by the Church of Rome. He had also promised to use his influence with
the Papal See to obtain the recognition of Rokycan as Archbishop of
Prague. The Estates had elected him to that office at a meeting which
they held in September 1435, but Rome now, and indeed always, refused to
recognise him as Archbishop of Prague. The attitude of Sigismund in this
matter was undoubtedly propitious. As Dr Tomek writes: 'Publicly
Sigismund wrote to the Council recommending it to confirm Rokycan's
nomination as Archbishop; secretly he advised the contrary.' Bishop
Philibert of Contances, who had taken part in the previous negotiations
between the Council of Basel and the Bohemians, had accompanied
Sigismund to Prague. Though without any recognised position in the
country, Philibert endeavoured to exercise archiepiscopal functions at
Prague, thus encroaching on the rights of Rokycan. Discord between the
two ecclesiastics very soon began, and Philibert, who had assisted at a
religious service held by Rokycan in the Tyn Church, noted with great
displeasure that the sermon was preached in Bohemian, and that several
hymns were also sung in that language.
While Sigismund in these disputes favoured the Roman Church, to the
great displeasure of the Bohemians, other causes also contributed to his
increasing unpopularity. Sigismund had awarded all the State offices
either to Romanists or to such Utraquists as were nearest to Rome, thus
excluding the enormous majority of the Bohemians. The King's cruelty to
the Taborite lord, John Rohác of Duba, was also viewed with great
displeasure by the people. Rohác had remained in arms even after the
general pacification. His castle, to which he had given the biblical
name of Zion, long resisted the Royal arms. He was finally obliged to
capitulate, and was by Sigismund's orders executed on the Staromestské
Námesti at Prague. This caused renewed warfare, as John Kolda, lord of
Zampach, who with Rohác was one of the few nobles who was to the last
faithful to Tabor, rose in arms against Sigismund.
Though there was thus no real concord, the short reign of Sigismund was
marked by a ceremony that formally concluded the Hussite Wars. Papal
legates brought the sanction of the Compacts to Prague. On April 13,
1437, a decree was read out in Corpus Christi Chapel, in the presence of
Sigismund, his Consort and the Papal legates, stating 'that no one
should revile the Bohemians and Moravians for receiving communion in the
two kinds, or for availing themselves of the other right granted by the
Compacts, but that they should be considered true and faithful sons of
the Church.' Tablets containing this statement were placed in the Corpus
Christi Chapel.[25]
This ceremony hardly even for a time interrupted the religious struggle.
The animosity of the Papal legate and the more veiled hostility of
Sigismund induced Rokycan, who had been deprived of his living at the
Tyn Church, to leave Prague and seek refuge at the castle of one of the
Utraquist nobles. Partly in consequence of incessant political and
ecclesiastical troubles, Sigismund's already weak health now became
seriously impaired. He resolved to return to Hungary, but died on the
journey at Znaym (December 9, 1437).
Though most of Sigismund's undertakings proved failures, he was
successful in his principal dynastic ambition, which was to secure the
succession to the Bohemian throne--Sigismund had no male heirs--to his
son-in-law Albert, Archduke of Austria. The
[Illustration: SOUTH PORCH OF TYN CHURCH]
Bohemian Estates, though somewhat reluctantly, elected Albert as their
Sovereign, and he was crowned King of Bohemia at Prague on July 29,
1438.
During his short reign Albert obtained but little popularity in Bohemia.
A thorough German and a fervent Roman Catholic, his views, both as
regards racial and religious matters, were in opposition to those of the
majority of his new subjects. Though he had governed Moravia as
representative of his father-in-law, Sigismund, for a considerable
period, he had always declined to learn the Bohemian language, a point
on which the Bohemians have, perhaps not unnaturally, been very
susceptible at all times. Albert, who was also King of Hungary, was soon
obliged to return to that country. Sultan Murad the Second had invaded
Servia and the adjoining districts of Southern Hungary. During the
campaign against the Turks Albert was seized with sickness, and died
(October 27, 1439) after having only reigned two years over Bohemia.
A very tumultuous, almost anarchical, period in Bohemia followed the
death of Albert. The national or Utraquist party, headed by Ptacek, and
afterwards by George of Podebrad, was in constant conflict with the
Austrian or Romanist nobles, whose leader was Ulrich of Rosenberg. On
February 22, 1440, Albert's widow gave birth to a son, known in history
as Ladislas Posthumus; but as the question whether the Bohemian crown
was hereditary or elective then was still in dispute, this did not
contribute as largely to the stability of the common-wealth as might
otherwise have been the case. Religious strife also continued. In 1448 a
new Papal envoy, Cardinal John of Carvajal, arrived at Prague, and was
at first joyfully received by the people. Public opinion, however, soon
changed. Carvajal declared that the Pope would never recognise Rokycan
as archbishop, and expressed great disapproval when informed that in a
convent he visited communion was administered in the two kinds. His
conduct generally did not tend to give the Puritan Praguers a favourable
opinion of the dignitaries of the Roman Church. When negotiating with
George of Podebrad, the head of the national party, who referred to the
Compacts, the cardinal denied all knowledge of them. Podebrad therefore
sent him the original of that valuable document. Shortly afterwards,
Carvajal, frightened by the hostility of the citizens who threatened him
with the fate of Hus, precipitately left Prague. It was immediately
discovered that the Compacts had disappeared. Rokycan and Magister
Pribram appealed to the magistrates, and the cardinal was pursued by
armed forces. When arrested he was unable to deny the theft, but he
begged to be allowed, to avoid public disgrace, only to open his luggage
on his arrival at Benesov. This was granted to him, and he was escorted
to that town. Here the Compacts were found hidden away among his
luggage, and were brought back to Prague.
The mission of the cardinal thus proved an entire failure, and, indeed,
only envenomed the religious struggle. Civil war was inevitable; it was
only doubtful which party would begin hostilities.
It is probable that George of Podebrad and the other national leaders
had arrived at the conclusion that the differences between their party
and the Austrian one could only be settled by the force of arms, ever
since the failure of the negotiations which had taken place at the great
meetings of the Estates at Prague in 1446. Podebrad appears to have had
evidence proving that the attempts at a reconciliation which the
Bohemians had made through frequent embassies to Rome had been
frustrated by the secret machinations of Rosenberg, the leader of the
Austrian and Romanist party. Still no warlike steps were taken till
after the failure of Carvajal's mission to Prague. But immediately
afterwards Podebrad assembled an army of about 9000 men near Kutna Hora
and marched on Prague.
