolute independence, free of all foreign control." In 1904

we met again in Hong-Kong, where he was established as a lawyer.

In this interval, too, matters in Manila remained _in statu quo_

so far as the American occupation was concerned. General E. S. Otis

was still in supreme command in succession to General Merritt,

and reinforcements were arriving from America to strengthen the

position. General Otis's able administration wrought a wonderful change

in the city. The weary, forlorn look of those who had great interests

at stake gradually wore off; business was as brisk as in the old times,

and the Custom-house was being worked with a promptitude hitherto

unknown in the Islands. There were no more sleepless nights, fearing

an attack from the dreaded rebel or the volunteer. The large majority

of foreign (including Spanish) and half-caste Manila merchants showed

a higher appreciation of American protection than of the prospect

of sovereign independence under a Philippine Republic. On the other

hand, the drunken brawls of the American soldiers in the cafes,

drinking-shops, and the open streets constituted a novelty in the

Colony. Drinking "saloons" and bars monopolized quite a fifth of

the stores in the principal shopping street, _La Escolta_, where

such unruliness obtained, to the detriment of American prestige,

that happily the Government decided to exclude those establishments

altogether from that important thoroughfare, which has since entirely

regained its respectable reputation. The innovation was all the more

unfortunate because of the extremely bad impression it made on the

natives and Spaniards, who are remarkably abstemious. It must also

have been the cause of a large percentage of the sickness of the

American troops (wrongly attributed to climate), for it is well known

that inebriety in the Philippines is the road to death. With three

distinct classes of soldiers in Manila--the Americans, the rebels,

and the Spanish prisoners--each living in suspense, awaiting events

with divergent interests, there were naturally frequent disputes

and collisions, sometimes of a serious nature, which needed great

vigilance to suppress.

The German trading community observed that, due to the strange conduct

of the commanders of the German fleet, who showed such partiality

towards the Spaniards up to the capitulation of Manila, the natives

treated them with marked reticence. The Germans therefore addressed

a more than ample letter of apology on the subject to the newspaper

_La Independencia_ (October 17).

As revolutionary steamers were again cruising in Philippine waters,

all vessels formerly flying the Spanish flag were hastily placed on the

American register to secure the protection of the Stars and Stripes,

and ex-Consul Oscar F. Williams was deputed to attend to these and

other matters connected with the shipping trade of the port.

It was yet theoretically possible that the Archipelago might revert

to Spain; hence pending the deliberations of the Peace Commission,

no movement was made on the part of the Americans to overthrow

the _de facto_ Spanish Government still subsisting in the southern

islands. General Fermin Jaudenes, the vanquished Commander-in-Chief

of the Spanish forces in Manila (Sub-Inspector until General Augusti

left), was liberated on parole in the capital until the first week

of October, when the American Government allowed him to return

to Spain. He left in the s.s. _Esmeralda_ for Hong-Kong on October

15. Meanwhile, a month before, the Spanish Government appointed General

Diego de los Rios Gov.-General of the Philippines, with residence at

Yloilo. Spaniards of all classes were at least personally safe in

Manila under American protection. All who could reach the capital

did so, for Spanish sway in the provinces was practically at an

end. Aguinaldo therefore directed his attention both to matters of

government in Luzon and to the control of the southern islands.

Neither the Filipinos nor the Spaniards could foresee that the

evacuation by the Spaniards of _all_ the Islands would be insisted upon

by the American Commissioners in Paris. Moreover, it was no easy task

for Aguinaldo to maintain his own personal prestige (an indispensable

condition in all revolutions), carry out his own plans of government,

and keep together, in inactivity, a large half-disciplined fighting

force. Three weeks after the capitulation of Manila, Aguinaldo sent

several small vessels to the Island of Panay, carrying Luzon rebels to

effect a landing and stir up rebellion in Visayas. He was anxious to

secure all the territory he could before the conditions of peace should

be settled in Paris, in the hope that actual possession would influence

the final issue. General Rios was therefore compelled to enter on a

new campaign, assisted by the small gunboats which had remained south

since hostilities commenced north in May. Spanish troops were sent

to Singapore _en route_for Yloilo, and then a question arose between

Madrid and Washington as to whether they could be allowed to proceed

to their destination under the peace Protocol. The Tagalog rebels

landed in the province of Antique (Panay Is.), and a few natives of the

locality joined them. They were shortly met by the Spanish troops, and

severe fighting took place in the neighbourhood of Bugason, where the

rebels were ultimately routed with great loss of men and impedimenta.

The survivors fled to their vessels and landed elsewhere on the same

coast. In several places on the Island the flag of rebellion had been

unfurled, and General Rios' troops showed them no quarter. At the

end of six weeks the rebels had been beaten in numerous encounters,

without the least apparent chance of gaining their objective point--the

seizure of Yloilo. In the Concepcion district (East Panay) the rebel

chief Perfecto Poblado took the command, but gained no victory with

his following of 4,000 men. So far, what was happening in the Islands,

other than Luzon, did not officially concern the Americans.

About this time, in Manila, there was by no means that _entente

cordiale_ which should have existed between the rebels and the

Americans, supposing them to be real allies. In reality, it was only in

the minds of the insurgents that there existed an alliance, which the

Americans could not, with good grace, have frankly repudiated, seeing

that General T. M. Anderson was frequently soliciting Aguinaldo's

assistance and co-operation. [206] Aguinaldo was naturally uneasy about

the possible prospect of a protracted struggle with the Spaniards,

if the Islands should revert to them; he was none the less irritated

because his repeated edicts and proclamations of independence received

no recognition from the Americans. General Anderson had already stated,

in his reply (July 22) to a letter from Aguinaldo, that he had no

authority to recognize Aguinaldo's assumption of dictatorship. The

native swaggering soldiery, with the air of conquerors, were ever

ready to rush to arms on the most trivial pretext, and became a

growing menace to the peaceful inhabitants. Therefore, on October 25,

Aguinaldo was again ordered to withdraw his troops still farther,

to distances varying from five to eight miles off Manila, and he

reluctantly complied. When this order was sent to him his forces

in the neighbourhood of Manila were estimated to be as follows:--At

Coloocan, 3,000 men, with two guns trained on Binondo; Santa Mesa,

380; Pasig, 400; Paco, Santa Ana, Pandacan, and Pasay, 400 to 500

each; south of Malate, 1,200, and at Santolan waterworks (on which

the supply of potable water to the capital depended), 380.

In Panay Island General Rios published an edict offering considerable

reforms, but the flame of rebellion was too widespread for it to

have any effect. The Island of Cebu also was in revolt; the harsh

measures of General Montero effected nothing to Spain's advantage,

whilst that miserable system of treating suspects as proved culprits

created rebels. Neither did the _Moro_ raid on the Cebuanos, referred

to at p. 406, serve to break their spirit; more than half the villages

defied Spanish authority, refused to pay taxes, and forced the friars

to take refuge in Cebu City, which was, so far, safe. Those who were

able took passage to ports outside the Archipelago. In Leyte Island

there were risings of minor importance, instigated by Tagalogs, and

chiefly directed against the friars, who were everywhere obnoxious

to the people. At Catbalogan (Samar Is.) an armed mob attacked the

Spaniards, who fled to the house of an American. General Rios had not

sufficient troops to dominate several islands covering such a large

area. He was so hard pressed in Panay alone that, even if he had had

ample means of transport, he could neither divide his forces nor afford

to spend time in carrying them from one island to another. Towards

the end of October he ran short of ammunition, but, opportunely,

the Spanish mail-steamer _Buenos Aires_ brought him a supply with

which he could continue the struggle. Fresh Tagalog expeditions were

meanwhile sent south, and coerced or persuaded the Panay people to

rise in greater force than ever, until, finally, General Rios had to

fall back on Yloilo. By the middle of November practically the whole

island, except the towns of Yloilo, Molo, Jaro and La Paz, was under

rebel dominion. In December General Rios held only the town and port

of Yloilo. He had ordered the bridge of Manduriao to be destroyed, so

as to establish a dividing line between him and the rebels who were

entrenched on the opposite bank of the river, neither party being

willing to make a bold onslaught on the other, although frequent

skirmishing took place. On receipt of the news of the conclusion of

the Treaty of Paris, General Rios proposed to the rebels a mutual

cessation of hostilities, on the ground that no advantage could

accrue to either party by a further sacrifice of blood and munitions

of war, seeing that within a few days he was going to evacuate the

town and embark his troops, and that, so far as he was concerned,

they could then take his place without opposition. But the rebels,

presumably interpreting his humane suggestion as a sign of weakness,

continued to fire on the Spanish troops.

