_From the Reign of Charles IV. to the Executions at Prague in 1621_
Charles died in 1378 and was succeeded by his son Wenceslas, who, at
least in his earlier years, certainly does not deserve the exaggerated
censure of German historians. These historical judgments are, to a great
extent, founded on the opinions unfavourable to Wenceslas that were
expressed by strongly Romanist chroniclers, who were influenced by the
favour that the King, and yet more his consort, Princess Sophia of
Bavaria, for a time showed to Hus and the movement in favour of Church
reform. Wenceslas, who was only seventeen when he ascended the throne,
maintained all the trusty councillors of his father in their official
positions, and Palacky is no doubt right in stating that, during the
first years of Wenceslas's reign, Bohemia was as prosperous as it had
been during that of his father. It was said that such perfect security
prevailed in the country that one carrying a bag of gold on his head
could have traversed Bohemia from end to end without incurring any risk.
Unfortunately for Wenceslas the old councillors of Charles soon followed
their master to the grave, while the difficulties caused by the Papal
schism (which will be mentioned later in connection with the Church
reform movement) from the first confronted the young King. In this case,
as indeed in his foreign policy generally, Wenceslas did not follow the
example of his father, who had been a firm friend of France. He
concluded an alliance with England, which was strengthened by the
marriage of Wenceslas's sister Anne to King Richard II. of England.
Wenceslas followed his father's example in mainly residing at Prague,
and he soon became very popular with the citizens. It was said he
visited the shops of bakers and butchers and inquired the prices of
their goods. If these proved higher than was authorised by the
regulations, Wenceslas ordered the goods to be given away to the poor
and the vendors to be severely punished. Less praiseworthy than these
mediæval methods of enforcing justice were the King's nocturnal
excursions through the streets of Prague, on which he was accompanied by
boon companions not generally chosen from the higher ranks of the
nobility. The King thus became estranged from the proud Bohemian
aristocracy, and civil war eventually broke out. It was, as Dr Tomek has
shown, in consequence of his desire to mix more freely with the citizens
that Wenceslas abandoned the royal residence on the Hradcany and took up
his abode in a building close to the Celetná ulice and the powder tower.
The young King is said to have greatly enjoyed his comparative privacy,
and even to have arranged public festivities on the neighbouring
Staromestské Námesti.
The animosity of the Bohemian nobles against their Sovereign, as already
mentioned, eventually led to civil war. In 1393 most of the prominent
Bohemian nobles formed a confederacy against Wenceslas, which is known
in history as the 'league of the lords.' The King's own cousin, Jodocuo
of Moravia, as well as Albert III., Duke of Austria, and William,
Margrave of Meissen, joined the confederacy. On Wenceslas refusing to
grant the demands of the confederates, who wished to limit his power,
and especially his right to choose his councillors, he was seized by
the lords at his castle near Beroun and conveyed as a prisoner to
Prague. The citizens of Prague, however, with whom Wenceslas was still
popular, took the part of their King and besieged the castle of the
Hradcany, where he was confined. In June 1394 an army, led by Duke John
of Görlitz, a brother of Wenceslas, arrived before Prague to attempt to
liberate the imprisoned Sovereign. The citizens of the new town joyfully
received the Duke of Görlitz and joined his forces, while those of the
old town, who--intimidated by the league of lords--at first attempted
some resistance, were soon forced to capitulate. The lords, no longer
believing their prisoner safe at Prague, conveyed him first to Kruman, a
castle of the lords of Rosenberg, one of the leaders of the league, and
afterwards to Wildberg. A temporary compromise was concluded soon
afterwards, and, after granting most of the demands of the confederates,
Wenceslas regained his liberty.
Discord soon again broke out between the King and the nobles, who were
encouraged by Rupert, Elector Palatine, whom the Germans had chosen as
King after deposing Wenceslas. In 1401 an army led by the Margrave of
Meissen, an ally of the Elector Palatine, entered Bohemia, and, after
devastating a large part of the country, besieged Prague. The city that
had not seen a foreign enemy at its gates for more than a hundred years
was terrified, while the horrible cruelties committed by the Germans
excited the indignation of the people. The young preacher Hus here for
the first time gave expression to the feelings of his countrymen when,
in one of his first sermons in the Bethlehem Chapel, he declared that
the Bohemians 'were more wretched than dogs or snakes, for a dog defends
the couch on which he lies, and, if another dog tries to drive him away,
he fights with him, and a snake does the same; but us the Germans
oppress without resistance.'
Prague was, however, not captured by the Margrave of Meissen, and
another of the many temporary agreements between the King and the
Bohemian nobles, which were so frequent in the reign of Wenceslas, was
concluded.
In the following year Wenceslas again became a prisoner. By order of his
brother Sigismund, King of Hungary, whom he had foolishly invited to
Prague, Wenceslas was seized in the royal residence, near the powder
tower, and conveyed first to the Hradcany castle and afterwards to
Vienna, where Sigismund entrusted him to the custody of his ally the
Duke of Austria. In the following year, however, Wenceslas succeeded in
making his escape from Vienna. He returned to Bohemia, where he was now
joyfully received by the people, who had suffered greatly during the
time that the rapacious Sigismund had illegally ruled over Bohemia.
King Wenceslas's nature seems to have deteriorated with increasing
years; his tendency to drink became stronger; his capacity for work
decreased; he became more and more incapable of controlling his always
violent temper. A proof of this is the King's well-known conflict with
John of Pomuk or Nepomuk. The size of this book--perhaps fortunately for
the writer--precludes entering into controversial matters. I will
therefore only remark that recent historians have thrown some doubts on
the tale of John of Nepomuk. Palacky declared that St. John Nepomucene
belongs solely to legend, in no wise to Bohemian history. Recently even
some Roman Catholic writers have agreed with him. I will now give the
legend in its earliest form, as it appears in Hajek's chronicle. Hajek
writes under the date of 1383 that 'King
[Illustration: THE BRIDGE TOWER OF THE MALÁ STRANA]
Wenceslas gave himself over to much disorder, frequenting various games,
plays and dances. His wife, a very noble and honourable lady, blamed
him....'
In consequence of such reproof the King was incensed against his wife,
and conceived great hatred for her, so that he sought for some cause
enabling him to deprive her of her life. The day after the feast of the
Holy Sigismund he summoned before him the priest, John of Nepomuk, a
master of the University of Prague, canon of the Prague Church, and
confessor of the Queen. He requested him to tell him what sins the Queen
had confessed to him before God. The priest answered, 'O King, my lord,
I have assuredly not retained this in my memory, and if I had, it would
not be beseeming for me to do this, neither is it beseeming for you to
make such inquiries.' The King was incensed, and caused him to be thrown
into a grievous subterranean dungeon; then, being unable to obtain
anything from him, he sent for the executioner, and ordered that he
should be cruelly tortured; but being unable even then to obtain any
information from him, he ordered that he should be brought at night to
the bridge of Prague, fettered, and thrown into the waters to drown.