Municipal authority in the city was then in the hands of those
Utraquists whose views were nearest to those of Rome, but the large
majority of the citizens of Prague favoured the national party. To
pacify the people the magistrates had, immediately after Carvajal's
departure, assembled the masters and priests at the Carolinum, and
enjoined on all present not to speak in a derogatory manner of the
Utraquist communion and the Articles of Prague. This decision was made
known to the citizens from the town hall, but it did not lessen the
distrust of the nationalists. After a vain attempt at negotiations, and
after having declared feud to the town, Podebrad obtained possession of
the Vysehrad by surprise and almost without loss of life (September 3).
Continuing their march before daybreak, Podebrad's troops then took
possession of the adjoining Nové Mesto, and afterwards of the old town.
Here also Podebrad's men met with little opposition. Their war cry,
'Kunstat Hr,'[26] terrified their enemies, while it rejoiced the large
majority of the citizens who sympathised with Podebrad. The march of the
national army from the new town to the town hall of the old city, where
Podebrad and his principal generals took up their residence, became a
triumphal procession. The town-captain, Hanus of Kolowrat, and several
of the town councillors succeeded in making their escapes, but the
burgrave, Menhard of Hradec, was captured and imprisoned by order of
Podebrad.
The capture of Prague by Podebrad caused great internal changes in the
capital. Rokycan returned to Prague, and was reinstated in all his
former dignities. On the other hand, the Romanist canons of St. Vitus's
Cathedral mostly fled to Plzen. Podebrad's rule did not however remain
uncontested. The lords and cities that were opposed to him formed a
league against him, which, from the town where his opponents met, was
called 'the confederacy of Strakonic.' A record of the desultory warfare
that ensued, in which Podebrad and the national party were generally
victorious, is beyond the purpose of this little book. Podebrad
continued to rule the country, and up to the time that Ladislas was able
to exercise, at least nominally, the royal power, he governed Prague
under the title of 'Gubernator et rector civitatum Pragensium,' the same
designation that Korybut had formerly assumed.
[Illustration: CLOCK TOWER IN TOWN HALL OF STARÉ MESTO]
In 1452 the Estates of Bohemia met at Prague and recognised Ladislas as
their King, and in the following year he was, on October 28, crowned as
King of Bohemia in St. Vitus's Cathedral. The ceremony was performed by
the Bishop of Olmütz, as King Ladislas, then only fourteen years old,
yet refused to be crowned by Rokycan, the Utraquist Archbishop of
Prague. In consequence of the youth of the King, Podebrad continued to
rule Bohemia, not without much difficulty, as the young King's open
sympathy with Rome and marked hostility to Rokycan embittered the
enormous Utraquist majority of the Bohemian population.
Ladislas, who had proceeded to Hungary in 1456, returned in the
following year to Prague. Shortly after his return the young King, who
was on the point of being betrothed to Magdalen, daughter of Charles
VII., King of France, was attacked by a mysterious illness that was
similar to the Asiatic plague, if not identical with it. That terrible
illness had, since the Turkish invasion, spread widely in Hungary, from
which country Ladislas had just returned. The King summoned Podebrad to
his bedside, took leave of him in touching words, and then died on the
third day of his illness (November 23, 1457).
The body of Ladislas was conveyed to St. Vitus's Cathedral on November
25. The Romanist chronicler, Eschenloer, who was then at Prague, writes:
'The sorrow and wailing of the people was very great. Rokycan walked
nearest to the bier with his sacrilegious clergy, carrying the sacrament
and lighted candles. Then the good' (_i.e._, Romanist) 'clergy in small
number followed.'
The premature death of Ladislas again brought the difficult question of
the succession to the throne before the nobles and citizens of Bohemia.
Foreign candidates, such as William, Duke of Saxony, Charles VII. of
France, who endeavoured to obtain the crown for his son Charles, and
Casimir, King of Poland, were represented by envoys when the Estates met
in the town hall of the Staré Mesto on March 1.
The Utraquist members of the assembly had, indeed, from the first
decided to choose one of their number, Podebrad, whom they considered
most worthy of the crown, but the votes of the Romanist envoys were
uncertain. Prolonged debates took place, which on the following day were
continued 'with great seriousness and conscientiousness.' Finally the
high burgrave, Sternberg, declared for Podebrad, and kneeling before his
old friend, exclaimed: 'Long live George, our gracious King and Lord.'
All the other nobles and knights followed his example, and the unanimous
election[27] was enthusiastically received by the crowd that had
assembled outside the town hall. George was then conducted to the
neighbouring Tyn Church, where he was received by Archbishop Rokycan.
Though George had been chosen unanimously, difficulties arose almost
immediately with regard to his coronation, a ceremony to which the
Bohemians have always attached the utmost importance. Finally, through
the intervention of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, two Hungarian
bishops undertook to crown the King, and the ceremony was performed with
much splendour in St. Vitus's Cathedral on May 7, 1458. The chroniclers
state that when the crown was placed on the King's head one of the
largest jewels fell to the ground. This was afterwards interpreted as
signifying that Breslau, which as capital of Silesia was one of the
greatest towns in the lands of the Bohemian crown, would never be in
Podebrad's power. During his
[Illustration: CHAPEL OF TOWN HALL]
eventful reign (1458-1471) King George was engaged in constant warfare
with the rebellious Catholic nobles and with King Matthias of Hungary.
That prince had indeed been an ally of George at the beginning of his
reign, but his views changed when it became certain that an agreement
between the Papal See and Podebrad was impossible. The King of Hungary
now declared war against Bohemia, and attempted to supplant George as
ruler of that country.
In 1452 the King assembled the Estates at Prague; the Bohemian envoys,
who had just returned from Rome, the Papal legate and the Romanist
bishops of Breslau and Olmütz were also present. The King presided,
sitting under a baldachin with his consort, Queen Johanna, at his right
and his sons at his left. Podebrad spoke strongly of the treachery of
the Roman Court, and ended by declaring 'that the Pope should know that
he would not sell his faith for a kingdom, that he, his wife and his
children were ready to risk their kingdom and their lives for the
blessed blood' (_i.e._, communion in the two kinds). This speech greatly
affected all present, few of whom could refrain from tears.
The campaigns that occupied the last years of Podebrad hardly belong to
a history of Prague.
On February 22, 1471, Archbishop Rokycan died, only a few weeks before
his old ally King George, who died of dropsy on March 22 of the same
year.