The small detachments and garrisons in Negros Island had been unable

to resist the tide of revolt; the west coast of that island was

over-run by the rebels under the leadership of Aniceto Lacson and

Juan Araneta (a much respected planter of Bago, personally known to

me), and the local Spanish Governor, Don Isidro Castro, was forced to

capitulate, in due written form, at Bacolod, on November 6, with his

troops and all the Spanish civil and military employees. By December

1 it was evident that, although Spanish empire in Visayas had been

definitely broken, there was absolute discord among the (southern)

rebels themselves. They split up into rival factions, each one wanting

to set up a government of its own. The American Peace Commissioners

had made their formal demand for the cession of all the Islands,

and it was clear to the Spanish Government that General Rios would

sooner or later have to evacuate under the treaty. It was useless,

therefore, to continue to shed European blood and waste treasure in

those regions. In the first week of December the Madrid Government

ordered General Rios to suspend hostilities and retire to Mindanao

Island with his troops, pending arrangements for their return to

the Peninsula. General Rios replied to this order, saying that he

would make the necessary preparations. Meanwhile, on December 11,

the rebels approached the fortifications around Yloilo town, and the

Spaniards kept up an almost continuous fusillade. Before daybreak on

December 14 the rebels, armed with bowie-knives, attacked the Spanish

entrenchments in great force and drove the Spaniards back from their

first to their second redoubt. The Spaniards rallied, turned their four

field-pieces on the enemy, and opened a raking artillery and rifle fire

which mowed down the rebels, who retired in great disorder, leaving

about 500 dead and wounded. The Spaniards, who were well protected

behind their stockades, had 6 dead and 17 wounded. Notwithstanding

their severe repulse, the rebels again fired on the Spaniards until

some female relations of their General Araneta and others went out to

the rebel lines and harangued and expostulated with the leaders, and

so put them to shame with their tongues that thenceforth the rebels

ceased to molest the Spaniards. General Rios then took measures for

evacution. On December 23, 1898, he formally handed over Yloilo to the

mayor of the town in the presence of his staff, the naval commanders,

and the foreign consuls, and requested the German Vice-Consul to look

after Spanish interests. On the following day the Spanish troops,

numbering between five and six hundred, and several civilians were

embarked in perfect order, without any unfortunate incident occurring,

on board the s.s. _Isla de Luzon,_ which sailed for Zamboanga, the

rallying-place of the Spaniards, whilst some small steamers went to

other places to bring the officials to the same centre.

Before leaving Yloilo, after many tedious delays respecting the

conditions, an exchange of prisoners was effected with the rebels,

who at the outset were inclined to be unduly exacting.

The rebels at once took possession of Yloilo, but a controlling

American force arrived in the roadstead on December 27, under the

command of General Miller, and was afterwards reinforced up to a

total strength of about 3,000 troops.

The Caroline Islands (which were not ceded under the Treaty of

Paris) were provisioned for three months, and the Spanish troops in

Cebu Island and Yligan (Mindanao Is.) had been already ordered to

concentrate and prepare for embarkation on the same day for Zamboanga

(Mindanao Is.), where the bulk of them remained until they could be

brought back to Spain on the terms of the treaty of peace. In a few

days General Rios left Zamboanga in the s.s. _Leon XIII._ for Manila,

and remained there until June 3, 1899, to endeavour to negotiate

the liberation of the Spanish prisoners detained by Aguinaldo. They

were kept under guard in the mountain districts, far away from the

capital, in groups miles distant from each other. No one outside

the rebel camp could ever ascertain the exact number of prisoners,

which was kept secret. The strenuous efforts made by the Spaniards

to secure their release are fully referred to in Chap. xxvi.

During this period of evacuation the natives in Balabac Island

assassinated all the male Europeans resident there, the Spanish

Governor, a lieutenant, and a doctor being among the victims. The

European women were held in captivity for awhile, notwithstanding

the peaceful endeavours to obtain their release, supported by the

Datto Harun Narrasid, Sultan of Paragua and ex-Sultan of Sulu (_vide_

p. 142). The place was then attacked by an armed force, without result,

but eventually the natives allowed the women to be taken away.

Some of the Spanish soldiers and the civil servants concentrated in

Zamboanga were carried direct to the Peninsula, _via_ the Straits

of Balabac, in the steamers _Buenos Aires, Isla de Luzon_, and

_Cachemir_, and from Manila many of them returned to their country in

the s.s. _Leon XIII_. In conformity with the Treaty of Paris (Art. 5),

little by little all the Spanish troops, temporarily prisoners of

the United States in Manila, were repatriated.

The Philippine Republican Congress at Malolos had now (December 26,

1898) adjourned in great confusion. The deputies could not agree upon

the terms of a Republican Constitution. They were already divided

into two distinct parties, the Pacificos and the Irreconcilables. The

latter were headed by a certain Apolinario Mabini (_vide_ p. 546),

a lawyer hitherto unknown, and a notorious opponent of Aguinaldo

until he decided to take the field against the Americans. The Cabinet

having resigned, Aguinaldo prudently left Malolos on a visit to Pedro

A. Paterno, at Santa Ana, on the Pasig River.

At the end of the year 1898, after 327 years of sovereignty, all that

remained to Spain of her once splendid Far Eastern colonial possessions

were the Caroline, the Pelew, and the Ladrone Islands (_vide_ p. 39),

minus the Island of Guam. Under the treaty of peace, signed in Paris,

the Americans became nominal owners of the evacuated territories,

but they were only in real possession, by force of arms, of Cavite

and Manila. The rest of the Archipelago, excepting Mindanao and the

Sulu Sultanate, was virtually and forcibly held by the natives in

revolt. At the close of 1898 the Americans and the rebels had become

rival parties, and the differences between them foreboded either

frightful bloodshed or the humiliation of the one or the other.

Treaty of Peace

concluded between the United States of America and Spain, signed

in Paris on December 10, 1898, and ratified in Washington on

February 6, 1899. The original documents (in duplicate) are drawn

up in Spanish and in English respectively.

_The English Text_} [207]

_Article_ 1.--Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over

and title to Cuba. And as the Island is, upon its evacuation by

Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will,

so long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the

obligations that may under international law result from the fact

of its occupation, for the protection of life and property.

_Article_ 2.--Spain cedes to the United States the Island of Porto

Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West

Indies, and the Island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

_Article_ 3.--Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago

known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands

lying within the following line: A line running from W. to

E. along or near the 20th parallel of N. latitude, and through

the middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the 118th to

the 127th degree meridian of longitude E. of Greenwich, thence

along the 127th degree meridian of longitude E. of Greenwich to

the parallel of 4 deg. 45' N. latitude, thence along the parallel

of 4 deg. 45' N. latitude to its intersection with the meridian of

longitude 119 deg. 35' E. of Greenwich, thence along the meridian of

longitude 119 deg. 35' E. of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude 7 deg.

40' N., thence along the parallel of latitude of 7 deg. 40' N. to its

intersection with the 116th degree meridian of longitude E. of

Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection of the 10th

degree parallel of N. latitude with the 118th degree meridian

of longitude E. of Greenwich, and thence along the 118th degree

meridian of longitude E. of Greenwich to the point of beginning.

The United States will pay to Spain the sum of $.20,000,000

within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of

the present treaty.

_Article_ 4.--The United States will, for the term of 10 years

from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present

treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the

Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of

the United States.

_Article_ 5.--The United States will, upon the signature of the

present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish

soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by

the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question shall

be restored to them.

Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratification of the present

treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the

Island of Guam, on terms similiar to those agreed upon by the

Commissioners appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto

Rico and other islands in the West Indies, under the Protocol of

August 12, 1898, which is to continue in force till its provisions

are completely executed.

The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine

Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed by the two

Governments. Stands of colours, uncaptured war-vessels, small arms,

guns of all calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder,

ammunition, live-stock, and materials and supplies of all kinds,

belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines

and Guam, remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance,

exclusive of field artillery, in the fortifications and coast

defences, shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six

months, to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the

treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase such

material from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between the two

Governments on the subject shall be reached.

_Article_ 6.--Spain will, upon the signature of the present

treaty, release all prisoners of war, and all persons detained

or imprisoned for political offences in connection with the

insurrections in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the

United States.

Reciprocally, the United States will release all persons made

prisoners of war by the American forces, and will undertake to

obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the

insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines.

The Government of the United States will at its own cost return to

Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return to

the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, according

to the situation of their respective homes, prisoners released

or caused to be released by them, respectively, under this article.

_Article_ 7.--The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all

claims for indemnity, national and individual, of every kind,

of either Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against

the other Government, that may have arisen since the beginning

of the late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of

ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for

indemnity for the cost of the war.

The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its

citizens against Spain relinquished in this article.

_Article_ 8.--In conformity with the provisions of Articles 1,

2 and 3 of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in

Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the Island

of Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings,

wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other

immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong to the

public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of Spain.

And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession,

as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers,

cannot in any respect impair the property or rights which by

law belong to the peaceful possession of property of all kinds,

of provinces, municipalities, public or private establishments,

ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other associations having

legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid

territories renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of

whatsoever nationality such individuals may be.

The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be,

includes all documents exclusively referring to the sovereignty

relinquished or ceded that may exist in the archives of the

Peninsula. Where any document in such archives only in part relates

to said sovereignty, a copy of such part will be furnished whenever

it shall be requested. Like rules shall be reciprocally observed

in favour of Spain in respect of documents in the archives of

the islands above referred to.

In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be,

are also included such rights as the Crown of Spain and its

authorities possess in respect of the official archives and

records, executive as well as judicial, in the islands above

referred to, which relate to the said islands or the rights and

property of their inhabitants. Such archives and records shall be

carefully preserved, and private persons shall without distinction

have the right to require, in accordance with law, authenticated

copies of the contracts, wills and other instruments forming part

of notarial protocols or files, or which may be contained in the

executive or judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the

islands aforesaid.

_Article_ 9.--Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula,

residing in the territory over which Spain by the present

treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such

territory, or may remove therefrom, retaining in either event all

their rights of property, including the right to sell or dispose

of such property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have

the right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions,

being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are applicable to

other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory they may

preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making before

a court of record, within a year from the date of the exchange

of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their decision

to preserve such allegiance; in default of which declaration

they shall be held to have renounced it and to have adopted the

nationality of the territory in which they may reside.

The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants

of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be

determined by the Congress.

_Article_ 10.--The inhabitants of the territories over which

Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in

the free exercise of their religion.

_Article_ 11.--The Spaniards residing in the territories over

which Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty

shall be subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the

jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside,

pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they shall

have the right to appear before such courts, and to pursue the

same course as citizens of the country to which the courts belong.