After this had been done, on that night and on the following one many
lights could be seen over the body that was floating on the stream. The
King, hearing of this miracle, left for his Castle of Zebrák, and the
prelates of the cathedral took the body out of the water and carried it
solemnly to the Monastery of the Holy Cross on the citadel of Prague'
(_i.e._, the Hradcany), 'then they buried it in St. Vitus's Cathedral
... afterwards many and manifold wonders took place there, and therefore
many declared that he was one of God's martyrs and a saint.'
The principal event of the later years of the reign of Wenceslas was the
Hussite movement, of which Prague was the centre. As has already been
mentioned, a strong feeling hostile to the corruption of the Church of
Rome had existed during the reign of Charles. Subsequent events had not
unnaturally strengthened this feeling. Two, afterwards three, rival
candidates claimed the Pontificate, and employed the terrible threats
usual among mediæval theologians against the adherents of their rivals.
It was inevitable that the authority of the Church of Rome should suffer
from this discord, particularly in Bohemia, where Waldhauser and Milic
had left many successors. Of these, by far the greatest was Hus, whose
career is so closely connected with Prague that I shall briefly allude
to it here.
[Illustration: STATUE OF ST. JOHN NEPOMUK ON THE BRIDGE]
John Hus, or of Husinec, was born at the village of that name about the
year 1369. The 6th of July was traditionally believed to be the day of
his birth, and as it was also the day of his death, the day was always
celebrated in the Bohemian Church up to the time when the battle of the
White Mountain re-established the Church of Rome in Bohemia. He arrived
at Prague at a very early age, and in September 1393 took the degree of
Bachelor of Arts at the University there. In the following year he
became a Bachelor of Divinity, and in 1396 Master of Arts. His
reputation for great learning spread very rapidly at the University. In
1401 he became Dean of the Faculty of Arts, and in the following year,
at an unusually early age, for the first time Rector of the University.
But it was only from the time that he began preaching in the Bethlehem
Chapel that his name became widely known to those also who were not
connected with the University.
The Bethlehem Chapel, situated in what is still known as the Bethlehem
Place--'Betlemské Námesti'--was founded in 1391 by John of Milheim, one
of King Wenceslas's courtiers, together with 'Kriz the Shopkeeper,' as
he is called in the contemporary records, a wealthy tradesman of Prague.
Following the example of Milic, whose foundation had been called
'Jerusalem,' Milheim and Kriz also gave a Biblical name to the new
chapel. Both founders were favourable to Church reform and partisans of
the national movement. Sermons were always preached in Bohemian at
Bethlehem, and the brilliant eloquence of Hus, of which we can still
judge, as some of his sermons have been preserved, attracted the general
attention of the people of Prague. It is noteworthy that during the
first years of his priesthood--he was consecrated as a priest about the
year 1400--Hus was on good terms with his ecclesiastical superiors. Even
after the first disputes concerning Wycliffe's teaching had arisen, Hus
was, as he himself mentions, requested by the newly appointed Archbishop
of Prague 'to bring all irregularities contrary to the rules of the
Church' to the Archbishop's notice. It should here already be mentioned
that the teaching of Hus differed from that of Rome far less than was
the case with most Church Reformers. As Dr. Harnack has written,[10]
Hus, like Wycliffe, 'only denied the alleged right of the clergy to
represent the Church and administer its sacraments even when they did
not fulfil God's commandments. How--he declared--can the functions of
priests be valid if the presupposition of all they do in the Church and
for the Church, namely, obedience to the law of God, is absent. The
quintessence of that law is the Sermon of the Mount and the example of
the humble life of Jesus; yet the whole of Scripture is the law of God.'
The first disputes between Hus and his ecclesiastical superiors broke
out in 1403. On May 28th of that year a full meeting of the members of
the University, memorable as the beginning of the Hussite struggle, took
place at the Carolinum. It was finally decided that forty-five so-called
'articles' culled from the writings of Wycliffe, twenty-four of which
had already been condemned by the Council of Blackfriars, should be
declared heretical, and that all members of the University should be
forbidden to circulate them. Hus and his friends, who were accused of
spreading the heretical opinions of Wycliffe in Bohemia, protested
against this sentence and maintained that the 'articles' contained many
statements that were not to be found in Wycliffe's writings.
Shortly after this first debate, Zbynek Zajic of Hasenburg became
Archbishop of Prague, and it seemed for a time that religious peace had
returned to the country. But in 1408 the clergy of Prague and of the
whole archbishopric of Prague brought forward a protest against Hus's
preaching at the Bethlehem Chapel,
[Illustration: MEDALS OF HUS]
stating that he had, 'in opposition to the decisions of the Holy Church
and to the opinions of the Holy Fathers, and to the injury, shame,
detriment and scandal of the whole clergy and the people generally,'
declared heretics the priests who took payment for ecclesiastical
functions, and blamed the ecclesiastics who held numerous benefices.
Hus, indeed, defended himself eloquently, but he was none the less
deprived of the office of preacher before the Synod, which the
archbishop had conferred on him some time before.
Relations between the archbishop and Hus became yet more embittered when
the latter addressed to his ecclesiastical superior a letter of
remonstrance which Dr. Lechler, a Protestant divine, describes as
'reaching the extreme limit of what is permissible to a priest when
writing to his ecclesiastical superiors.' In this letter, written on
behalf of Velenovic, a priest of Prague, who was accused of favouring
Wycliffe's views, Hus admonished the archbishop 'to love the good, not
to be influenced by flattery, to be a friend of the humble and not to
hinder those who work steadfastly at the harvest of the Lord.'
At this period the racial and the religious struggle in Bohemia
proceeded simultaneously; those who favoured the movement for Church
reform were also warm friends of the Bohemian nationality. It was
therefore a great triumph for this party, of which Hus was now the
leader, when King Wenceslas, in January 1409, issued the 'Decrees of
Kutna Hora,' which secured the permanent supremacy of the Bohemian
nation at the University of Prague. The result was the departure of the
German masters and students from Prague. They left the University
probably in the number of five thousand, though some Bohemian writers
give a much higher figure. After Archbishop Zbynek had recognised
Alexander as the legitimate Pope, the proceedings against Hus had a
much more rapid development. On July 15, 1410, Wycliffe's writings were
solemnly burnt in the courtyard of the archiepiscopal palace that was
then situated in the Malá Strana, near the bridge.
The burning of Wycliffe's works met with almost universal disapproval at
Prague. A contemporary chronicler writes: 'Instantly a great sedition
and discord began. Some said that many other books besides those of
Wycliffe had been burnt; therefore the people began to riot, the
courtiers of the King were incensed against the canons and priests; many
opprobrious songs against the archbishop were sung in the streets.'
Hus, at a meeting of the University, energetically defended Wycliffe's
teaching; he also, contrary to the positive orders of the archbishop,
continued his sermons in the Bethlehem Chapel. On March 15, 1411, the
sentence of excommunication which had been pronounced against Hus some
time previously was published in the churches of Prague, while the town
itself was placed under interdict. Endeavours to effect a settlement
indeed still continued.