It had, no doubt, originally been a favourite design of Podebrad to
found a national dynasty in Bohemia, but the necessities of his frequent
wars had obliged him to favour the succession of Prince Vladislav of
Poland, thus securing the valuable help of Poland for his country. It
had indeed been tacitly settled during George's lifetime, but the
Estates maintained their traditional right of choosing their King, and
met for that purpose at Kutna Hora. Besides Vladislav, several other
candidates strove to obtain the Bohemian crown. The most important were
Albert, Duke of Saxony, and King Matthias of Hungary. The whole
influence of Rome was used in favour of the last-named candidate. The
letter which the Papal legate, Rudolph, Bishop of Breslau, addressed to
the Bohemians, and Praguers in particular, is interesting as formulating
the argument against Hussitism, founded on the decline of Prague, that
has been, before and since that time, constantly repeated. After stating
that Christ on leaving the world had appointed St. Peter his
representative, and that the Roman bishops, whom all faithful Christians
should obey, were his successors, the legate admonishes the Praguers to
remember the former glory of their city, which, while it was faithful to
Rome, had surpassed all other towns, even Nuremberg, Cöln and Vienna, in
wealth, power and wisdom; even Florence, Venice and Rome had scarcely
equalled her.[28] The citizens should therefore abandon their Hussite
errors and recognise Matthias as their King. This appeal does not appear
to have impressed the Praguers or the other Bohemians much, for
Vladislav was elected King with but little opposition. He arrived at
Prague on August 19, 1471, and was met outside the town by the clergy
and the people, who conducted him to the Royal residence. He was there
presented with a Bible by the magisters of the University, 'that reading
it he might learn to rule both himself and his people according to the
will of God.'
Vladislav, as Palacky has noted, was the first Bohemian Sovereign who
was almost constantly absent from the country, while his consort, Anna
de Foix, was the only Queen of Bohemia who never set her foot on the
national soil. Vladislav, as was inevitable in consequence of his
education, favoured the Romanists as far as it was in his power to do
so. Through his influence the principal municipal offices at Prague were
entrusted to men who, though nominally Utraquists, favoured the cause of
Rome in every way. During the absence of the King riots broke out at
Prague in 1483. The more ardent Hussite preachers violently attacked the
government both of the King and of the town magistrates. The magistrates
of Prague therefore resolved to seize these preachers, and it was
rumoured that they had, in union with the magistrates of the Malá Strana
and some Romanist lords, resolved a general massacre of the Utraquists
in the city. One of the magistrates of the old town, Tomasek, surnamed
'of the Golden Star,' was reported to have told a neighbour, a fervent
Hussite, that on the Sunday before St. Wenceslas (September 28) 'they
would give the Utraquists bloody cakes to eat.' The menace was of course
understood. Both parties began arming, and on September 24 civic warfare
began. The great bells of the Tyn Church were rung, and the people
stormed the neighbouring town hall. The burgomaster was, according to
what may almost be called a national custom, thrown from the windows of
the town hall, and several of the councillors were wounded or
imprisoned. Far more sanguinary were the events in the new town. Here,
also, the town hall was stormed, many of the town councillors were
killed, and a general massacre of Romanists, particularly priests and
monks, ensued. Finally, in the new and in the old town, as well as in
the Malá Strana--where the revolution appears to have been far less
violent--new magistrates were elected, and the magistrates of the three
towns concluded an alliance for mutual defence. King Vladislav, who had
approved of the plans of the former magistrates--it is impossible to
state to what extent--was powerless.
The citizens of Prague, indeed, for a time obtained almost complete
autonomy, which they preserved up to the reign of Ferdinand I., and to a
certain extent up to 1547.
Vladislav died in Hungary in 1516, and was succeeded by his son Louis,
who had already been crowned as King of Bohemia when a child of three
years. Louis, like his father, was King of Hungary also, and spent a
great part of his life in that country.
As his representative in Bohemia, he appointed Leo of Rozmital, but
afterwards replaced him by Duke Charles of Münsterberg, a grandson of
King George, who assumed the title of Regent. Though the latter
attempted somewhat to curb the turbulent citizens, yet Prague enjoyed
almost complete independence, and feuds not dissimilar from those of
ancient Italian cities broke out. Personal ambitions and animosities
masqueraded in the garb of religious differences. We possess a precious
contemporary account of these struggles in the chronicles of Bartos,
surnamed 'The Writer.' Two demagogues, Pasek and Hlavsa,[29] contended
for the supremacy over the citizens of Prague; both belonged to the
Utraquist Church, but while the views of Hlavsa, who was largely
influenced by Gallus Cahera, rector of the Tyn Church and a personal
friend of Luther, were more advanced, Pasek belonged to that shade of
Utraquism that was nearest to Rome. Bartos has eloquently described the
conflicts that arose. I can here only allude briefly to the _coup
d'état_ of 1524, by which the reactionary party for a time obtained the
upper hand. On August 9 a crowd of Pasek's partisans invaded the town
hall of the Staré Mesto and arrested all councillors who were of the
Lutheran creed. Pasek henceforth ruled over Prague as a dictator, and
issued severe decrees against all who 'favoured foreign heresies.'
King Louis, who was then residing in Hungary, received the news of the
success of the reactionary party with great joy, but the ever-increasing
danger from Turkey did not admit of his interfering actively in the
affairs of Bohemia.
Two years later King Louis perished at the Battle of Mohác, in Hungary,
and the Bohemian throne was again vacant.
The death of King Louis found the lands of the Bohemian crown in a state
of almost complete anarchy, as both Vladislav and Louis had given their
attention mainly to the other countries over which they ruled. Yet the
question as to the hereditary character of the throne still being
undecided, as soon as the news of the death of the King reached Prague,
September 9, 1526, it was rumoured that many princes, undeterred by the
precarious condition of the country, aspired to the Bohemian throne.
These were, besides Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, brother-in-law of the
late King, two Bavarian and two Saxon princes, Sigismund, King of
Poland, and two great Bohemian nobles, Leo of Rozmital and Charles of
Münsterberg. The Estates met at Prague on October 8, and the
deliberations were somewhat prolonged. It was finally decided that each
Estate should choose four electors from their number. The twelve
electors met on October 23 in the Wenceslas Chapel of St. Vitus's
Cathedral. When they had finished their deliberations, they stated that
they had chosen a King, but that the choice would only be made public on
the following day. On October 24 Leo of Rozmital announced to the
Estates assembled in the Hradcany Castle that Archduke Ferdinand of
Austria had been elected King. All present then sang the national song
'Svaty Václave.' On February 24 of the following year Ferdinand was
crowned in St. Vitus's Cathedral. The following days were spent in great
rejoicings, tournaments and balls in the Hradcany Castle. It was noted
that--the Queen only excepted--the new King danced with no lady but the
wife of Leo of Rozmital, whose exertions had largely aided him in
obtaining the Bohemian crown.