_Article_ 12.--Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the

exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the territories

over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall

be determined according to the following rules: (1) Judgements

rendered either in civil suits between private individuals, or in

criminal matters, before the date mentioned, and with respect to

which there is no recourse, or right of review under the Spanish

law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in due

form by competent authority in the territory within which such

judgements shall be carried out: (2) Civil suits between private

individuals which may on the date mentioned be undetermined shall

be prosecuted to judgement before the court in which they may

then be pending or in the court that may be substituted therefor:

(3) Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the

Supreme Court of Spain, against citizens of the territory which

by this treaty ceases to be Spanish, shall continue under its

jurisdiction until final judgement; but, such judgement having

been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the

competent authority of the place in which the case arose.

_Article_ 13.--The rights of property secured by copyrights and

patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and in Porto

Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of

the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall continue

to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works,

not subversive of public order in the territories in question,

shall continue to be admitted free of duty into such territories,

for the period of ten years, to be reckoned from the date of the

exchange of the ratifications of this treaty.

_Article_ 14.--Spain will have the power to establish Consular

officers in the ports and places of the territories, the

sovereignty over which has been either relinquished or ceded by

the present treaty.

_Article_ 15.--The Government of each country will, for the term

of ten years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country

the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including

entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage duties,

as it accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the

coastwise trade. This article may at any time be terminated on

six months' notice given by either Government to the other.

_Article_ 16.--It is understood that any obligations assumed

in this treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are

limited to the time of its occupancy thereof; but it will,

upon the termination of such occupancy, advise any Government

established in the Island to assume the same obligations.

_Article_ 17.--The present treaty shall be ratified by the

President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent

of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen-Regent of

Spain; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington

within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible.

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have

signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals.

Done in duplicate at Paris, the 10th day of December, in the year

of our Lord 1898.

_William R. Day_.

_Cushman K. Davis_.

_William P. Frye_.

_Geo. Gray_.

_Whitelaw Reid_.

_Eugenio Montero Rios_.

_B. de Abarzuza_.

_J. de Garnica_.

_W. R. de Villa-Urrutia_.

_Rafael Cerero_.

Two years afterwards a supplementary treaty was made between the

United States and Spain, whereby the Islands of Cagayan de Jolo,

Sibutu, and other islets not comprised in the demarcation set forth

in the Treaty of Paris, were ceded to the United States for the sum

of $100,000 gold. These small islands had, apparently, been overlooked

when the Treaty of Paris was concluded.

CHAPTER XXIV

An Outline of the War of Independence, Period 1899-1901

"I speak not of forcible annexation because that is not to be

thought of, and under our code of morality that would be criminal

aggression."--_President McKinley's Message to Congress_; _December_,

1897.

"The Philippines are ours as much as Louisiana by purchase, or Texas

or Alaska."--_President McKinley's Speech to the 10th Pennsylvania

Regiment; August_ 28, 1899.

_Ignorance_ of the world's ways, beyond the Philippine shores,

was the cause of the Aguinaldo party's first disappointment. A

score of pamphlets has been published to show how thoroughly the

Filipinos believed America's mission to these Islands to be solely

prompted by a compassionate desire to aid them in their struggle

for immediate sovereign independence. Laudatory and congratulatory

speeches, uttered in British colonies, in the presence of American

officials, and hope-inspiring expressions which fell from their lips

before Aguinaldo's return to Cavite from exile, strengthened that

conviction. Sympathetic avowals and grandiloquent phrases, such as

"for the sake of humanity," and "the cause of civilization," which were

so freely bandied about at the time by unauthorized Americans, drew

Aguinaldo into the error of believing that some sort of bond really

existed between the United States and the Philippine Revolutionary

Party. In truth, there was no agreement between America and the

Filipinos. There was no American plenipotentiary empowered to make

any political compact with the Islanders. At that date there was

neither a Philippine policy nor any fixed programme regarding the

future disposal of the Islands, and whatever naval, military, or other

officers might have said to Aguinaldo was said on their own private

responsibility, and could in no way affect the action of the American

Government. Without any training in or natural bent for diplomacy,

Aguinaldo had not the faintest idea of what foreign "protection"

signified. He thought that after the capture of Manila the Americans

would sail away and leave the Filipinos to themselves, and only

reappear if any other Power interfered with their native government.

Admiral Dewey had a double task to perform. He had to destroy the

Spanish fleet, and to co-operate in the taking of Manila. In the

destruction of the fleet the attitude of the natives was of little

concern to him. In the taking of the capital it was important to know

what part the natives would play. It was certain they would not be

placid spectators of the struggle, wherever Aguinaldo might be. If

they _must_ enter into it, it was desirable to have them led by one who

could control them and repress excesses. It would have been better for

the Americans if, pending the issue with the Spaniards, no third party

had existed; but, as it did exist, both contending nations were anxious

for its goodwill or its control. Therefore Admiral Dewey's recognition

of Aguinaldo as a factor in the hostilities was nothing more nor

less than a legitimate stratagem to facilitate his operations against

the Spaniards. Dewey simply neutralized a possible adverse force by

admissible military artifice, and Aguinaldo was too ingenuous to see

that he was being outwitted. The fighting section of the Filipinos

was intensely irritated at not having been allowed to enter and sack

the capital. They had looked forward to it as the crowning act of

victory. The general mass of the christianized Islanders hoped that

Philippine independence would immediately follow the capitulation

of Manila, although, in the capital itself, natives of position

and property evinced little enthusiasm for the insurgents' triumph,

whilst some inwardly doubted it. In September a native lawyer, Felipe

Agoncillo, was sent to Washington to lay the Filipinos' case before the

President in the hope of gaining his personal support of their claims

(_vide_ p. 472). The first fear was that the Colony might revert to

Spain, but that idea was soon dispelled by the news of the stipulations

of the Treaty of Paris. Simultaneously Aguinaldo's revolutionary army

was being pushed farther and farther away from the capital, and it

was evident, from the mood of his fighting-men, that if the Americans

remained in possession of the Colony, hostilities, sooner or later,

must break out. The Americans officially ignored the Aguinaldo party as

a factor in public affairs, but they were not unaware of the warlike

preparations being made. Secret anti-American meetings were held at

places called clubs, where it was agreed to attack simultaneously

the Americans inside and outside the capital. General Pio del Pilar

slept in the city every night, ready to give the rocket-signal for

revolt. Natives between 18 and 40 years of age were being recruited

for military service, according to a Malolos Government decree

dated September 21, 1898. In every smithy and factory bowie-knives

were being forged with all speed, and 10,000 men were already armed

with them. General E. S. Otis was willing to confer with Aguinaldo,

and six sessions were held, the last taking place on January 29, six

days before the outbreak. Nothing resulted from these conferences, the

Americans alleging that Aguinaldo would make no definite statement of

his people's aims, whilst the Filipinos declare that their intentions

were so well understood by the American general that he would listen

to nothing short of unconditional submission.

The following manifesto, dated January 5, signed by Emilio Aguinaldo,

clearly shows the attitude of the Revolutionary Party at this period:--

_To My Brethren the Filipinos, and to All the Respected Consuls

and Other Foreigners_:--

General Otis styles himself Military Governor of these Islands,

and I protest one and a thousand times and with all the energy of

my soul against such authority. I proclaim solemnly that I have

not recognized either in Singapore or in Hong-Kong or in the

Philippines, by word or in writing, the sovereignty of America

over this beloved soil. On the contrary, I say that I returned to

these Islands on an American warship on the 19th of May last for

the express purpose of making war on the Spaniards to regain our

liberty and independence. I stated this in my proclamation of the

24th of May last, and I published it in my Manifesto addressed to

the Philippine people on the 12th of June. Lastly, all this was

confirmed by the American General Merritt himself, predecessor

of General Otis, in his Manifesto to the Philippine people some

days before he demanded the surrender of Manila from the Spanish

General Jaudenes. In that Manifesto it is distinctly stated that

the naval and field forces of the United States had come to give

us our liberty, by subverting the bad Spanish Government. And I

hereby protest against this unexpected act of the United States

claiming sovereignty over these Islands. My relations with the

American authorities prove undeniably that the United States did

not bring me over here from Hong-Kong to make war on the Spaniards

for their benefit, but for the purpose of our own liberty and

independence. . . .

_Emilio Aguinaldo_.