In May 1412, however, the difficulties caused by the Papal schism
brought the reform movement in Bohemia to a crisis. King Ladislas of
Naples, who still recognised Gregory the Twelfth as Pope, had thus
incurred the enmity of John XXIII., who had succeeded Alexander V. as
Roman Pope. John, therefore, resolved to go to war with the King of
Naples, and--a proceeding which it must be added was not exceptional in
those days--to obtain the necessary funds by the granting of
indulgences. It was declared that all those who either took part in the
campaign against Naples, or assisted the enterprise by grants of money,
should receive the same remission of sins which had formerly been
promised to the Crusaders who had liberated the sepulchre of Christ.
The Bohemians, who were not long after to suffer from a 'crusade'
similar to that now proclaimed against Naples, received the news of the
Papal decision with great displeasure. When Wenceslas Tiem, Dean of
Passau, arrived at Prague, with the purpose of collecting, by the sale
of indulgences, funds for the Papal See, public excitement was naturally
yet greater. Boxes to receive the donations of the faithful were placed
before the Cathedral Church of St. Vitus, the Tyn Church, and on the
Vysehrad. These proceedings caused particular indignation at the
University, where the party favourable to Church reform now had entirely
the upper hand. Hus summoned the members of the University to a
_disputatio_, according to the mediæval custom. It took place in the
large hall of the Carolinum, and the subject of the _disputatio_ was
formulated in the question 'whether according to the law of Jesus Christ
it was permissible and befitting for the honour of God, the salvation of
the Christian people and the welfare of the kingdom, that the faithful
of Christ should approve of the Papal bulls which proclaimed a crusade
against Ladislas, King of Apulia, and his accomplices?' Both Hus and
Jerome of Prague violently attacked the use of indulgences for the
purpose of supplying the Roman See with funds for temporal purposes. The
theological faculty soon after again condemned the forty-five 'articles'
from Wycliffe's writings, and added six more that were attributed to Hus
and said to contain the views on indulgences which he had expressed at
the recent _disputatio_. Pope John also took action against Hus, and
decreed the 'aggravation' of the sentence of excommunication that had
already been pronounced against him. The movement had thus taken a
distinctly revolutionary character, and Hus fled from Prague in November
1412, after having published an 'Appeal from the Sentence of the Roman
Pontiff to the Supreme Judge, Jesus Christ.' He first retired to Kozi
Hradek, a castle belonging to one of his adherents, John of Usti.
Shortly after his departure from Prague an attempt was made there to
assuage the religious discord. A diocesan synod met there in the
archiepiscopal palace. Hus was not present, but was represented by
Magister John of Jesenic. Little is known of the deliberations of this
assembly, though the documents in which both the Hussite and the
Romanist divines formulated their views have been preserved. This
conference proved abortive, as did also a subsequent attempt of King
Wenceslas to bring the disputed questions before a committee, which was
to consist of four members and over which Albik, then Archbishop of
Prague, was to preside. When it was decided to affirm that both parties
were in accordance with the Church with regard to the doctrine of the
Sacrament of the Altar, the Romanist divines immediately protested,
declaring that they were not a 'party,' and demanding that the word
'Church' should be defined as the Holy Roman Church, of which Pope John
XXIII. is the head, and of which the cardinals are the members. The
negotiations thus failed from the first, to the great indignation of
King Wenceslas, who, indeed, exiled from Prague some of the German
Romanist divines. The racial struggle, as so frequently in Bohemia,
continued simultaneously with the religious one, and about this time,
through the influence of the King, the majority of the town council of
the old town, which had been German, became Bohemian, and, therefore,
favourable to the cause of Hus.
Hus, who appears to have several times visited Prague secretly at this
time, had meanwhile left the castle of Usti, and was, on the invitation
of Lord
[Illustration: MEDALS OF HUS]
Henry of Lazan, one of the King's courtiers, residing at the castle of
Krakovec, situated considerably nearer to Prague. Contrary to the Papal
commands he frequently visited the neighbouring towns and villages,
preaching in favour of Church reform.
All attempts to settle the religious differences in Bohemia having
failed, the questions raised by Hus were finally brought before a wider
forum. On the suggestion of Sigismund, King of Hungary, and afterwards
German Emperor, Hus proceeded to the council that met at Constance in
November 1414. He had previously, according to the momentous words of
Professor Tomek, received from Sigismund a safe-conduct, according to
which he was 'to come unmolested to Constance, there have free audience,
and return unharmed, should he not submit to the authority of the
council.'
None the less Hus was imprisoned shortly after his arrival at Constance,
and was--as will be known to most readers--burnt alive on July 6, 1415.
The death of Hus caused general indignation in Prague. Almost all the
parish priests who ventured to praise, or even to excuse the execution
of Hus, were driven from their homes. The Bohemian nobles who met at
Prague in September (1415), and who were joined by many Moravian nobles,
also expressed their indignation strongly. They addressed to the council
a letter known as the 'Protestatio Bohemorum,' accusing it of having
'condemned the venerable magister (_i.e._, Hus) without having convicted
him of any error, merely on the strength of evil statements of
treacherous enemies and traitors, and of having deprived him of his life
in the most cruel fashion, to the eternal shame and offence of Bohemia
and Moravia.' They further declared 'before the council and the whole
world that Magister John Hus was a man of pure life and irreproachable
fame, who taught the law of Scripture according to the doctrine of the
fathers and of the Church, who loathed all errors and heresies, who, by
word, writing and deed, admonished us and all the faithful to desire
peace and to love our neighbours, and by his own quiet and edifying life
guided us in the path of godliness.'
A few days after sending to Constance this declaration that caused great
indignation there, the knights and nobles united in a solemn covenant
for mutual defence. They pledged themselves to defend the liberty of
preaching the word of God, to obey the Pope and the bishops of Bohemia
as long as their commands were not contrary to Scripture, and meanwhile
to recognise the University of Prague as the supreme authority in all
matters of doctrine. The University thus first acquired the important
position of arbiter in matters of doctrine which it held during the
Hussite wars, and, indeed, only entirely lost after the battle of the
White Mountain. The fact that the King and Queen were known to favour
the national movement alone prevented an immediate general outbreak.
Matters became yet more serious when--following the advice of his
treacherous younger brother, Sigismund--Wenceslas endeavoured to stem
the current.
In 1419 the King issued a decree ordaining that all priests who had been
deprived of their livings because of their disapproval of communion in
the two kinds, should be reinstated. Only in three churches were the
Utraquists, as the adherents of the new doctrine were called, to
continue to hold their religious services. The Utraquists, to show their
strength, instituted processions through the streets of Prague, during
which the sacrament was carried before the faithful. One of the most
zealous Utraquists was the priest, John of Zelivo, a former Præmonstrate
monk. On July 30, 1419, he headed a procession which, after violently
interrupting a religious service which was being held in the Church of
St. Stephen, according to the Roman rites, marched to the town hall of
the Nové Mesto, situated in the Karlovo Námesti. The release of some
adherents of the new faith who had been imprisoned there was demanded,
but refused by the burgomaster, who was a Romanist. The Utraquists then,
'as an affront, called him a German and a hater of the chalice.'[11]
Meanwhile the town councillors had barricaded their hall and threw
stones on the crowd below, one of which struck the monstrance that
Zelivo was carrying. The crowd--led, it is said, by Zizka, afterwards
famous as a Hussite leader--stormed the town hall and threw the town
councillors into the market-place below, where they were killed by the
people.