The life of Ferdinand, who was also King of Hungary, frequently ruler of
Germany, and Roman Emperor during the last years of his life, has only
occasional connection with Prague. The fact that he caused the beautiful
Renaissance building known as the Belvedere to be erected at Prague
proves, however, that he was not devoid of interest in his Bohemian
capital. Ferdinand strenuously endeavoured to strengthen the Royal power
in Bohemia. He rescinded the decree of the demagogue Pasek, which had
united the old and the new town in one community; and Pasek, though he
vainly attempted to curry favour with the King, was struck off the list
of the magistrates.
Gallus Cahera, preacher of the Tyn Church, who had now joined the
reactionary party, was exiled from all the Habsburg dominions, and in
1530 Pasek himself was for a short time expelled from Prague. On the
other hand, Hlavsa and some of his Lutheran partisans, who had been
exiled by Pasek, were permitted to return to the Bohemian capital.
[Illustration: WENCESLAS CHAPEL, ST. VITUS'S CATHEDRAL]
Though Ferdinand, as these facts prove, showed more moderation--at least
at the beginning of his reign--than the Bohemians had expected, he was
yet unable to establish religious tranquillity in the country. He was
more successful in his endeavours to strengthen the Royal prerogative
and limit the power of the Estates. That power was to a great extent
founded on their right of electing the Sovereign. It was, therefore, a
great success for the Royalist cause when the King, skilfully using the
circumstance that a great fire in Prague (1541) destroyed all the
ancient State documents, succeeded in persuading the Estates to
recognise a new charter, which declared that Ferdinand had been accepted
as King in consequence of the hereditary rights of his wife, Queen Anna,
who was a sister of King Louis. It must, however, be mentioned that this
curtailing of the privileges of the Bohemian Estates contributed to the
revolutionary movement of 1547.
In that year troubles broke out in Bohemia in connection with the war
that Charles V. and his brother Ferdinand were waging against the
leaders of the German Protestants, John Frederick, Elector of Saxony,
and Philip, Landgrave of Hessé. Ferdinand claimed military aid from his
Bohemian subjects, which the then almost entirely Protestant population
of the country was not unnaturally unwilling to grant. Sixt of
Ottersdorf, who, as clerk, and afterwards chancellor of the old town,
played a considerable part in these events, has left us an interesting
account of these troubles.[30] In 1546 Ferdinand assembled the Estates
and urged them to equip an armed force against the Turks. They
consented, but when it appeared that their levies were to attack, not
the Turks, but Saxony, the largest part of the Bohemian army refused to
cross the Saxon frontier. On January 1, 1547, Sixt of Ottersdorf
presented to King Ferdinand--who, during the then customary interruption
of hostilities in winter, had returned to Prague--the usual new-year
gifts on the part of the citizens, 'expressing in a Latin speech hopes
that the coming year would end all disturbances and wars in the
Christian world; for they were caused only by some unquiet men.' In
reply to this ambiguous speech the King stated that he accepted their
gifts and good wishes, and that he hoped that with the aid of the
Praguers and his other subjects he would shortly be able to restore
peace to the empire. On the following day the King ordered the citizens
of the old and new towns to equip 300 armed men each. This, as the
contemporary writers state, caused great displeasure, as the citizens
had no doubt that they were ordered to arm against the men of their own
faith.
A few days later he decreed a general arming of the people, reminding
the Bohemians of an ancient decree, according to which those who did not
give their aid when Bohemia was in danger should lose their lives and
their estates. He therefore summoned all to join him in arms at
Litomerice, but a few Romanist lords alone obeyed the Royal command. The
feeling was general that the Diet's sanction was necessary for such a
general armament. The Praguers took the lead in the opposition to
Ferdinand, and the movement in their city had a strongly democratic
character.[31] Mistrusting the energy of their magistrates, the
citizens, both of the old and of the new town, at a general meeting on
January 23, 1547, resolved that in future all matters of great
importance should be decided at general meetings of the citizens, who
were to be called together by the town bells. They further declared that
a general arming of the people, without the consent of the Diet, was
contrary to the law of the land. Many Bohemian towns, such as Kolin,
Kourim, Caslav, Cesky Brod, made common cause with Prague, which they
recognised as the 'head of the Estate of the citizens.' Many knights and
nobles, particularly those who belonged to the 'unity' of the Bohemian
brethren, were in sympathy with the towns, and, indeed, agreed to their
suggestion that a meeting of the Estates should take place. This was
distinctly unconstitutional, as the King alone had the right of
summoning the Estates. On February 13 a private meeting of the nobles
took place at the house of Lord Bohus Kostka, in the Celetná Ulice. All
present agreed to act in accord with the citizens, and after a prolonged
conference 'proceeded to the Staromestské Námesti singing "True
Christians, let us strongly hope"; they then lifted their hats, berets
and caps when passing the Tyn Church, and retired to their abodes.'
A more formal meeting of the Estates took place in the following month.
King Ferdinand had, indeed, written from Dresden to the high officials
of Prague, ordering them to do everything in their power to prevent this
meeting of the Estates, who had not been summoned by their King. They,
none the less, met on March 18 at the Carolinum, where 800 nobles,
knights and representatives of the Bohemian towns (except Plzen and
Budejovice) were present. They formed a confederacy and formulated their
demands in forty-five articles, which mainly tended to curtailing the
Royal prerogative, securing religious freedom, and affirming the
elective character of the Bohemian throne. It was resolved to bring
these demands before King Ferdinand by a deputation chosen from among
the members of the Diet, and the Estates also entered into negotiations
with the Protestant princes of Germany, and resolved to equip an army.
Shortly afterwards the news of the great Protestant defeat at Mühlberg
(April 24, 1547) reached Prague. The citizens at first discredited the
truth of the reports, but when the evil news was confirmed they, as well
as the other Bohemians, found themselves obliged to confront the
difficult position to which a policy, which was at once venturesome and
timid, had led them; for they had acted in a manner that would
necessarily irritate their Sovereign, while they had done little or
nothing to aid the Protestant cause. It was finally decided to disband
their army--this was one of Ferdinand's principal demands--to
congratulate Ferdinand on his victory, to alter the instructions that
had been given to the envoys who were to bring their claims before the
King, while still maintaining the grievances of the Bohemians. The
envoys--among them was Sixt, the historian--joined the King, with whom
was his brother, Charles V., in the camp before Wittenberg, which they
were then besieging. They were received both by the Emperor and by
Ferdinand, who told them that they would later signify their pleasure
with regard to Bohemia. The Estates should meanwhile renounce all
alliances that were hostile to their King.