Aguinaldo having been successively Dictator and President of the

Revolutionary Government (_vide_ p. 448), now assumed the new title of

President of the _Philippine Republic_, the Articles of Constitution

of which (drawn up by his Prime Minister Apolinario Mabini) were

dated January 21, 1899, and promulgated by him on the following

day. In due course the news came that the date of voting in the

Senate for or against the retention of the Islands was fixed. The

Americans already in the Colony were practically unanimous in their

desire for its retention, and every effort was made by them to that

end. The question of the treaty ratification was warmly discussed

in Washington. A week before the vote was taken it was doubtful

whether the necessary two-thirds majority could be obtained. It was

a remarkable coincidence that just when the Republican Party was

straining every nerve to secure the two or three wavering votes, the

first shots were exchanged between a native and an American outpost

in the suburbs of the capital. Each side accuses the other of having

precipitated hostilities. However that may be, this event took place

precisely at a date when the news of it in Washington served to secure

the votes of the hesitating senators in favour of retention. [208]

The provocative demeanour of the insurgents at the outposts was

such that a rupture was inevitable sooner or later, and if a Senate

vote of abandonment had come simultaneously with insurrection, the

situation would have been extremely complicated; it would have been

difficult for the Oriental not to have believed that the invader

was nervously beating a retreat. The Nebraska Regiment was at Santa

Mesa, guarding its front. Americans were frequently insulted, called

cowards, and openly menaced by the insurgents. In the evening of

Saturday, February 4, 1899, an insurgent officer came with a detail

of men and attempted to force his way past the sentinel on the San

Juan bridge. About nine o'clock a large body of rebels advanced on

the South Dakota Regiment's outposts, and to avoid the necessity

of firing, for obvious reasons, the picquets fell back. For several

nights a certain insurgent lieutenant had tried to pass the Nebraska

lines. At length he approached a sentinel, who called "halt" three

times without response, and then shot the lieutenant dead. Several

insurgents then fired and retreated; rockets were at once sent up by

the Filipinos, and firing started all along the line, from Caloocan

to Santa Mesa. By ten o'clock the Filipinos concentrated at Caloocan,

Santa Mesa, and Gagalanging, whence they opened a simultaneous, but

ineffectual, fusillade, supplemented by two siege guns at Balichalic

and a skirmishing attack from Pandacan and Paco. Desperate fighting

continued throughout the night; the Filipinos, driven back from every

post with heavy loss, rallied the next morning at Paco, where they

occupied the parish church, to which many non-combatant refugees

had fled. The American warships, co-operating with their batteries,

poured a terrific fire on the church, and kept up a continuous attack

on the insurgent position at Caloocan, where General Aguinaldo was in

command. At daylight the Americans made a general advance towards Paco

and Santa Ana. At the former place the Filipinos resisted desperately;

the church, sheltering refugees and insurgents, was completely

demolished; [209] the Filipinos' loss amounted to about 4,000 killed

and wounded, whilst the Americans lost about 175 killed and wounded. It

is estimated that the approximate number of troops engaged in this

encounter was 13,000 Americans and 20,000 Filipinos. The insurgents

at Santa Ana, the survivors of the Paco defeat, and the force which

had to abandon the Santolan water-works, where they left behind them

a howitzer, all concentrated at Caloocan. The insurgent and American

lines formed a semicircle some 15 miles in extent, making it impossible

to give a comprehensive description of the numerous small engagements.

Immediately the news of the rupture reached Washington the Philippine

Envoy, Felipe Agoncillo, fled to Montreal, Canada, in a great

hurry, leaving his luggage behind. No one was troubling him, and

there was not the least need for such a precipitate flight from a

country where civilized international usages obtain. On February 5

an engagement took place at Gagalanging, where the natives collected

in the hundreds of bungalows around that village awaiting the advance

of the Oregon Regiment. Amongst the spectators was the German Prince

Ludwig von Loewenstein. The Americans continued advancing and firing,

when suddenly the prince ran across an open space and took shelter in

a hut which he must have known would be attacked by the Oregons. The

order was given to fire into the native dwellings giving cover to

the insurgents, and the prince's dead body was subsequently found

perforated by a bullet. In his pocket he carried a pass issued by

Aguinaldo conceding to the bearer permission to go anywhere within

the insurgent lines, and stating that he was a sympathizer with their

cause. It was noticed that the prince several times deliberately threw

himself into danger. No one could ascertain exactly in what capacity

he found himself near the fighting-line. Less than two years previously

he had married the daughter of an English earl, and the popular belief

was that, for private reasons, he intentionally courted death.

The rebels were repulsed at every point with great loss. Lines of smoke

from the burning villages marked the direction taken by the Americans

advancing under the leadership of Generals Otis, Wheaton, Hale,

and Hall. An immense amount of impedimenta in the shape of pontoons,

telegraph posts and wires, ammunition, and provisions followed the

infantry in perfect order. On the line taken by the troops many

native householders hoisted white flags to indicate their peaceful

intentions. Ambulances were frequently seen coming in with the wounded

Americans and Filipinos, and among them was brought the chief of an

Igorrote tribe with a broken thigh. His tribe, who had been persuaded

by Aguinaldo to bring their bows and arrows to co-operate with him,

were placed in the front and suffered great slaughter. In hospital

the Igorrote chief spoke with much bitterness of how he had been

deceived, and vowed vengeance against the Tagalogs. The next day

at Caloocan the rebels made a determined stand, but were driven out

of the place by 10-inch shells fired from the _Monadnock_ over the

American lines. General Hall occupied Santolan and the pumping-station

there and repelled the repeated attacks made on his column. General

McArthur with a flying column cleared the surrounding district of the

enemy, but owing to the roughness of the country he was unable to

pursue them. Aguinaldo was therefore able to escape north with his

army, reinforced by native troops who had been trained in Spanish

service. There was also a concentration of about 2,500 natives from

the southern Luzon provinces. The insurgents had cut trenches at

almost every mile along the route north. In the several skirmishes

which took place on March 25 the Americans lost one captain and 25 men

killed and eight officers and 142 men wounded. The next day there was

some hard fighting around Polo and Novaliches, where the insurgents

held out for six hours against General McArthur's three brigades of

cavalry and artillery. After the defeat at Paco, Aguinaldo moved

on to the town of Malabon, which was shelled; the enemy therefore

immediately evacuated that place in great confusion, after setting

fire to the buildings. Over 1,000 men, women, and children hastened

across the low, swampy lands carrying their household goods and their

fighting-cocks; it was indeed a curious spectacle. General Wheaton's

brigade captured Malinta, and the insurgents fled panic-stricken after

having suffered severely. The American loss was small in numbers,

but Colonel Egbert, of the 22nd Infantry, was mortally wounded whilst

leading a charge. As he lay on the litter in the midst of the fight

General Wheaton cheered him with the words, "Nobly done, Egbert!" to

which the dying colonel replied, "Good-bye, General; I'm done; I'm

too old," and at once expired.

In March the natives tried to burn down one of the busiest Manila

suburbs. At 8 o'clock one evening they set fire to the Chinese

quarters in Santa Cruz, and the breeze rapidly wafted the flames. The

conflagration lasted four hours. The English Fire-Brigade turned out

to quench it. Hundreds of Chinese laden with chattels hurried to and

fro about the streets; natives rushed hither and thither frantically

trying to keep the fire going whilst the whites were endeavouring

to extinguish it; and with the confusion of European and Oriental

tongues the place was a perfect pandemonium. General Hughes was

at the head of the police, but the surging mob pressed forward and

cut the hose five times. With fixed bayonets the troops partially

succeeded in holding back the swelling crowd. The electric wires got

out of working order, and the city was lighted only by the glare of

the flaming buildings. Bullets were flying in all directions about

Tondo and Binondo. The intense excitement was intentionally sustained

by batches of natives who rushed hither and thither with hideous

yells to inspire a feeling of terror. Many families, fearing that the

insurgents had broken through the American lines and entered the city

_en masse_, frantically fled from the hotels and houses. Incessant

bugle-calls from the natives added to the commotion, and thousands

of Chinese crowded into the Chinese Consulate. Finally the rioters

were driven back, and a cordon of troops assured the safety of the

capital. Sharp engagements simultaneously took place at the Chinese

cemetery and at San Pedro Macati. Bands of insurgents were arrested

in Tondo. A group of 60 was captured escorting two cartloads of arms

and ammunition to a house. Business was almost entirely suspended,

and a general order was issued by the Military Governor commanding

all civilians to remain in their houses after 7 p.m. This hour was

gradually extended to 8 o'clock, then 9 o'clock, and finally to

midnight, as circumstances permitted. An edict was posted up fixing

the penalties for incendiarism. During two days smoke hovered around

the neighbourhood, and the appearance of Manila from the bay was that

of a smouldering city.

In the fighting up country, one of the greatest difficulties for the

Americans was that the insurgents would not concentrate and have a

decisive contest. They would fire a few volleys from cover and retreat

to other cover, repeating these harassing, but inconclusive, tactics

over many miles of ground. On their march the Americans had to fight

a hidden foe who slipped from trench to trench, or found safety in

the woods. Sometimes a trenchful of the enemy would fire a volley and

half of them disappear through gullies leading to other cover. The

next point of importance to be reached was Malalos, and on the way

some thirty villages had to be passed. Besides the volleys delivered

by hidden insurgents all along the line, a hard-fought battle took

place on March 28 under the personal direction of General Aguinaldo,

who concentrated about 5,000 men near Marilao. Aguinaldo directed

the movements without appearing on the field; indeed it is doubtful

whether, during this war, he ever led his troops into action. General

McArthur's division had halted at Meycauayan the previous night,

and in the morning advanced north in conjunction with General Hale's

brigade, which took the right, whilst General Otis led his troops

to the left of the railroad, General Wheaton's brigade being held in

reserve. After a three-mile march these forces fell in with the enemy,

who opened fire from trenches and thickets; but General Otis's troops

charged them gallantly and drove them back across the river. There the

insurgents rallied, relying upon the splendid trenches which they had

dug. The battle raged for three hours, the combatants being finally

within fifty yards of each other. Eventually the American artillery

came into play, when the advanced works of the insurgent defences were

literally pulverized and the general rout of the enemy began. They

retreated to their second stronghold of bamboo thickets, pursued by the

1st South Dakota Infantry, which made a brilliant charge in the open,

under a galling fire, with a loss of three lieutenants and seven men

killed on the field and about a score wounded. The insurgents, however,

were completely defeated and scattered, leaving 85 dead counted in

the trenches and thickets, and a hundred prisoners in the hands of

the Americans. Before abandoning Marilao the insurgents burnt the town

to the ground and continued their hurried flight to Malolos. They had

plenty of time to rally, for the Americans found great difficulty in

bringing their artillery across the river at Guiguinto. It had to be

drawn over the railway bridge by hand whilst the mules swam across

to the northern bank, all being, at the same time, under a desultory

fire from the enemy. The resistance of the Filipinos to the passage of

the river at Guiguinto was so stubborn that the Americans lost about

70 killed and wounded. At 6 a.m. the Americans started the advance

towards Malolos in the same order taken for the march to Marilao,

General Hale's brigade taking the right and General Otis's the left

of the railroad. Several skirmishes took place on the way and General

Wheaton brought his reserves forward into the general advance. At

Bocaue the river presented the same difficulties for artillery

transport as were experienced at Guiguinto, except that the enemy was

nowhere to be seen. Bigaa was reached and not an armed native was in

sight, all having apparently concentrated in the insurgent capital,

Malolos. The American casualties that day, due solely to the morning

skirmishes, amounted to four killed and thirty wounded.