This 'defenestration,' as it was called in Bohemia, marks the beginning
of the great religious struggle in Bohemia, as the defenestration from
the Hradcany windows in 1618 marks its end; for only two years after the
last-named event the battle of the White Mountain established religious
uniformity in Bohemia.
The defenestration was followed almost immediately by the death of
Wenceslas, who succumbed to repeated apoplectic fits on August 16, 1419.
His death was the signal of yet more serious riots, during which many
churches and monasteries were destroyed and many valuable relics of
Bohemian art perished. The Puritan character of the movement is proved
by the fact that no plundering took place and that many houses of evil
fame were destroyed. Temporary quiet was established when it became
known that Queen Sophia, who was favourable to the national movement,
had assumed the Regency. Yet the interval of peace was but short. Armed
meetings of Hussites were held in all parts of Bohemia, and it became
known that such a meeting had been planned at Prague also for November
10. The Queen and her councillors therefore considered it necessary to
take precautions. The Hradcany Castle, the Strahov Monastery and the
archbishop's palace received strong garrisons of German mercenaries. The
defence of the Vysehrad was entrusted to the former bodyguard of King
Wenceslas. This fortress was carried by assault by the Hussites on
October 25; the soldiers of Wenceslas, who probably sympathised with the
national cause, offering but very slight resistance. The Praguers,
reinforced by allies from the surrounding country, now attacked the Malá
Strana. They stormed the bridge (November 4) and occupied the buildings
immediately beyond it; and it seemed for a time possible that they
should even obtain possession of the Hradcany Castle, from which Queen
Sophia fled hastily. Nightfall for a time put a stop to the fighting,
but all foresaw that the battle would continue. As an ancient chronicler
writes: 'This night was a dreadful and anxious one for all Prague;
during all night the large bells rang, summoning the citizens to remain
under arms for the continued battle in the Malá Strana; only long after
midnight there was quiet for a short time.'
Fighting was resumed on the following day, and the Royal troops,
commanded by Cenek of Wartenberg, who had replaced Queen Sophia as
Regent, also received reinforcements. The Royal troops destroyed the
town hall of the Malá Strana, and also burnt down the monastery of St.
Nicholas in the same part of the town, while the Praguers entirely
destroyed the archiepiscopal palace that is said to have contained
[Illustration: THE BRIDGE TOWER OF THE OLD TOWN]
many art treasures. Zizka, the great leader of the Taborites--as the
more advanced Hussites were called, from the name of the town that was
their centre--here first showed his great military ability. The citizens
now became desirous for peace, while the Utraquist nobles who had
remained faithful to the Royal cause were yet reluctant to continue
warfare against those whose creed they shared. A truce was concluded on
November 13, according to which the Praguers were to give up the
Vysehrad to the Royal troops, while the Utraquist nobles promised to aid
their countrymen in defending the Hussite creed. Zizka and the more
advanced Church reformers, distrusting the compromise, left Prague for
the time, proceeding to Plzen, and afterwards to Tabor.
Meanwhile King Sigismund arrived in the Bohemian lands, of which he
claimed the succession as heir of his brother. He first proceeded to
Brünn (or Brno), the capital of Moravia. Many Bohemian nobles and
officials appeared at his court, and a deputation of the citizens of
Prague also appeared before him on December 29. The Praguers assured the
King of their loyalty, begging only 'to be allowed to remain faithful to
that which they had learnt from the Holy Writ.' Sigismund received the
envoys most ungraciously, obliged them to continue kneeling longer than
was customary, and overwhelmed them with reproaches and insults. He
finally dismissed them with the solemn command that they should, as a
proof of their obedience, cause the chains that had been placed at the
corners of the Prague streets for purpose of defence to be instantly
removed, and the fortifications which the citizens had constructed
opposite the Hradcany Hill to be destroyed. He also enjoined them to
inflict no further injury on the monks.
The magistrates of Prague did not dare to disobey the Royal commands.
On January 4, 1420, the chains that had been placed in the streets were
deposited in the town hall of the Staré Mesto, and the fortifications
that had been erected on the approaches of the Hradcany were destroyed.
Many monks, priests and Germans who had left Prague during the recent
disturbances returned, believing that the hour of their triumph had
come. A contemporary chronicler[12] tells us that 'the Germans laughed
and joyfully clapped their hands, saying, "now these heretical Hussites
and Wycliffites will perish, and there will be an end of them."' The
Bohemian and Hussite citizens, on the other hand, not unnaturally looked
forward to the future with great apprehension.
Sigismund did not, as was expected, immediately proceed to Prague. He
for a time took up his residence at Breslau, the capital of Silesia,
where he collected a large armed force. Through his influence Pope
Martin V. issued a bull in which he called the whole Christian world to
arms against 'the Wycleffites, Hussites, and other heretics, their
furtherers, harbourers and defenders.'
It is not perhaps easy for a modern reader to conceive the effect such a
declaration of war produced on the Bohemians, for a crusade had hitherto
almost always only been preached against heathens, infidels and Turks.
The whole nation rose in arms against Sigismund. The indignation was
particularly great at Prague, where the news was received that, by
orders of Sigismund, John Krasa, one of the leading citizens, had been
dragged through the streets of Breslau by horses and then burnt at the
stake. John of Zelivo, in his sermons, denounced Sigismund violently in
language drawn from the Apocalypse. The audience, inflamed by his
eloquence, swore to sacrifice life and fortune for the cause of the
chalice. Those hostile to Church reform not unnaturally dreaded the
outbreak of hostilities, and we read that seven hundred families from
the old, and seven hundred families from the new town, either sought
refuge in the castles of Hradcany and Vysehrad, that were held by
Sigismund's troops, or left Prague altogether. The citizens in no way
hindered their departure, which, indeed, in view of the coming siege,
was advantageous to the Hussite cause. Those who remained were yet more
determined to resist Sigismund to the utmost. On the suggestion of John
of Zelivo the citizens who remained in the town, the Hussite preachers,
and the members of the University, met on April 3 (1420) at the town
hall of the Staré Mesto. All present swore to defend, to the last drop
of blood, the right of receiving communion according to the Utraquist
faith, and to resist all, and particularly the so-called 'Crusaders,'
who might endeavour to harm the Utraquists. As leaders in the defence of
the menaced capital they elected eight captains--four from the old and
four from the new--to whom the keys of the town gates and those of the
town hall were entrusted. The assembly addressed a manifesto to all the
towns of Bohemia, begging them to send envoys to Prague to concert on
the common defence. This manifesto attacked the Church of Rome in the
most violent manner. It was stated that the Roman Church 'was not their
mother, but their stepmother; that she had poured out her poison like
the most furious serpent, and had raised up the cross, the emblem of
love and peace, for the purpose of inciting to hatred and murder; that
she had, by false promises of absolution, incited the Germans, born
enemies of Bohemia and of the Slav race, to begin the war of
extermination which they had always contemplated.'