Ferdinand had already decided to avail himself of the momentary position
for the purpose of strengthening the Royal power. Acute politician as he
was, he clearly saw that nothing would so greatly further his purpose as
causing dissension among the Bohemian Estates. He resolved to deal more
severely with the towns than with the knights and nobles. He marched to
Litomerice with a large force, and here issued a proclamation, stating
that he would receive graciously
[Illustration: THE EAST GATE OF THE HRADCANY]
all knights and nobles, who had been merely misled by others; of the
townsmen no mention was made. On July 2 Ferdinand arrived at Prague, and
first occupied the Hradcany Castle without resistance. His army,
consisting principally of Spaniards and Walloons, then surrounded the
old and new towns, committing great depredations in the outskirts of
Prague. Some fighting took place, and the lower order of the Praguers
began to arm, and decided to defend the bridge. The counsels of the
wealthier and wiser citizens, who knew that resistance was hopeless,
however, soon prevailed, and the cities surrendered. Ferdinand summoned
the more important citizens to appear before him at the Hradcany Castle.
On July 8 he received the deputies, about 600 in number, in the hall of
Vladislav. With the King were the great dignitaries of Bohemia and
Moravia, the Bishops of Olmütz and Breslau, and Prince Augustus, brother
of Maurice of Saxony.
It is a proof of the importance of the town of Prague that it was
customary that the Bohemian King should give his hand to the magistrates
of the city when they appeared before him. On this occasion, however,
Ferdinand omitted to do this, and, indeed, turned his back on the
citizens as a mark of displeasure. Some time elapsed before he ordered a
paper that contained the grievances against the citizens of Prague, who
were accused of being the principal instigators of the recent
disturbances, to be read to the deputies. The townsmen attempted no
defence, and, in their name, Sixt of Ottersdorf declared that the
citizens surrendered unconditionally to their Sovereign. The King
ordered Ludanic, Captain of Moravia, to inform the citizens that he
would shortly convey his decision to them. He had meanwhile ordered
Jacob Fikar, burgomaster of the old town, and one of the town
councillors, who had both not appeared before him, to be arrested. Then
only were the citizens informed of the conditions under which they would
be pardoned. They were to abandon all confederacies, even those between
the Prague cities, to surrender all papers dealing with their
negotiations with the Elector of Saxony, to submit for revision all the
papers containing the ancient privileges of the Prague cities, to give
up all arms, and to return to the Crown all landed estates that belonged
to it, but had been temporarily granted to the citizens. The last
paragraph, in a somewhat veiled manner, stipulated the confiscation of
considerable estates that had long belonged to the Prague cities. The
citizens were, however, obliged to accept all the King's demands.
The King then convoked the Estates for August 22, but he resolved that,
as a deterrent example, the execution of the four most prominent
national leaders should immediately precede this meeting of the Diet,
which has ever since been known as the Krvavy Snem (_i.e._, bloody
Diet). On August 20 two knights and two citizens, one of whom was Fikar,
were decapitated on the market-place before the Hradcany Castle. Other
less severe punishments were inflicted on some of the members of the
nationalist leaders, particularly on those who were members of the
community of the Bohemian Brethren, who were suspected of having
strongly favoured an alliance with the German Protestants. The head of
that community, John Augusta, was arrested at Litomysl, imprisoned in
the 'White Tower' on the Hradcany, and cruelly tortured there.
The 'bloody Diet' accepted all the King's proposals, though they largely
limited its powers, and comparative quiet continued in Prague during the
remaining years of Ferdinand's rule.
Ferdinand died in 1564, and the news of his death reached Prague on July
28. His eldest son, Maximilian, who had already been crowned King of
Bohemia, succeeded his father without any opposition. His well-known
inclination to Protestantism rendered the Utraquist majority of the
Estates favourable to him, while the Romanists were traditionally
partisans of the House of Habsburg.
Little need in this sketch of the story of Prague be said of the twelve
years (1564-1576) during which Maximilian reigned over Bohemia. He
visited Prague and held Diets there in 1567, 1571 and 1575. On these
occasions the proceedings were similar and, it may be added, monotonous.
Maximilian invariably demanded grants of money to enable him to carry
on war against the Turks, and the Estates, with equal regularity,
claimed that further concessions should be made to the Utraquists, or
rather Protestants as they should now be called. At the Diet of 1575 the
Lutherans and Bohemian brethren jointly drew up a profession of faith
which is known as the 'Confessio Bohemica.' The King did not indeed
recognise it, but he granted the Protestants, now the great majority of
the population, independence from the old Utraquist consistory. They
were allowed to choose fifteen 'defenders,' five from each Estate, to
whom the government of the Protestant Church was to be entrusted. No
doubt, largely in consequence of this concession, the Estates accepted
Maximilian's eldest son, Rudolph, as heir to the throne, and consented
to his coronation during the lifetime of his father. Some objections
were raised with regard to Rudolph's ignorance of the Bohemian language,
and it was stipulated that he should, in the absence of his father,
reside in Prague, that he might thoroughly learn the language and the
laws of the country over which he was once to rule.
The Estates deputed seven nobles and seven knights, who proceeded to the
Karlstyn on September 20, for the purpose of fetching the Royal insignia
of Bohemia that were preserved there. On their return the coronation
took place, with the same ceremonial as that of Maximilian, who had also
been crowned during the lifetime of his father. According to the custom
Rudolph was crowned in St. Vitus's Cathedral. He first proceeded to the
Chapel of St. Wenceslas, where the Romanist Archbishop and his clergy
received him. He then entered the main church, and the burgrave, William
of Rosenberg, then asked the assembled Estates whether they consented to
the coronation of Rudolph as King. They all, with loud voices,
[Illustration: RUDOLPH II.]
expressed their consent. Rudolph was then crowned by the Romanist
Archbishop, with the assistance of William of Rosenberg.
The accession of Rudolph to the Bohemian throne followed very closely on
his coronation. Maximilian died in 1576, and his son immediately
proceeded to Prague, where he resided almost continually during his
reign. His life is therefore in closer connection with Prague than that
of almost any other Bohemian ruler, Charles IV. only excepted.