It is apparent, from the official despatches, that at this time

the American generals seriously believed the Aguinaldo party would

acknowledge its defeat and make peace if Malolos, the revolutionary

seat of government, fell. All that was going on in Manila was well

known to the insurgents in the field, as the news was brought to

them daily by runners who were able to enter the city during daylight

without interference. On March 30 General McArthur's division resumed

the advance and brought up the baggage trains, after having repaired

the several bridges damaged by the enemy. The environs of Malolos were

reconnoitred up to within a mile of the town, and the dead bodies

of insurgent soldiers were seen scattered here and there. Groups of

hundreds of non-combatants were hurrying off from the beleaguered

insurgent capital. General Otis's brigade pushed forward without

any encounter with the enemy, but General Hale's column, which

continued to take the right side of the railway, was fired upon

from the woods, the total casualties that day being five killed and

43 wounded. At 7 a.m. (March 31) the Americans opened the combined

attack on Malolos. General McArthur directed the operations from

the railway embankment, and half an hour's artillery fire dislodged

the enemy from their cover. The columns advanced cautiously towards

the town in anticipation of a fierce resistance and, it was hoped,

a fight to the finish. General Otis marched on direct: General Hale

executed a flanking movement to the east; General Wheaton's brigades

were held in reserve, and a halt of half an hour was made preparatory

to the final assault. The scouts then returned and reported that the

insurgents had abandoned their capital! It was a disappointment to

the Americans who had looked forward to inflicting a decisive and

crushing defeat on the enemy. The first troops to enter the town

were the 20th Kansas Regiment, under Colonel Funston. The natives,

in the wildest confusion, scampered off, after firing a few parting

shots at the approaching forces, and the Americans, with a total

loss of 15 killed and wounded, were in undisputed possession of the

insurgent capital. Aguinaldo had prudently evacuated it two days

before with his main army, going in the direction of Calumpit. Only

one battalion had been left behind to burn the town on the approach

of the Americans. Aguinaldo's headquarters, the parish church,

and a few hundred yards of railway were already destroyed when

the Americans occupied the place, still partly in flames. Some

few hundreds of Chinese were the only inhabitants remaining in

Malolos. The value of the food-stuffs captured in this place was

estimated at P1,500,000. Simultaneously, General Hall's brigade

operated five to seven miles north of Manila and drove the insurgents

out of Mariquina, San Mateo, and the environs of the Montalban River

with a loss of 20 men wounded and Lieutenant Gregg killed. It was now

evident that Aguinaldo had no intention to come to close quarters and

bring matters to a crisis by pitched battles. His policy was apparently

to harry the Americans by keeping them constantly on the move against

guerilla parties, in the hope that a long and wearisome campaign would

end in the Americans abandoning the Islands in disgust, leaving the

Filipinos to their own desired independence. Aguinaldo had moved on

to Calumpit with his main army with the intention of establishing

his Government there. On the American side, active preparations were

made to dislodge him. Small gunboats were fitted out for operating

on the Rio Grande de Pampanga, and an armoured train was prepared for

use farther north. From Paranaque, on the bay shore south of Manila,

the insurgents fired on the monitor _Monadnock_, but a few shots from

this vessel silenced the shore battery. In several places, within 10

to 15 miles of the capital, armed groups of insurgents concentrated,

but Aguinaldo moved on towards Baliuag, in the province of Bulacan,

so as to be within easy reach of the hill district of Angat in case

of defeat.

A few days after the capture of Malolos, General Otis issued a

proclamation to the Filipinos, in the hope that by drawing off public

sympathy from the insurgent cause it would dwindle away. The terms

of this document were as follows, viz.:--

(1) The supremacy of the United States must and will be enforced

throughout every part of the Archipelago. Those who resist can

accomplish nothing except their own ruin.

(2) The most ample liberty of self-government will be granted

which is reconcilable with the maintenance of a wise, just,

stable, effective, and economical administration, and compatible

with the sovereign and international rights and obligations of

the United States.

(3) The civil rights of the Filipinos will be guaranteed and

protected, religious freedom will be assured, and all will have

equal standing before the law.

(4) Honour, justice, and friendship forbid the exploitation of

the people of the Islands. The purpose of the American Government

is the welfare and advancement of the Filipino people.

(5) The American Government guarantees an honest and effective

civil service, in which, to the fullest extent practicable,

natives shall be employed.

(6) The collection and application of taxes and revenues will be

put on a sound and honest economical basis. Public funds will be

raised justly and collected honestly, and will be applied only in

defraying the proper expenses of the establishment and maintenance

of the Philippine Government, and such general improvements as

public interests demand. Local funds collected for local purposes

shall not be diverted to other ends. With such a prudent and

honest fiscal administration it is believed that the needs of

the Government will, in a short time, become compatible with a

considerable reduction of taxation.

(7) The pure, speedy, and effective administration of justice,

whereby the evils of delay, corruption, and exploitation will be

effectually eradicated.

(8) The construction of roads, railways, and other means of

communication and transportation, and other public works of

manifest advantage to the people will be promoted.

(9) Domestic and foreign trade, commerce, agriculture, and other

industrial pursuits, and the general development of the country

and interest of the inhabitants will be the constant objects of

the solicitude and fostering care of the Government.

(10) Effective provision will be made for the establishment of

elementary schools, in which the children of the people shall be

educated, and appropriate facilities will also be provided for

their higher education.

(11) Reforms in all departments of the Government, all branches

of the public service, and all corporations closely touching the

common life of the people must be undertaken without delay, and

effected conformably with right and justice in such a way as to

satisfy the well-founded demands and the highest sentiments and

aspirations of the Philippine people.

The above proclamation, no doubt, embodies the programme of what

the American Government desired to carry out at the time of its

publication.

The Americans resumed the aggressive against the insurgents, and

an expedition of 1,509 men and two mountain-guns was fitted out

under the command of General Lawton to proceed up the Pasig River

into the Lake of Bay in order to capture Santa Cruz at the eastern

extremity. The expedition presented a curious sight; it comprised 15

native barges or "cascoes" towed by seven tugs. Some of the craft

ran aground at Napindan, the entrance to the lake, and delayed the

little flotilla until daylight. The barges ahead had to wait for the

vessels lagging behind. Then a mist came over the shore, and there was

another halt. A couple of miles off an insurgent steamer was sighted,

but it passed on. Finally Santa Cruz was reached; 200 sharpshooters

were landed under cover of the launch guns, and fighting continued

all the afternoon until nightfall. Early in the morning the town was

attacked, the church situated in the centre was captured, and the

American loss was only six men wounded; the insurgents were driven

far away, leaving 68 dead on the field, and a large number of wounded,

whilst hundreds were taken prisoners.

On April 12, at the request of the Spanish General Rios, [210] the

gunboat _Yorktown_ was despatched to Baler, on the east coast of Luzon,

to endeavour to rescue a party of 80 Spanish soldiers, three officers,

and two priests who were holding out against 400 insurgents. These

natives, who were all armed with Maueser rifles, laid in ambush,

and surprised the landing-party under Lieutenant Gilmore. The whole

party was captured by the insurgents, who were afterwards ordered to

release them all. General Aguinaldo was always as humanely disposed

as the circumstances of war would permit, and, at the request of the

commissioners for the liberation of the Spanish prisoners, he gave

this little band of 83 heroes and two priests their liberty under

a decree so characteristic of Philippine imitative genius in its

pompous allusion to the Spanish glorious past that it is well worth

recording. [211]

General Lawton asserted that 100,000 men would be required to conquer

the Philippines, but they were never sent, because there was always

an influential group of optimists who expected an early collapse

of the insurgent movement. General Otis sent frequent cablegrams to

Washington expressing his belief that the war would soon come to an

end. However, in April, 1899, 14,000 regular troops were despatched

to the Islands to reinforce the Volunteer regiments. It was a wise

measure taken not too soon, for it was clear that a certain amount

of discontent had manifested itself among the Volunteers. Moreover,

the whole management of the Philippine problem was much hampered by

an anti-annexation movement in America which did not fail to have its

influence on the Volunteers, many of whom were anxious to return home

if they could. Senator Hoar and his partisans persistently opposed the

retention of the Islands, claiming that it was contrary to the spirit

of the American Constitution to impose a government upon a people

against its will. American sentiment was indeed becoming more and more

opposed to expansion of territorial possession beyond the continent,

in view of the unsatisfactory operations in the Philippines--a feeling

which was, however, greatly counterbalanced by a recognition of the

political necessity of finishing an unpleasant task already begun,

for the sake of national dignity.

About this time the Philippine envoy, Felipe Agoncillo, was in Paris

as president of a _junta_ of his compatriots. Some of the members

were of opinion that they ought to negotiate for peace directly with

the American Secretary of State, but Agoncillo so tenaciously opposed

anything short of sovereign Philippine independence that some of the

members withdrew and returned to the Islands. A year later I found

Agoncillo of exactly the same intransigent persuasion.