Even the Regent, Cenek of Wartenberg, for a time sided with his
countrymen. Together with other great noblemen he summoned 'all
Bohemians and Moravians who were zealous for the Word of God and the
welfare of the Bohemian nation to join him in opposing the Hungarian and
Roman King Sigismund.' Continuation of warfare was thus a certainty, and
the Hussites unfortunately again began to destroy the churches and
monasteries belonging to adherents of Rome.
Cenek of Wartenberg and the other Bohemian nobles were naturally
indignant at the conduct of their new allies. They therefore lent a
willing ear to the envoys of Sigismund. Wartenberg, abandoning the
national cause, concluded a private treaty with the King, that at first
remained secret. On the condition that he, his family, and the tenants
on his estates, should be allowed to worship according to the Utraquist
creed, he consented to admit the Royal troops into the castle on the
Hradcany. The citizens, exasperated by Wartenberg's treachery,
endeavoured to recover possession of the castle, but their desperate
attack was repulsed by the Royal troops. Simultaneously, fighting also
began in the new town, the Royal troops that held the Vysehrad making a
successful sortie and defeating the citizens of the new town.
The Praguers now wished to negotiate with the King, while the Royal
troops had also suffered severe losses. An armistice of six days was
concluded, and the citizens sent another deputation to the King.
Sigismund, who was then at Kutna Hora, received the envoys even more
ungraciously than before. As the Praguers afterwards wrote to the
Venetians: 'The King became harder than steel; as one stung by fury, he
began to agitate his limbs as a madman.' He declared that it was his
duty to destroy all heresy by fire and sword, even should he have to
extirpate the whole population of Bohemia and colonise the country with
foreign immigrants.
On the return of the envoys another meeting of the citizens took place
in the town hall of the Staré Mesto, where great enthusiasm prevailed.
It was again decided that all should risk their lives and fortunes for
the cause of religious freedom, and fight to the last. An Utraquist
nobleman, Hynek Krusina of Lichtenberg, was chosen as commander-in-chief.
A message was also sent to Zizka and the other Taborite leaders, stating
that 'if they wished verily to obey God's law they should march to their
aid without delay, and with as many men as they could muster.' After
some skirmishing with the Royal troops, Zizka and his men arrived at
Prague (May 20, 1420), where they were joyfully received by the
citizens. From other parts of Bohemia also many nationalists hurried to
the defence of the menaced capital.
Hearing that the Praguers had received reinforcements, Sigismund did not
march straight on Prague, but proceeded to Melnik, where he halted for
some time. By his orders and those of the Papal Legate, Ferdinand,
Bishop of Lucca, horrible cruelties were committed against the
population of the neighbouring country, and particularly the citizens of
Slané and Litomerice.[13] In a period of intense religious passion such
cruelties inevitably led to reprisals. We read that the Hussites who
were besieging the Hradcany burnt alive nine Romanist monks in view of
the Royal garrison.
Sigismund, whose army had been reinforced by numerous 'Crusaders,' now
decided to march on Prague. Almost all countries of Europe contributed
to this vast army. According to a contemporary writer there were
numbered among the Crusaders 'Hungarians, Croatians, Dalmatians,
Bulgarians, Sicilians, Wallachians, Cumanians, Jazyges, Ruthenians,
Racians, Slovacks, Carniolians, Styrians, Austrians, Bavarians, Francs,
Swabians, Switzers, Frenchmen, Arragonians or Spaniards, Englishmen, men
of Brabant, Dutchmen, Westphalians, men of Saxony, Thuringia, the
Voigtland, Meissen, Lusatia, and the march of Brandenburg, Silesians,
Poles, Moravians and "renégate" Bohemians.' A letter written by the
Praguers merely states that innumerable men from more than thirty
kingdoms and provinces arrived before their city, while Monstrelet, a
contemporary, writes that 'Il arriva tant de gens qu à peine se
pouvaient ils nombrer.' Most of the princes who ruled these countless
countries had accompanied their troops. We read that all the German
Electors, except the Elector of Saxony, Albert Duke of Austria,
forty-three men of princely rank, Brunorius della Scala of Verona, the
Patriarch of Aquileja, many counts of the empire, knights and nobles,
were with the crusading army.
Sigismund and his forces first entered the Vysehrad fortress, and then,
crossing the river, provisioned the Hradcany Castle, the siege of which
the Hussites were obliged to abandon. The vast army--according to the
chroniclers it consisted of 100,000 or 150,000 men, but the latter
figure is probably nearer to truth--now encircled Prague in every
direction. The German soldiers, who were encamped on the left bank of
the Vltava, opposite the Staré Mesto, insulted their enemies by
incessant cries of 'Ha, ha! Hus! Hus! Ketzer![14] Ketzer!'
The Praguers and their scanty allies meanwhile fearlessly and
confidently prepared to encounter the world in arms against them. With
them, as afterwards
[Illustration: THE HRADCANY]
with the Puritans, absolute confidence in Scripture rendered despondency
impossible; for, to borrow the words of Mr. John Morley, 'No criticism
had then impaired the position of the Bible as the direct Word of God, a
single book one and whole, one page as inspired as another.' A thorough
knowledge of the Old Testament is evident in all the contemporary
records of those stirring times. No man or woman of Prague doubted that
the Lord, who had once struck down the forces of Sennacherib, would now
strike down those of Sigismund.
The 14th of July was fixed by Sigismund for the general attack. It was
decided that the Royal forces that were quartered in the Hradcany Castle
should attack the adjoining Malá Strana and the bridge tower on the left
bank of the Vltava, while the forces on the Vysehrad would endeavour to
storm the new town, which was at the foot of that fortress. A third army
was to attack the old town from the so-called Spitalské Pole (hospital
field), which was situated on the spot where the suburb of Karlin, or
Karolinenthal, now stands. An attack was also to be made on the hill
then known as the Vitkov, but which has, after the victorious Taborite
leader, since that day been called the Zizkov, or Zizka's Hill. This
hill was the key of the position of the defenders, who depended on its
possession for maintaining their communications with the country. The
Zizkov was held by Zizka and his Taborites, who had thrown up slight
fortifications. The Germans attacked the hill with a strong force, and,
in spite of the heroism of Zizka, who fought in the front rank, for a
time drove the Bohemians back. One of the small earthworks was held for
a long time by only twenty-six men, two women and one girl, against
several hundred Germans. When the Taborites were for a time forced to
retreat, one of these women refused to leave her post, saying that a
true Christian must never give way to Antichrist. She was immediately
cut down by the Germans. This incident is very characteristic of the
indomitable religious enthusiasm that for a time rendered the Bohemians
invincible. The clanging of all the church bells hastily summoned the
citizens, who, led by a priest carrying the monstrance, hurried to the
aid of their allies. The Germans were completely routed; many were
killed during their flight from the hill--then much steeper than at the
present day--and many perished in the Vltava. As soon as victory seemed
certain, the Taborites and Praguers knelt down on the battlefield and
intoned the 'Te Deum Laudamus,' while the whole town was filled with
unspeakable joy.