Rudolph's character was a very singular one, and it is certain that he
occasionally suffered from melancholia. With a thorough knowledge and a
great love of art, he combined an intense dislike of the affairs of the
State. No king did more for the embellishment of Prague. According to a
contemporary epigram, Prague, that had been of wood at the time of
Libussa, afterwards became marble, but golden under Rudolph. Rudolph was
a great collector of paintings, sculpture, and even mere 'curiosities.'
His agents travelled all over Europe; thus Albrecht Dürer's 'Madonna,'
one of the few picture's from Rudolph's collection that is still at
Prague, was purchased at Venice and carried 'by four stout men' across
the Alps to Prague.
Among the artists who, on Rudolph's invitation, visited Prague, was the
engraver Sadeler, a native of the Netherlands. His engravings of
Prague--three of which are reproduced in this volume--are among the most
interesting ancient records of the city.
More questionable was Rudolph's taste for chemistry and astronomy, or
rather for alchemy and astrology. The astronomers Keppler, Tycho Brahe,
and his assistant Tennagel, who afterwards fell in disgrace, were
Rudolph's guests on the Hradcany. His taste for alchemy attracted many
to Prague who were supposed to be adepts in that science. It must,
however, be stated in defence of Rudolph that alchemy was by no means,
in his day, an utterly discredited science. Even a century later Spinoza
considered it as worthy of consideration. Rudolph by no means hesitated
to punish those alchemists whom he considered as impostors. It is
interesting to note that among these alchemists there were two English
adventurers--Dr. John Dee and Edward Kelley.[32]
[Illustration: TOMBSTONE OF TYCHO BRAHE IN TYN CHURCH]
The earlier years of Rudolph's reign were a period of peace and
prosperity in Bohemia. His latter years were embittered by the treachery
and perfidy of his ambitious younger brother Matthias. The real cause of
the conflict was that Rudolph, who had no legitimate offspring, refused
to make any arrangements as to the succession to the thrones of Bohemia
and Hungary. It was as a mere pretext that Matthias brought forward the
grievance that Rudolph had refused to sanction a treaty with Turkey that
he had concluded in his brother's name. Matthias occupied Moravia, and
took possession of that country almost without resistance. He then
entered Bohemia and advanced as far as Caslav. Rudolph, though
reluctantly, summoned the Bohemian Estates to Prague on May 8, 1608.
Though the usual ecclesiastical grievances were brought forward, it soon
became evident that the Bohemians did not wish to abandon Rudolph in
favour of his brother. The latter had meanwhile advanced as far as
Liben,[33] where peace negotiations took place. A treaty was finally
signed there by which Rudolph ceded Upper and Lower Austria and Moravia
to his brother, but retained Bohemia for his lifetime. In the evening
Matthias gave a large banquet in his camp; there were two tables, at
each of which a hundred guests were seated. Many healths were drank, and
a somewhat scandalous contemporary writer tells us that many of
Rudolph's envoys 'only returned to Prague about midnight, and very
intoxicated.'
Even the cession of almost all his possessions did not ensure Rudolph's
tranquillity during the remaining years of his life. Many nobles who had
sided with him against his brother now again brought their demand of
religious freedom before him. The leader of the Protestants was now
Wenceslas of Budova, whose pious and somewhat Puritan character renders
him one of the most interesting figures of the last years of Bohemian
independence. When Rudolph had prorogued the Diet of 1609 the Estates
continued their meetings in the town hall of the Nové Mesto. Budova,
who presided, always began the deliberations by calling on all present
to pray. All then knelt down and sang a hymn.
For a moment civil war seemed inevitable. Rudolph's attitude, indeed,
had at first been conciliatory. He has been credited by various
historians with a religious fanaticism that was absolutely alien to his
nature. Yet the Spanish ambassador, Zuniga, and Archduke Leopold, a
kinsman of Rudolph's and a brother of Archduke Ferdinand, afterwards
King of Bohemia, succeeded in persuading the apathetic Sovereign to send
a message to the Estates, in which he promised the Protestants the same
amount of toleration which they had enjoyed under Ferdinand I.; he thus
withdrew even the concessions that had been made to the Protestants by
the more liberal-minded Maximilian. The Protestant Estates considered
this message as a declaration of war; they decided to arm, and chose
thirty 'directors'--ten from each order--who established themselves at
the town hall of the Staré Mesto, forming, as the historian Gindely
says, a provisional government. Rudolph, however, finally gave way, and
on July 9, 1609, signed the famed 'Letter of Majesty.' He recognised the
'Confessio Bohemica,'[34] granted the Protestants the administration of
the University, and empowered them to elect thirty 'defenders' from
their number who were to act as guardians of the rights of the
Protestants.
There is no doubt that Rudolph granted these extensive concessions
reluctantly, and that he sought an opportunity for retracting them. He
entered into negotiations with Archduke Leopold, who was then Bishop of
Passau. Under the pretence of interfering in the religious troubles that
had broken out in Germany, Leopold collected a considerable armed
force, which in 1611 invaded Bohemia. Leopold, no doubt, wished to free
Rudolph from the control of the Protestants, and probably hoped to
obtain the Bohemian crown as a reward, to the exclusion of Matthias and
of his own brother Ferdinand. The men of Passau soon occupied a large
part of Southern Bohemia, marched rapidly on Prague, and encamped on the
White Mountain, immediately outside the city walls. After scaling the
walls of the Malá Strana they attacked the neighbouring Hradcany Castle,
where Leopold was then residing as a guest of Rudolph. Desperate
fighting in the Malá Strana took place between the men of Passau and a
small force that the Bohemian Estates had hurriedly raised, and which
was commanded by Count Thurn. The invaders succeeded in driving the
Bohemians from the Malá Strana, but their attempt to obtain possession
of the bridge, and thus to secure access to the old town, failed.
Leopold, who thought victory certain, now assumed the command of his
troops, and summoned the old and new towns to surrender. This was
declined, and as the army of the Estates received constant
reinforcements, Leopold and his troops were obliged to leave Prague
secretly on the night of March 11. Matthias had meanwhile arrived at
Prague, and Rudolph was forced to abdicate in his favour. He did not
long survive his deposition, but died on January 10, 1612.