At the end of April the Americans suffered a severe reverse at Guingua

(Bulacan), where Major Bell, with 40 cavalrymen, came across a strong

outpost from which the enemy fired, killing one and wounding five

men. With great difficulty the dead and wounded were carried back under

fire, and it was found that the enemy occupied a big trench encircling

three sides of a paddy-field bordering on a wood. As the Americans

retreated, the insurgents crept up, aided by a mist, to within short

range and fired another volley. Major Bell sent for reinforcements,

and a battalion of infantry was soon on the scene, but their advance

was checked by the continuous firing from the trenches. Artillery

was on the way, but the insurgents were not disposed to charge

the Americans, who lay for two hours under cover of a rice-field

embankment in a broiling hot sun. One man died of sunstroke. Finally

a second battalion of infantry arrived under the command of Colonel

Stotsenberg, who was very popular with his men. He was received with

cheers, and immediately ordered a charge against the enemy in the

trenches; but whilst leading the attack he was shot in the breast,

and died immediately. Within short range of the trenches Lieutenant

Sisson fell, shot through the heart. By this time the artillery had

arrived, and shelled the trenches. The insurgents, however, held their

position well for a time, until the infantry was close up to them,

when, following their usual tactics, they ran off to another trench a

mile or so away. The total American losses that day were two officers

and four privates killed, and three officers and 40 men wounded.

Spanish prisoners released by the Filipinos declared that the

insurgents had 50,000 rifles and 200 pieces of artillery captured

from the Spaniards, ample ammunition manufactured at two large

factories up country, and occasional fresh supplies of war-material

shipped from China by Chinese, European, and American merchants. The

preparations made to dislodge Aguinaldo and his main army, entrenched

and sheltered by fortifications at Calumpit, were now completed,

and General McArthur's division steadily advanced. The flower of the

insurgent army was there, well armed and supplied with artillery

and shrapnel shell. Commanded by General Antonio Luna, they were

evidently prepared to make at Calumpit the bold stand which was

expected of them at Malolos. The transport difficulties were very

great, and as General McArthur approached, every foot of ground was

disputed by the enemy. Bridges had been broken down, and the guns had

to be hauled through jungle and woods under a scorching sun. Many

buffaloes succumbed to the fatigue, and hundreds of Chinamen were

employed to do their work. The Bagbag River was reached, but it had

to be crossed, and the passage cost the Americans six men killed and

28 wounded. The Bagbag River was well fortified, and the Americans

had to attack its defenders from an open space. There were trenches

at every approach; enormous pieces of rock had been dislodged and

hauled down towards the breastworks of the trenches to form cover. The

armoured train, pushed along the railway by Chinamen, then came into

action, and its quick-firing guns opened the assault on the enemy's

position. Six-pounders were also brought into play; the insurgents were

gradually receding; artillery was wheeled up to the river bank and a

regular bombardment of the bridge ensued. The trenches were shelled,

and the insurgents were firing their guns in the direction of the

armoured train, but they failed to get the range. Meantime, a company

of the Kansas Regiment made a bold charge across a paddy-field and

found shelter in a ditch, whence they kept up a constant fire to divert

the enemy's attention whilst Colonel Eunston, the commander of the

regiment, with a lieutenant and four men, crept along the girders of

the bridge. The enemy, however, got the range and bullets were flying

all around them, so they slid down the bridge-supports, dropped into

the river, and swam to the opposite shore. Scrambling up the bank,

revolvers in hand, they reached the trenches just as the insurgents

were hurriedly evacuating them. Indeed, the Filipinos' defence of their

trenches was extremely feeble during the whole battle. On the other

hand, for the first time, the insurgents ventured out into the open

against the Americans. General Antonio Luna, the Commander-in-Chief,

could be seen galloping furiously along the lines exhorting his men to

hold their ground, and he succeeded in deploying them into an extended

line of battle to receive the enemy's onslaught. The insurgents kept

up a desultory fire whilst the troops forded the river, and then they

were pursued and driven off to the outskirts of the town. The flames

rising from several buildings appeared to indicate an intention on the

part of the insurgents to abandon their stronghold. Simultaneously,

Generals Hale and Wheaton were coming forward with their columns,

each having had some hard fighting on the way. The junction of forces

was effected; a fierce fire was poured into the trenches; General Hale

and his men made a dash across a stream, up to their waists in water;

the Utah men followed with their batteries, cheering and dragging

their field-pieces with desperate energy to the opposite bank; the

enemy gave way, and the armoured train crossed the bridge. The total

American loss that day did not exceed nine in killed and wounded,

whilst the insurgent losses were at least 70. During the night the

engineers repaired the Bagbag bridge for the rest of the troops to

pass, and fighting was resumed at six o'clock in the morning. The

deserted trenches were occupied by the Americans to pick off any

insurgents who might venture out into the open. A general assault by

the combined columns was then made on the town, which was captured,

whilst the bulk of the insurgents fled in great confusion towards the

hills. The few who lingered in the trenches in the northern suburbs

of the town were shelled out of them by the American artillery placed

near the church, and the survivors decamped, hotly pursued for some

distance by cavalry. So great was the slaughter that the insurgents'

total losses are unknown. The trenches were choked with dead bodies,

and piles of them were found in many places. When nightfall came

and the Americans were resting in Calumpit after their two days'

hard fighting, the whole district was illuminated for miles around

by the flames from the burning villages and groups of huts, whilst

the snapping of the burning bamboos echoed through the stillness like

volleys of rifle-shots.

Aguinaldo and his Government had hastened north towards Tarlac, and

on April 28 he instructed General Antonio Luna to discuss terms of

peace. Ostensibly with this object the general sent Colonel Manuel

Argueelles with his aide-de-camp and an orderly to the American camp at

Apalit (Pampanga). These men were seen coming down the railway-track

carrying a white flag. An officer was sent out to meet them, and

after handing their credentials to him they were forthwith conducted

to General Wheaton's headquarters. General Wheaton sent them on

to General McArthur, the chief commander of the Northern Division,

and General McArthur commissioned Major Mallory to escort them to

General Otis in Manila. They explained that they were empowered to ask

for an armistice for a few days as it was proposed to summon their

Congress for May 1 to discuss the question of peace or war. General

Otis replied that he did not recognize the Philippine Republic, and

that there would be no cessation of hostilities until his only terms

were complied with, namely, unconditional surrender. The negotiations

were resumed the next day, and Argueelles seemed personally inclined

to meet the American view of the situation; but as his powers were

limited to asking for an armistice, he and his companions returned to

the insurgent camp with General Otis's negative answer. On his return

to the camp Colonel Argueelles was accused of being an "Americanista"

in favour of surrender, for which offence a court-martial passed

sentence upon him of expulsion from the insurgent army and 12 years'

imprisonment. Whatever Argueelles' personal conviction may have been

matters little, but in the light of subsequent events and considering

the impetuous, intransigent character of General Antonio Luna, it is

probable that Argueelles was really only sent as a spy.

On May 5 General McArthur's division advanced to Pampanga Province,

and Santo Tomas and San Fernando were taken without loss. A portion of

the latter place had been burnt by the retreating insurgents, and the

townspeople fled leaving their household goods behind them. Generals

Hale and Lawton were following up, and on the way Baliuag (Bulacan)

was occupied and immense stores of foodstuffs were seized from the

insurgents and private owners. The booty consisted of about 150,000

bushels of rice and over 250 tons of sugar. In other places on the

way large deposits of food fell into American hands. The men of the

Nebraska Regiment considered they had had sufficient hard work for the

present in long marching, continual fighting, and outpost duty. They

therefore petitioned General McArthur to relieve them temporarily

from duty to recuperate their strength. There was no doubting their

bravery, of which they had given ample proof; they had simply reached

the limit of physical endurance. The hospitals were already full of

soldiers suffering as much from sunstroke as from wounds received

in battle. Consequently some of the regular regiments who had been

doing guard duty in the capital were despatched to the front. In the

following July the Nebraska Volunteer Regiment was one of those sent

back to the United States.

On May 19 another party of insurgent officers presented themselves

to the military authorities alleging that they had fuller

powers than Argueelles possessed and were prepared to make peace

proposals. Everything was discussed over again; but as General Otis's

unalterable demand for unconditional surrender was already well known,

one can only conclude that the insurgent commissioners were also spies

sent to gauge the power and feeling of the Americans, for they promised

to return within three weeks and then disappeared indefinitely.

On May 22 more peace commissioners were sent by Aguinaldo. They were

received by the Schurman Commission of Inquest, who communicated to

them a scheme of government which they had had under consideration

in agreement with President McKinley. The proposed plan embodied

the appointment of a Gov.-General, who would nominate a Cabinet to

act with him. The President of the United States was to appoint the

judges. The Cabinet members and the judges might be all Americans, or

all Filipinos, or both. Moreover, there was to be an Advisory Council

elected by popular vote. This liberal scheme was, however, abandoned,

as its proposal seemed to have no effect in bringing the war to an

end, and the negotiations terminated with the Commissioners and the

insurgent delegates lunching together on board the U.S. battleship

_Oregon_, whilst the blood of both parties continued to flow on

the battlefield.

General Lawton's brigade was still operating in the Provinces of

Bulacan and north of Manila (now called Rizal). The fighting was so

severe and the exposure to sun so disastrous that about the beginning

of June he had to send back to Manila 500 wounded and heat-stricken

men. It was found impossible to follow up the ever-retreating

insurgents, who again escaped still farther north. Along the Manila

Bay shore detachments of insurgents passed from time to time, driving

women and children before them, so that the Americans would not care to

fire on them. Some, however, were picked off from the warships when the

insurgents omitted their precautionary measure. It was impossible to

"round up" the enemy and bring him into a combat to the finish. His

movements were so alert that he would fight, vanish in a trice,

conceal his arms and uniform, and mingle with the Americans with an

air of perfect innocence. With wonderful dexterity he would change from

soldier to civilian, lounging one day in the market-place and the next

day fall into the insurgent ranks. These tactics, which led to nothing

whatever in a purely military sense, were evidently adopted in the vain

hope of wearying the Americans into an abandonment of their enterprise.