The other attacks on the city were also unsuccessful. Sigismund had
remained in the rear with part of his army, and returned to his camp as
soon as he saw the defeat of his troops. According to the Austrian
chronicler, Ebendorf of Haselbach, the King 'smiled--it is said--over
the fate of the brave Christians who had succumbed to the heretics, who
had triumphed over them.'
On Monday, July 15--the battle had been fought on a Sunday--solemn
processions through the streets of Prague, led by the Hussite clergy,
took place in celebration of the great victory. Zizka, however, who
believed a new attack probable, hastily collected a large crowd of men
and women, who, under his direction, strengthened and enlarged the
fortifications on the Vitkov, the scene of the victory of the day
before.
The supposition of the Taborite leader, however, proved erroneous, for
the victory on Zizka's Hill practically ended the siege of Prague. It is
as impossible to explain this as it is to account for the fact that the
by no means decisive defeat of Marathon should have induced the Persians
to abandon for a time their intention of conquering Greece. It is
certain that dissensions broke out in the vast camps of the Crusaders.
The foreign allies of Sigismund distrusted all Bohemians, even those who
were on the side of the King, while the latter, who had, as Palacky
writes, learnt that 'even the largest force is insufficient to subdue a
strong and resolute people,' now felt more disposed to listen to the
words of those Bohemian nobles who, indeed, sided with their Sovereign,
but did not share the German desire to extirpate the whole Bohemian
nation. These men suggested negotiations between the King and his
Hussite subjects. Such negotiations were facilitated by the fact that
the united Hussites had, meanwhile, drawn up a summary of their demands,
which is known as 'The Articles of Prague.'[15] It will here be
sufficient to state that the Bohemians demanded freedom of preaching,
the use of the chalice at communion, obligatory poverty of the clergy
and severe regulations against mortal sins. It was decided that a
conference should take place in the open air among the ruins of the Malá
Strana, at which the magisters of the University, with the chiefs of the
Praguers and Taborites, were to meet some German nobles, envoys of King
Sigismund, and the Patriarch of Aquilya, and Simon, Bishop of Trace, who
acted as representatives of the Papal See. The meeting led to no result,
as the representatives of the Roman Church declared that no decision of
the Church could be contested or discussed. The magisters of the Prague
University expressed surprise that the Papal envoys attributed greater
authority to the 'fallible Church than to the infallible words of
Christ.'
The failure of these negotiations no doubt confirmed Sigismund in his
resolution of leaving the neighbourhood of Prague. The dissensions in
his army became more and more envenomed; serious epidemics broke out
among the troops; a great fire destroyed large parts of the encampments.
Before abandoning the siege, however, Sigismund caused himself to be
crowned King of Bohemia in St. Vitus's Cathedral.
The writers hostile to Sigismund lay stress on the absence of many
nobles whose Court dignities rendered their presence at coronations
necessary. They also mention that no representatives of the Bohemian
cities, none in particular of Prague, 'the mother of all Bohemian
cities,' assisted at the ceremony.
Two days afterwards Sigismund broke up his camp and retired to Kutna
Hora, thus giving the signal of departure to the Crusaders, who
hurriedly returned to their countries. Royal troops, however, continued
to hold the castles of Vysehrad and Hradcany.
The citizens now immediately began the siege of the Vysehrad. After a
time the defenders, who were suffering from hunger, were compelled to
conclude a truce for three days, according to which they would
capitulate if they had received no aid by the morning of November 1.
Sigismund meanwhile had returned to the neighbourhood of Prague with an
army consisting mainly of Moravians, and containing many Utraquist
nobles from that country. On the other hand many of the Bohemian nobles,
such as Hynek Krusina of Lichtenberg, who was first in command, Victor
of Podebrad (father of the future King), and many others openly joined
the national cause.
The Vysehrad Castle was now surrounded in every direction. Zavis
Bradaty, with the citizens of Zatec and Loun, and a large force of armed
peasants, were encamped between the Karlov[16] and the Botic stream.
Next to them were the troops of the Utraquist nobles and of the
Orebite[17] community, while the citizens of Prague held the post of
honour nearest to the village of Pankrac, whence the attack of the
relieving army was expected. At the last moment forty Taborite
horsemen, led by Nicholas of Hus,[18] joined the Praguers.
The King arrived at the village of Pankrac on October 31, and sent a
message to the commander of his troops on the Hradcany telling him that
he would attack the citizens on the following morning, and ordering him
also to attack the bridge from the Malá Strana. 'But'--as a contemporary
chronicler writes--'God, who is ever an enemy of the haughty and a
friend of the humble, caused this message to fall into the hands of the
Praguers.' The citizens and their allies therefore spent the whole night
in preparing for battle. The former trenches had, of course, been
constructed for besieging the Vysehrad; but the Praguers, who held the
most important position, hastily threw up earthworks on a spot where the
fish ponds, still frequent in that neighbourhood, rendered the attack
more difficult.
In the morning (November 1) Sigismund rode to the summit of a little
hill beyond the village of Pankrac, and in view of the Vysehrad, and
waved his sword as a signal to the garrison to attack the rear of the
enemy's army. 'But, as according to God's will,' the chronicler writes,
'the hour had already passed, the garrison did not stir.' A few German
soldiers who formed part of the garrison, indeed attempted to come to
Sigismund's aid, but were held back by their Bohemian comrades. Seeing
that no sortie from the Vysehrad was intended, several of the Moravian
nobles rode up to the King and advised him not to attack the Praguers,
otherwise both he and his people would suffer much evil. The King
answered, 'I must war with these peasants to-day.' Then Henry of
Plumlov, Captain of Moravia, said, 'Be certain that this day will have
an evil end; I dread the fighting-clubs[19] of the peasants.' The King
answered, 'I know that you Moravians are cowards and faithless to me.'
Then Lord Henry and the other Moravian lords mounted their horses and
cried, 'We will obey your order and we shall be there, where you will
not be.' The nobles attacked the strong position of the Praguers with
great vigour, and for a moment the citizens wavered. Then Krusina
hurried to the spot where they stood, and exclaimed with a loud voice,
'Dear brethren! turn back again and be to-day brave knights in Christ's
battle, for it is God's, not our fight, that we are fighting to-day. You
will see for sure that God will deliver all His and our enemies into our
hands.' Hardly had he ceased speaking when the cry, 'The enemy is
flying,' was heard. The citizens speedily rallied, and, assuming the
offensive, drove the Moravian nobles back into the marshy ground that
extended from the Vysehrad to the village of Pankrac. A great massacre
of the nobles, whose heavy armour impeded their movements, took place,
and flight soon became general. Sigismund himself, who, regardless of
the taunts of the Moravian nobles had again remained with the rear of
his army, did not halt till he had reached the town of Cesky Brod. A
very large number of Moravian nobles fell in this battle, and many also
died of their wounds at the village of Pankrac, after receiving
communion in the two kinds, as the pious chronicler states. It is
touching to note that the Praguers sorrowed over the death of the
Moravian nobles, who, though they had fought against the city, yet
belonged to the same race as the citizens. The citadel of Vysehrad
surrendered on the day of the battle, and on June 7, 1421, the garrison
of the Hradcany--which had unsuccessfully attempted a diversion during
the battle of the Vysehrad--also capitulated.