During the brief reign of Matthias (1611-1619) the religious troubles in
Bohemia continued and reached their climax in the famous defenestration
of Prague. Matthias, like his brother, was childless, and the question
of the succession to the Bohemian throne was therefore urgent. The
Estates met at Prague in 1617, and through the influence of the
Government officials, Archduke Ferdinand of Styria was accepted as heir
to the throne. Only one of the officials, Count Thurn, burgrave of the
Karlstyn, opposed the acceptation, and was therefore deprived of his
office. The decision which assured the Bohemian crown to Ferdinand, a
determined persecutor of the Protestants, necessarily hastened the
progress of events. The Protestants knew that war to the knife awaited
them; the only question was when hostilities should begin. The
initiative finally, however, came from the Catholics. In direct
violation of the agreements of 1609[35] the Romanist Archbishop of
Prague caused the Protestant church at Hrob (or Klostergrab) to be
destroyed, while the abbot of Broumov (Braunau) ordered the Protestant
church in the town of that name, which was under his jurisdiction, to be
closed.
The Protestant 'defenders' took immediate action. They summoned their
Protestant Estates to a consultation, which began on March 6, 1618, in
the Carolinum. Though King Matthias had forbidden the meeting, a large
number of nobles and knights and a few townsmen were present.
Count Thurn now became the leader of the Protestant Estates, and there
is little doubt that he from the first considered war inevitable. He
spoke eloquently of the grievances of the Protestants, alluding
particularly to the recent occurrences at Hrob and Broumov, and
suggested that a remonstrance should be addressed to the Government
officials at Prague. The Protestants agreed to this, and also resolved,
should this step prove ineffective, to address their complaints directly
to King Matthias, who then resided in Vienna. As an answer could not be
immediately expected, it was decided that the Protestants should meet
again on May 21. Before that date, however, the leaders of the movement
issued a manifesto, that was read in all the Utraquist and Protestant
churches of Prague, in which, though the Sovereign was not attacked, the
Royal councillors, particularly the chief judge Slavata, and Martinic,
the new burgrave of the Karlstyn, who had replaced Thurn, were directly
accused of using their influence over the Sovereign in a manner hostile
to the Bohemian people. On May 21, the Estates, as had been agreed, met
again at the Carolinum. They were immediately summoned to the Hradcany
Palace, where a Royal message prohibiting their meetings was read to
them. They none the less met again on the 22nd, when Thurn suggested
that the Estates should, on the following day, proceed to the Hradcany
in a body and in full armour. He threw out dark hints that a small
deputation would not be safe in the vast precincts of the Hradcany; if
the gates were closed after their arrival, they would be separated from
the town, and a general massacre of the envoys might ensue. A more
secret meeting took place late in the evening, at the Smiricky
Palace.[36] Besides Thurn, a few other leaders, Colonna of Fels, Budova,
Ruppa, two nobles of the Kinsky and two of the Rican family were
present. Ulrich of Kinsky proposed that the Royal councillors should be
poniarded in the council chamber, but Thurn's suggestion that they
should be thrown from the windows of the Hradcany Palace prevailed.
This was, in Bohemia, the traditional death penalty for traitors. As the
Estates afterwards quaintly stated, 'they followed the example of that
which was done to Jezebel, the tormentor of the Israelite people, and
also that of the Romans and other famed nations, who were in the habit
of throwing from rocks and other elevated places those who disturbed the
peace of the common-wealth.'
Early on the morning of the memorable 23rd of May the representatives of
Protestantism in Bohemia proceeded to the Hradcany; all were in full
armour, and most of them were followed by one or more retainers. They
first proceeded to the hall, where the Estates usually met. The address
to the King which the defenders had prepared was here read to them. All
then entered the hall of the Royal councillors, where a very stormy
discussion arose. Count Slik, Thurn, Kinsky and others violently accused
Martinic and Slavata, the two principal councillors, of being traitors.
Slik particularly accused Martinic of having deprived 'that noble
Bohemian hero, Count Thurn,' of his office of burgrave of the Karlstyn.
He added that, 'as long as old men, honest and wise, had governed
Bohemia the country had prospered, but since they (_i.e._, Martinic and
Slavata), worthless disciples of the Jesuits, had pushed themselves
forward, the ruin of the country had began.'
What now happened can be best given in the words of the contemporary
historian, Skála ze Zhore:--'No mercy was granted them, and first the
Lord of Smecno (_i.e._, Martinic) was dragged to the window near which
the secretaries generally worked; for Kinsky was quicker and had more
aid than Count Thurn, who had seized Slavata. Then they were
[Illustration: THE ROYAL OFFICIALS ARE THROWN FROM THE WINDOWS ON MAY
23, 1618]
both thrown, dressed in their cloaks and with their rapiers and
decorations, just as they had been found in the councillors' office, one
after the other, head foremost out of the western window into a moat
beneath the palace, which by a wall was separated from the other deeper
moat. They loudly screamed, "Ach, ach, Ouvé!" and attempted to hold on
to the window-frame, but were at last obliged to let go, as they were
struck on their hands.' It remains to add that neither of the nobles nor
Fabricius, their secretary, who was also thrown from the window,
perished; a circumstance that the Catholics afterwards attributed to a
miracle.
Immediately after the defenestration the Estates elected thirty
'directors'--chosen in equal number from the three Estates--who were to
constitute a provisional Government. Ruppa, one of the most gifted of
the Bohemian nobles, became head of this Government, while Thurn assumed
command of the army which the Estates hurriedly raised. On March 20,
1619, Matthias died, and though the Estates had recognised Ferdinand as
his successor, the throne became practically vacant; for it was very
unlikely that the Protestants who had risen in arms against Matthias
would now accept a far more intransigent Romanist as their ruler.
On July 8 a general Diet, that is to say one consisting of deputies of
Moravia and Silesia as well as Bohemia, met at Prague. On August 3 this
assembly pronounced the deposition of Ferdinand as King of the Bohemian
lands, and on the 26th the crown was offered to Frederick, Count
Palatine. There were other candidates, but an eloquent speech of Ruppa
decided in Frederick's favour. He assured the Bohemians that they would
obtain powerful allies if they elected Frederick, and specially referred
to
[Illustration: INSCRIPTION ON PICTURE.
The Bohemian leaders--Anhalt the Elder, Hohenlohe, Thurn the Elder and
the Younger, Anhalt the Younger, John of Bubna, Henry Slik (of the
Moravian allies), Stubenvoll (of the German allies), the Duke of Weimar.
The Imperialist leaders--Maximilian of Bavaria, Buguoy, Tieffenbach (of
the German league), Tilly, Pappenheim, Des Fours, Caralli and others.]
[Illustration: BATTLE OF THE WHITE MOUNTAIN, NOVEMBER 8, 1620]
James I. of England, the father-in-law of their new Sovereign.