In the middle of June General Lawton's brigade operated to the south

of Manila and in the Cavite province, where the natives gave battle

at the Zapote River, famous for a great Spanish defeat during the

rebellion. The insurgents were under cover the whole time, and their

assembled thousands could hardly be seen by the attacking columns. They

were also in great force and strongly entrenched near Las Pinas and at

Bacoor. [212] From the former place they worked one large and two small

guns with much effect, firing canister loaded with nails. One canister

shattered the legs of a private. American infantry, skirmishing along

the beach, came across a posse of insurgents who at once retreated,

pursued by the Americans until the latter found themselves surrounded

on three sides by hidden sharpshooters, who poured in a raking fire

upon them. The skirmishers withdrew, but were rallied by General

Lawton and other officers, who themselves picked off some of the

enemy with rifle-shots. Encouraged by this example, the skirmishers,

with one cry, suddenly rushed towards the insurgents, scattering them

in all directions, and safely reached the main body of the brigade

with their wounded comrades.

The only bridge across the Zapote River was strongly defended by

the insurgents, who had trenches forming two sides of an angle. By

noon their battery was silenced, and the Americans then attempted

to ford the river, whilst others went knee-deep in mire across the

paddy-mud flats. Then a deep stream was the only boundary between

the contending parties. The Filipinos were hardly visible, being

under shelter of thickets, whilst the Americans were wading through

mud under a broiling sun for over two hours to reach them, keeping

up a constant fusillade. The whole time there was an incessant din

from a thousand rifles and the roar of cannon from the gunboats which

bombarded the enemy's position near Las Pinas and Bacoor. The strain

on the Americans was tremendous when the insurgents made a flanking

movement and fired upon them as they were floundering in the mud. The

14th Infantry eventually swam across the Zapote River, and under cover

of artillery charged the insurgents, who retreated into the woods. The

Filipinos displayed a rare intelligence in the construction of their

defences near the Zapote River and its neighbourhood, and but for the

employment of artillery their dislodgement therefrom would have been

extremely difficult. After the battle was over General Lawton declared

that it was the toughest contest they had yet undertaken in this war.

At Perez Dasmarinas, in the east of Cavite Province, a battalion of

infantry narrowly escaped annihilation. News had been brought to the

American camp that the insurgents had evacuated that town, and that

the native mayor was disposed to make a formal surrender of it to the

Americans. The battalion forthwith went there to take possession, but

before reaching the place the enemy closed in on all sides, and a heavy

fire was mutually sustained for four hours. The Americans had only just

saved themselves from destruction by a desperate bayonet-charge when

they were rescued by General Wheaton, who arrived with reinforcements.

Three months of warfare had wrought dissension in the insurgent

camp. Organization was Aguinaldo's peculiar talent, without the

exercise of which the movement would have failed at the outset. But

the value of this gift was not fully appreciated by his people. A

certain section of the fighting masses had far greater admiration

for Antonio Luna's visible prowess than for the unseen astuteness

of Aguinaldo's manoeuvres. It was characteristic of the Filipinos to

split into factions, but the encouragement given to General Antonio

Luna's aspiration to supersede his supreme chief was unfortunate, for

Aguinaldo was not the man to tolerate a rival. He had rid himself of

Andres Bonifacio (_vide_ p. 371) in 1896, and now another disturber

of that unity which is strength had to be disposed of. The point

of dispute between these two men was of public knowledge. It has

already been shown how fully cognizant Antonio Luna was of the

proposals made to the Americans for an armistice, for the express

purpose of taking the vote of the Revolutionary Congress, for peace

or war, on May 1. Aguinaldo was no longer a military dictator, but

President of the so-called Philippine Republic (_vide_ p. 486), by

whose will he was disposed loyally to abide. Antonio Luna's elastic

conscience urged him to duplicity; he pretended to submit to the will

of the majority, expressed through the Congress, with the reserved

intention of carrying on the war at all hazards, as military dictator,

if the vote were for peace. Congress met, and during the debate on

the momentous question--peace or war--the hitherto compact group of

intransigents weakened. No agreement could be arrived at in the first

session. There was, however, a strong tendency to accept American

sovereignty. Luna feared that Aguinaldo's acceptance of the vote

of the majority (if a division were taken) might deprive him of the

opportunity of rising to supreme eminence. Luna's violence at this

time was intolerable, up to the point of smacking deputy F.B. in the

face. His attempted coercion of the will of others brought about his

own downfall. His impetuosity called forth the expression, "He is

a fanatic who will lead us to a precipice." In his imagination, all

who did not conform to his dominant will were conspirators against

him. Hence, at Cavite (Aguinaldo's native province), he disarmed all

the troops of that locality, and substituted Ilocanos of his own

province, whilst he vented his ferocity in numerous executions of

Tagalogs. Had he lived he would probably have created a tribal feud

between Ilocanos and Tagalogs.

On June 3, 1899, accompanied by his aide-de-camp, Captain Roman, and

an escort, Luna entered the official residence of President Aguinaldo

at Cabanatuan (Nueva Ecija). The guard, composed of a company of

Cavite men from Canit (Aguinaldo's native town), under the command

of Captain Pedro Janolino, saluted him on his entry. As Luna and

Roman ascended the staircase to seek Aguinaldo a revolver-shot was

heard. Luna rushed down the stairs in a furious rage and insulted

Captain Janolino in the presence of his troops. This was too much

for Janolino, who drew a dagger and thrust it violently into Luna's

head. In the scuffle Luna was knocked down and shot several times. He

was able to reach the roadway, and, after shouting "Cowards!" fell

down dead. In the meantime, whilst Captain Roman was running towards

a house he was shot dead by a bullet in his breast. The Insurgent

Government passed a vote of regret at the occurrence, and the two

officers were buried with military honours. As subsequent events

proved, Aguinaldo had no personal wish to give up the struggle, or

to influence a peace vote, but to execute the will of the people,

as expressed through the revolutionary congressmen.

The situation was becoming so serious for the Americans that a call for

25,000 more volunteers was earnestly discussed at Washington. It was

thought that the levy should be made at once, believing that General

Otis really required them, but that he was reluctant to admit an

under-estimate of the enemy's strength. The insurgents, finding they

were not followed up (the rainy season was commencing), were beginning

to take the offensive with greater boldness, attacking the Americans

in the rear. The War Department, however, hesitated to make the levy

owing to the friction which existed between the volunteers and the

regulars, but the case was so urgent that at the end of June it was

decided to raise the total forces in the Philippines to 40,000 men.

On June 12, the anniversary of the proclamation at Cavite of

Philippine Independence, Aguinaldo, from his northern retreat, issued

a _Manifiesto_ to his countrymen reminding them of the importance

of that event. This document, abundant in grandiloquent phrases,

is too lengthy for full citation here, but the following paragraph

in it is interesting as a recognition that, after all, there was a

bright side to Spanish dominion:--

Filipinas! Beloved daughter of the ardent sun of the tropics,

commended by Providence to the care of noble Spain, be thou not

ungrateful; acknowledge her, salute her who warmed thee with the

breath of her own culture and civility. Thou hast longed for

independence, and thine emancipation from Spain has come; but

preserve in thine heart the remembrance of the more than three

centuries which thou hast lived with her usages, her language,

and her customs. It is true she sought to crush thine aspiration

for independence, just as a loving mother resists the lifelong

separation from the daughter of her bosom; it only proved the

excess of affection, the love Spain feels for thee. But thou,

Filipinas, flower of the ocean, delicate flower of the East, still

weak, scarce eight months weaned from thy mother's breast, hast

dared to brave a great and powerful nation such as is the United

States, with thy little army barely disciplined and shaped. Ah,

beloved brethren, all this is true; and still we say we will be

slaves to none, nor let ourselves be duped by gentle words.

Certainly Aguinaldo could not have been the author of the above

composition published in his name.

By the middle of July the censorship of Press cablegrams from Manila

had become so rigid that the public in America and Europe could get

very little reliable telegraphic news of what was going on in the

Islands. The American newspaper correspondents therefore signed a

"round robin" setting forth their complaints to General Otis, who took

little heed of it. It was well known that the hospitals were crowded

with American soldiers, a great many of whom were suffering solely from

their persistence in habits contracted at home which were incompatible

with good health in a tropical climate. Many volunteers, wearied of the

war, were urging to be sent back to the States, and there was a marked

lack of cordiality between the volunteer and the regular regiments. In

the field the former might well compare with the smartest and the

bravest men who ever carried arms; off active service there was a

difference between them and the disciplined regulars perceptible to

any civilian. The natives particularly resented the volunteers' habit

of entering their dwellings and tampering, in a free and easy manner,

with their goods and the modesty of their women. They were specially

disgusted with the coloured regiments, whose conduct was such that

the authorities saw the desirability of shipping them all back to the

United States as soon as other troops were available to replace them,

for their lawlessness was bringing discredit on the nation.