One of the most important results of the battles of the Zizkov and of
the Vysehrad was the temporary hegemony over Bohemia, or at least the
greatest part of the country, which the city of Prague obtained. The
'mother and head of the Bohemian cities,' which had gloriously and
successfully defended the religious and political liberty of the
country, not unfairly claimed the leadership. The once powerful Bohemian
nobility had been weakened by dissension. Some of its members still,
though reluctantly, remained faithful to Sigismund. Others, perhaps also
reluctantly, recognised the city of Prague as their over-lord, though
they never--as was the case in some Italian cities--became merged in the
mass of the citizens. The Taborites, who had taken but little part in
the 'crowning mercy' of the Vysehrad, had not yet attained the height of
their power.
The strong attitude assumed by the predominant city appears very clearly
in the manifesto[20] which the Praguers, in union with some of their
allies among the nobles, issued a few days after the victory of the
Vysehrad. This document is a stirring appeal to the national feeling,
and such an appeal has rarely remained unheeded in Bohemia.
After violent denunciations of Sigismund, who, it was stated, had
preferred to the Bohemians 'the Germans and Hungarians, the cruellest
enemies of our nation,' and who was ready to sacrifice a kingdom, were
there but no Bohemians in Bohemia, the citizens declared that they would
consider all who favoured such a King as men who desired the ruin of the
country. They would, therefore, consider such men as open enemies of God
and of the nation.
It is interesting to give a brief outline of the
[Illustration: VIEW OF PRAGUE AND HRADCANY CASTLE]
constitution of Prague at the moment of her greatest power. This
constitution may be defined as that of a theocratic republic, though
attempts to obtain a new Sovereign in succession to Sigismund always
continued. The principal legislative authority was at this period
concentrated in the 'great assembly' (Veliká Obec), of which almost all
citizens formed part, and which met in the open air in the
market-places. The executive power was in the hands of the burgomaster
and of the town councillors, who were elected by the great assembly.
Though the separation between the old town and the new town continued,
it seems at this period to have been an almost nominal one.
Less easy to define, but perhaps yet greater, was the influence of the
preachers, mainly founded on the almost exclusive interest in
theological controversy that was then general in Bohemia. John of
Zelivo, who has already been mentioned, for a time acquired boundless
popularity among the citizens. His influence largely contributed to
securing to Prague the hegemony over Bohemia, and after his downfall and
death, to which I shall presently refer, Prague soon lost its
predominant position.
Warfare with Sigismund continued in spite of his great defeat, and the
citizens of Prague played a prominent part in it. Their party, to
accentuate the hegemony of the city, is generally called 'the Praguers'
by the old chroniclers, in distinction both from the Romanists and the
Taborites. The scene of the subsequent Hussite warfare was, however,
generally distant from Prague, and therefore requires no notice here. It
is only occasionally that Prague again becomes the centre of events.
Such was the case when, on April 21, 1421, 'to the surprise and horror
of all Christendom,' the Archbishop of Prague, Conrad of Vechta,
declared that he accepted 'The Articles of Prague,' thus joining the
national Church. The news was joyfully received by the citizens of
Prague. The _Te Deum Laudamus_ was sung and the bells of all the
churches were rung. All swore to obey the archbishop and to defend him.
Only a few of the preachers who were favourable to Tabor looked with
displeasure on the 'healing of the anti-Christian monster.' On the other
hand, Conrad was not unnaturally overwhelmed with abuse by the
Romanists. Dr. Tomek writes: 'Archbishop Conrad was neither better nor
worse than the majority of the Bohemian ecclesiastics of high rank at
that period.' To the student of the times a certain amount of scepticism
may, in an exalted Bohemian ecclesiastic of the period, appear, though
unpardonable, hardly inexplicable. Shortly afterwards, in accordance
with a decision of a meeting of the Estates at Caslav, a synod of the
Bohemian clergy assembled at the Carolinum in Prague.
Archbishop Conrad was indeed not present, but he had delegated as his
representatives several Hussite clergymen, of whom Magisters Pribram and
Jacobellus were the most eminent. The synod resulted in a failure,
mainly in consequence of the obstinacy of the delegates of Tabor.
Internal discord broke out in Prague not long after the failure of the
synod. Under the leadership of John of Zelivo, the democratic party in
the city acquired ever-increasing strength, and opposed the provisional
government of comparatively moderate views, which had been established
at the assembly of Caslav. The more moderate party firmly believed in
the possibility of securing an agreement with Rome, if the Bohemians but
limited their demands to 'The Articles of Prague,' and eschewed
ultra-revolutionary tendencies both in Church and State. That the views
of the moderate Hussites were to a certain extent justified is proved by
the fact that a settlement on the lines they contemplated was eventually
obtained at the Council of Basel. But compromises are as distasteful to
religious as to political fanatics, and Zelivo's influence rendered all
attempts at conciliation illusory. Zelivo's undefined power became more
and more pronounced, and it is undoubtedly through his influence--though
evidence is not quite conclusive--that an Utraquist noble of moderate
views, John of Sadlo,[21] who had come to Prague to justify himself
against probably untrue accusations, was, when he appeared in the town
hall, immediately arrested and decapitated without trial or judgment.
Reaction against the ultra-democratic, or rather anarchist, party soon
increased among the citizens, and the influence of their aristocratic
allies was also used to the detriment of Zelivo. An eye-witness of his
fall and death has left us a detailed account of the events. John was
enticed to the town hall of the Staré Mesto, under the pretext of
seeking his advice concerning a new campaign against Sigismund. He was
at first kindly received, but the magistrates suddenly called in their
officials, who seized Zelivo. He attempted to remonstrate, but the
burgomaster of the old town said, 'It cannot be otherwise, priest John!'
Zelivo was allowed time for confession, and then decapitated. Rioting
almost immediately ensued, particularly after a priest had shown John's
head to the people. Many houses in the old town, particularly in the
Jewish quarter, were pillaged. The people insisted on the election of
new town councillors, and several men, who were principally
instrumental in plotting Zelivo's death, were decapitated. His death
none the less greatly diminished the power of the democratic party,
particularly in the old town, as no demagogue of equal ability succeeded
Zelivo.
Order was to a certain extent re-established in Prague during the short
rule of Prince Sigismund Korybut of Lithuania, a nephew of the King of
Poland, whom the Utraquist nobles wished to substitute to Sigismund of
Hungary as their ruler. Korybut arrived at Prague in May 1422, and
remained there to the end of that year. He unsuccessfully attempted the
siege of the Karlstyn that was still held by the Royal troops. This
failure, as well as the influence of the King of Poland, induced Korybut
to leave Prague, though, as events proved, only temporarily.
Shortly afterwards dissensions, ending in civil war, arose between the
Praguers and the Taborites. The internal dissensions were not, however,
of long duration, as the news of a new 'crusade' reunited all Bohemia,
and the Treaty of Konopist (1423) for a time restored internal
tranquillity. Unfortunately the truce lasted but for a short time. The
new crusade proved a yet greater failure than those that had preceded
it. The Germans and other crusaders speedily recrossed the frontier
without even having encountered the Hussites on the field of battle, and
we find the Praguers and Taborites again at war in 1424. Through the
intervention of Korybut, who had meanwhile returned to Prague, another
conference took place on the so-called Spitalské Pole (hospital field).
Mainly through the eloquence of a young preacher at the Tyn Church,
Rokycan, afterwards famous as Utraquist Archbishop of Prague, an
agreement was obtained. It is a curious proof of the mutual distrust
that prevailed that an agreement had been previously made, according to
which the party that violated the truce should be fined a considerable
sum, and that a large heap of stones should be placed in the Spitalské
Pole for the purpose of stoning immediately all disturbers of the peace.
After the meetings at Konopist and on the Spitalské Pole, many others
took place, in all of which the minutiæ of theology were discussed with
that intense interest in religious controversy that was characteristic
of the Bohemians of that time; of such meetings we may mention that held
in the Hradcany in 1424, and the somewhat later one at the Carolinum.
Religious dissensions also caused the downfall of Korybut in 1427. The
clergy of Prague were then divided into two parties: the more moderate
one led by Magister Pribram, which Korybut favoured, and the advanced
one, which was more in sympathy with the Taborites, and which had as
leaders Rokycan, Jacobellus, and Peter Payne, who, in consequence of his
English origin, was known as 'Magister Englis.' He played a considerable
part in the contest, as a contemporary song tells us that--
'The devil sent us Englis;
He walks stealthily through Prague,
Spreading doctrines from England
That are not wholesome for the Bohemians.'[22]
In consequence of Korybut's support of the moderate party the advanced
Hussites resolved to depose him. On April 17, 1427, he was surprised,
captured without bloodshed, and conveyed to the Castle of Waldstein,
near Boleslav. In September some of the nobles of his party attempted to
obtain possession of Prague with the aid of Korybut's partisans in the
city. They succeeded in entering the town, and penetrated as far as the
Staromestské Námesti. Desperate fighting ensued, but the advanced
Hussites were finally victorious, and almost all the invaders were
killed or made prisoners. Shortly afterwards Korybut was released and
allowed to return to his own country.
It is only quite at the end of the Hussite Wars that the capital again
becomes the scene of strife. After the great defeat of the troops of the
last crusade at Tauss (or Domazlice), the Church of Rome had for a time
abandoned the idea of subduing Bohemia by force of arms. A Council
assembled at Basel, and after prolonged negotiations the Bohemians
consented to be represented there. Their envoys, among whom were
Rokycan, afterwards Archbishop of Prague; Prokop the Great, leader of
the Taborites; Nicholas of Pelhrimov, surnamed Biskupec; Peter Payne,
the 'English Hussite,' and many others arrived at Basel on January 4,
1433. The negotiations began there, and afterwards continued at Prague,
where the Council sent envoys, and where the Estates met in the
Carolinum on June 12. Though these negotiations with the Council as yet
proved unsuccessful, the delegates of the Council, before leaving Prague
in January 1434, urgently exhorted the Utraquist nobles to take a more
active part in the politics of their country, and to use their influence
in favour of an agreement with Rome.
These words made a great impression on the Bohemian nobility, which
viewed with great displeasure the almost complete extinction of its
formerly overwhelming power. The struggle in Bohemia now became rather
one between aristocracy and democracy than between contending religious
parties. In direct connection with this new phase of the Bohemian
struggle are the troubles that broke out at Prague. Ever since 1429
great antagonism, founded partly on local, partly on political
differences, existed between the old and the new town. The former
gradually became an ally of the Utraquist, and even of the Romanist
nobles, while the men of the new town drew nearer and nearer to the
Taborites. In 1434 Ales of Riesenburg was elected Regent of Bohemia, and
a league 'for the restoration of peace and order in the country' was
formed. It was joined by almost the entire nobility of Bohemia and by
the citizens of Plzen, Melnik, and the Staré Mesto of Prague. The
citizens of the Nové Mesto refused to join the confederacy; guided by
the Taborite general, Prokop the Great, they began to prepare for war,
and barricaded their streets that were nearest to the old town. Called
in by the citizens of the old town, the nobles marched to their aid.
Unable to arrive there directly, they crossed the Vltava to the Malá
Strana, that was then under the rule of the old town. Joining the
citizens here they together attacked the new town, which was subdued
after some fighting. The men of the new town, who defended their town
hall, resisted for some time, but capitulated after receiving permission
to leave the city. A large part of the new town was pillaged by the army
of the nobles, and their allies, the victorious citizens of the Staré
Mesto, henceforth claimed supremacy over the new town.
Prokop hurriedly left Prague and wrote to Prokupek, the commander of the
Taborite forces before Plzen, that 'by God's permission the false barons
with the citizens of the old town have attacked our dear brethren, the
citizens of the new town; they killed some and conquered the town.' A
few months later the great battle of Lipan resulted in the victory of
the aristocratic party, and the 'fall of Tabor,' to use the words of
the great Bohemian historian Palacky.
The defeat of the democratic party paved the way to the recognition of
Sigismund as King. After prolonged negotiations at the Council of Basel
and meetings of the Estates at Brno and Jihlava,[23] the Bohemians
recognised Sigismund as their King, while he promised to obtain for them
certain religious concessions, of which the permission to receive
communion in the two kinds was the most important. A document known as
the 'Compacts' enumerated these concessions.
On August 23, 1436, Sigismund arrived at the gates of Prague, where he
was met by the magistrates of the three cities.[24] Amidst great
rejoicings of the people, he proceeded to the Tyn Church, where Mass was
celebrated by Archbishop Rokycan according to the Utraquist rites.
On the following Sunday, August 26, the magistrates of the three towns,
in the market-place of the old town, appeared before Sigismund, who was
sitting on a throne in his imperial robes, but wearing the Bohemian
crown. They brought to him the keys of the town gates, which Sigismund
immediately returned to them in proof of his entire reliance on their
fidelity. He also confirmed all the ancient privileges of Prague, and
again granted the men of the Nové Mesto independence from the old town.
The short period during which Sigismund was destined to reign over
Bohemia was yet sufficiently prolonged to witness the destruction of the
short-lived friendship between the King and his Bohemian subjects.
Sigismund, who was during his whole life a fervent adherent of the
Church of Rome, had accepted the Compacts as reluctantly as they had
been granted