In July an expedition was sent up the Laguna de Bay, and the towns on

the south shore were successively captured as far as Calamba, which

was occupied on the 26th of the month. Early in the same month the

inter-island merchant steamer _Saturnus_, on its regular voyage to the

north-west coast of Luzon ports, put in at San Fernando de la Union to

discharge cargo for that place, which was held by the insurgents. The

vessel was flying the American flag. Part of the cargo had been

discharged and preparations were being made to receive freight on

board, when the insurgents seized the vessel, carried off the thousands

of pesos and other property on board, poured petroleum on the woodwork,

and hauled down the American flag. The American gunboat _Pampanga_,

patrolling this coast, seeing there was something irregular, hove to

and endeavoured to get a tow-line over the _Saturnus_, but was beaten

off by the insurgents' fire from shore. The insurgents then brought

field-pieces into action and shelled the _Saturnus_, setting her on

fire. The vessel became a wreck and sank near the beach. Subsequently

a gunboat was sent to San Fernando de la Union to shell the town.

When the wet season had fully set in, operations of importance were

necessarily suspended. Skirmishes and small encounters occurred in

many places where the contending parties chanced to meet, but no

further remarkable military event happened in this year of 1899 until

the north-east monsoon brought a cessation of the deluging rains.

Notwithstanding General Otis's oft-repeated intimation of

"unconditional surrender" as the sole terms of peace, in October

General Aguinaldo sent General Alejandrino from his new seat of

government in Tarlac to General Otis with fresh proposals, but

the letter was returned unopened. At that time Aguinaldo's army

was estimated at 12,000 men. The insurgents had taken many American

prisoners, some of whom were released a few days afterwards, and, in

October, Aguinaldo issued a decree voluntarily granting liberty to all

Americans held captive by his people. This resolution, proclaimed as

an act of grace, was really owing to the scarcity of food, and for the

same reason Aguinaldo simultaneously disbanded a portion of his army.

In the month of December General Lawton led his brigade to the district

of Montalban and San Mateo, a few miles north of Manila, to attack the

insurgents. The agreed plan was to make a flanking movement against

the enemy on the San Mateo River and a frontal attack immediately the

enemy was engaged. The frontal attack was being personally directed

by the general, who stood on the high bank of the river. Captain

Breckinridge, the general's aide-de-camp, had just been hit in the

groin, and General Lawton went to speak to him before he was carried

away on a litter. Whilst so engaged, the general threw up his hands

and fell without uttering a word. He had been shot through the heart,

and died instantly. His body was carried to Manila for public burial,

and the insurgents were as jubilant as the Americans were grieved

over this sad occurrence. The date was fixed for the interment with

military pomp, and immense crowds came out to witness the imposing

procession. Some Filipinos, expecting the cortege would pass through

a certain street, deposited a bomb in the house of an old woman,

unknown to her, but fortunately for her and all concerned, it was

not on the route taken. In memory of the late lamented general the

present five-peso bank notes bear his vignette.

In 1900 the war of independence began to wane. In January,

General Joseph Wheeler left Manila to assume command of the late

General Lawton's brigade, and overran the Laguna de Bay south shore

towns. Vinan was taken on January 1, but as no garrison was left there,

the insurgents re-entered the town when the Americans passed on. The

armed natives were, in reality, playing a game of hide-and-seek,

with no tangible result to themselves further than feeding at the

expense of the townspeople. Aguinaldo was still roaming about central

Luzon, but, one by one, his generals either surrendered or were

captured. Among these was General Rizal, captured in January. In

this month a plot to blow up the foreign consuls was opportunely

frustrated. The Chinese General Paua, Aguinaldo's brother-in-law,

surrendered in March and found shopkeeping in Binondo a less risky

business than generalship. In the same month the Manila-Dagupan

Railway was handed over to the company's management, after having

been used for war purposes. General Montenegro surrendered in April,

and a fortnight afterwards Don Pedro A. Paterno, late President of

the Insurgent Congress, was captured at Antomoc (Beuguet district);

Generals Garcia and Dumangtay were captured; five officers and two

companies of insurgents surrendered in May; and in the same month one

Gabriel Cayaban, of Pangasinan Province, was sentenced to five years'

hard labour and a fine of 2,000 pesos for conspiring with guerillas

to raise riot. It cannot be said that the insurgents in the field had

advanced one step towards the attainment of their object. Manila was

simultaneously full of conspirators cogitating over murderous plots

against the Americans, and a band of them was arrested in the month

of May. The insurgent movement was so far disorganized that it was

deemed opportune to entrust natives with police duties, and in June

a Philippine cavalry corps was created. Captain Lara, of the native

police, took Generals Pio del Pilar and Salvador Estrella prisoners,

but was himself assassinated on August 4. General Maximino Hizon [213]

was captured at Mexico (Pampanga), and on June 21 the Military Governor

published an amnesty proclamation, granting pardon and liberty to

all who should declare their allegiance to the United States within

ninety days. All who had surrendered and some who were captured

took the required oath, and others were coming in. Pio del Pilar was

among those who accepted the amnesty a week after its promulgation,

but he was again arrested, September 6, for conspiracy. The Amnesty

Proclamation was met by a counter-proclamation issued by Aguinaldo,

dated August 3, 1900, in which he urged a continuance of the war,

and offered rewards for arms. He promised to liberate all prisoners

of war who might fall into insurgent hands, on surrender of their

arms and ammunition. He would give them money to return to their

lines and for petty expenses _en route_. He would pay 80 pesos for

every American rifle brought in by a prisoner, and 20 pesos for any

rifle voluntarily brought to a Philippine officer, but the deserter

would not be allowed to enter the insurgent ranks.

On June 28 there was an attempted rising in Manila, and Don Pedro

A. Paterno was placed under closer guard. In July the insurgents were

active in the neighbourhood of Vigan (Ilocos). About 40 volunteer

infantry and 60 cavalry went out from Narvican to attack them, and

came across a strongly-entrenched position held by about 300 riflemen

and 1,000 men armed with bowie-knives. A sharp fight ensued, but the

Americans, overwhelmed by the mass, had to retreat to Narvican. The

insurgents lost about a hundred men, whilst the American loss was one

lieutenant and four men killed, nine wounded and four missing. About

the same time, the insurgents driven back from the Laguna de Bay

shore occupied Taal (Batangas), where, under the leadership of

Miguel Malvar, a small battle was fought in the streets on July 12

and the town was burnt; a troop of cavalry was added to the police

force this month, and there was no lack of Filipinos willing to

co-operate with Americans for a salary. The backbone of insurgency

having been broken, the dollar proved to be a mightier factor than

the sword in the process of pacification. Compared with former times,

the ex-insurgents found in the lucrative employments offered to them

by the Americans a veritable El Dorado, for never before had they

seen such a flow of cash. The country had been ravaged; the immense

stores collected by the revolutionists had been seized; non-combatant

partisans of the insurgent cause were wearied of paying heavy taxes

for so little result; treasure was hidden; fields lay fallow, and for

want of food Aguinaldo had had partially to disband his army. He told

me himself that on one occasion they were so hard pressed for food

that they had to live for three days on whatever they could find in

the mountains. There were but two courses open to the majority of the

ex-soldiers--brigandage or service under their new masters. Some chose

the former, with results which will be hereafter referred to; others,

more disposed towards civil life, were allured by the abundance of

silver pesos, which made a final conquest where shot and shell had

failed. Still, there were thousands incognizant of the olive-branch

extended to them, and military operations had to be continued even

within a day's journey from the capital. A request had to be made

for more cavalry to be sent to the Islands, and the proportion of

this branch of the service to infantry was gradually increased, for

"rounding up" insurgents who refused to give battle was exhausting

work for white foot-soldiers in the tropics. In the course of four

months nearly all the infantry in the small towns was replaced by

cavalry. In this same month (July) American cavalry successfully

secured the Laguna de Bay south shore towns which the insurgents had

re-taken on the departure of the infantry sent there in January. Many

well-to-do proprietors in these towns (some known to me for 20 years),

especially in Vinan, complained to me of what they considered an

injustice inflicted on them. The American troops came and drove out

the insurgents, or caused them to decamp on their approach; but, as

they left no garrisons, the insurgents re-entered and the townspeople

had to feed them under duress. Then, when the American forces returned

six months afterwards, to the great relief of the inhabitants, and

left garrisons, many of these townspeople, on a charge of having given

succour to the insurgents, were imprisoned with the only consolation

that, after all, a couple of months' incarceration by the Americans

was preferable to the death which awaited them at the hands of the

insurgents if they had refused them food. The same thing occurred in

other islands, notably in Samar and in Cebu, where the people were

persecuted for giving aid to the armed natives on whose mercy their

lives depended. This measure was an unfortunate mistake, because it

alienated the good feeling of those who simply desired peace with the

ruling power, whether it were American or native. There were thousands

of persons--as there would be anywhere in the world--quite incapable

of taking up arms in defence of an absent party which gave them no

protection, yet naturally anxious to save their lives by payment if

need be. [214]

On July 19 a proclamation was issued forbidding the possession

of firearms without licence. On August 7 the curfew ordinance was

extended to 11 p.m., and again, in the following month, to midnight. In

September there was another serious outbreak up the Laguna de Bay,

where two or three hundred insurgents, led by a French half-caste,

General Cailles, [215] attacked Los Banos, and about the same time

the insurgents north of Manila cut the railroad between Malolos and

Guiguinto. Cailles was driven out of Los Banos, but hundreds more

insurgents joined him, and a furious battle was fought at Siniloan,

on September 17, between 800 insurgents and a company of the 15th

Infantry, who drove the enemy into the mountains.

In November Aguinaldo, who was camping in the province of Nueva Ecija,

issued another of his numerous exhortations, in consequence of which

there was renewed activity amongst the roaming bands of adventurers

all over the provinces north of the capital. The insurgent chief

advocated an aggressive war, and in the same month it was decided to

send more American troops to Manila.