After some hesitation, Frederick accepted the crown and proceeded to
Bohemia accompanied by his consort. They arrived at the 'Star' Palace,
immediately outside Prague, early in the morning of October 31, and on
the same day made their solemn entry into the town. Many Bohemian nobles
who had awaited their new Sovereign at the 'Star' joined the procession
to the Hradcany Castle. At the Strahov gate they were met by the guilds
of Prague carrying their banners, and by numerous peasants 'all clad in
the old Bohemian dress and bearing arms that had been used during the
Hussite Wars.' On November 4 Frederick was crowned King of Bohemia in
St. Vitus's Cathedral, and the coronation of Queen Elizabeth took place
there three days later.
The winning manners of Frederick at first obtained for him considerable
popularity, and when Queen Elizabeth gave birth to a son--Prince
Rupert--on December 26 the citizens of Prague greatly rejoiced.
Difficulties, however, soon arose. The King was ignorant of the national
language, and seems to have made no attempt to acquire it. When
Frederick's Calvinist divines persuaded him to have the altars and
paintings removed from St. Vitus's Cathedral, Lutherans, Utraquists and
Romanists were equally indignant.
Queen Elizabeth never secured even that limited amount of popularity
that her consort obtained. She was accompanied principally by English
ladies, and was believed to have spoken to them in an unfavourable
manner of her new country. She had hardly any intercourse with the
Bohemian ladies, few of whom knew French, and none English. They
strongly disapproved of their new Queen, who, they said, 'had no settled
hours either for her meals or for her prayers,' and even of the low
dresses which she and her English ladies wore.
Frederick remained at Prague up to September 28, 1620, and then only
joined his army in Southern Bohemia that was opposing the advance of the
Austrians. He found his soldiers already entirely disorganised, and was
forced to retreat on Prague. His forces reached the White Mountain,
immediately outside the town, on the evening of November 7. The enemies,
who were in close pursuit, attacked the Bohemians on the following day.
Frederick had meanwhile returned to Prague to join his consort. Neither
this proof of conjugal affection, nor the fact that an immediate attack
of the Catholic forces may not have appeared probable, can in any way
excuse what was practically desertion.
It is certain that the Catholic commanders were not at first unanimous
as to the policy of attacking the Bohemians at a moment when the
Catholic army was exhausted by prolonged marches. Buguoy I., who
commanded the Austrian forces, advised delay, but the opinion of the
Duke of Bavaria and Tilly, who insisted on an immediate attack,
prevailed. The numerous Jesuits and other friars who accompanied the
army also declared that no delay should be granted to the heretics. It
was also taken into consideration that Christian of Anhalt,
Commander-in-Chief of the Protestant forces, was hastily throwing up
earthworks on the plateau of the White Mountain, and endeavouring to
re-establish discipline among his troops, which had been demoralised by
their continuous retreat. A deferred attack might therefore be more
hazardous than an immediate one.
Even before the council of war had decided on an immediate attack, a
small Bavarian force--not yet supported by the mass of the Catholic
army--attacked the right flank of the Bohemians. The younger Count Slik,
who commanded some of the Moravian troops, hurriedly rode up to
Christian of Anhalt, begging his permission to attack the Bavarians on
their march. 'It was a weighty and fateful moment in the history of the
Bohemian people.'[37] Anhalt at first favoured the suggestion, but on
the advice of Hohenlohe, who was second in command, he finally refused
his consent. The whole Catholic army soon united, and advanced on the
whole line. Though the younger Count Thurn's infantry successfully beat
back an attack of the Austrian infantry, and the son of Christian of
Anhalt made a successful cavalry charge, the Catholics were soon
victorious, and the earthworks were, after a short defence, carried by
the troops of Austria, Bavaria and Spain. Of the Protestant forces the
Hungarian horsemen, whom Gabriel Bethlen, Prince of Transsylvania, had
sent to Bohemia, first took to flight. They attempted to cross the
Vltava by a ford near the present suburb of Smichov, and many perished
in the river. Flight soon became general, and the conduct of the
Bohemians and their allies was most unworthy of the ancient glory of the
country. There were some exceptions to the well-nigh general cowardice.
A small Moravian force under Count Slik retreated to the wall of the
'Star' Park, where they defended themselves with desperate courage.[38]
When almost all had been killed, those who remained surrendered. The
battle, and with it the fate of Bohemia, was then decided. As proof of
the heroism of the Moravians, contemporary writers tell us that along
the 'Star' walls[39] the dead at some places lay ten or twelve high.
[Illustration: INSCRIPTION ABOVE CENTRAL PICTURE.
'True representation of the executions at Prague. How by the most
gracious order and command of his Roman Imperial Majesty the former
Bohemian Directors, Counts, Lords, Knights and men of the Estate of the
citizens were, on Saturday, the 9th of June of this year 1621, condemned
in the royal castle of the Hradcany, and then, on Monday, June 21,
punished and executed on the market-place of the old town.']
[Illustration: INSCRIPTION UNDER CENTRAL PICTURE.
'This design shows clearly how the 24 men were decapitated one after the
other, and how three others were then hanged.']
[Illustration: INSCRIPTION UNDER UPPER ENGRAVING RIGHT SIDE.
'Here you see the twelve heads exposed on the bridge tower of Prague.']
[Illustration: INSCRIPTION UNDER LOWER ENGRAVING RIGHT SIDE.
'How three men are whipped with rods, while the tongue of one is nailed
to the gallows.']
[Illustration: THE EXECUTIONS ON THE MARKET-PLACE OF THE OLD TOWN OF
PRAGUE ON THE 21ST OF JUNE 1621]
The news that the battle had begun reached Frederick in the banqueting
hall of the Hradcany Castle, where he was entertaining the English
ambassadors, whom his father-in-law James I. had sent to Prague. He
mounted his horse and rode to the Strahov gate, only arriving there in
time to witness the rout and flight of his army. The sight of the
battlefield and even, as an eye-witness tells us, the terrible wailing
of the women,[40] greatly impressed Frederick, and he hurriedly returned
to the Hradcany. From here he proceeded with Queen Elizabeth to the old
town, and the defeated army also crossed to the right bank of the river.
A council of war was held late in the evening, at which most of
Frederick's generals spoke in favour of instant retreat. The King
himself made some pretence of resolution. But when, on the following
morning, Elizabeth left Prague, the King--a modern Antony, without
Antony's bravery--'hastily mounted his horse, thus giving the signal for
a general flight.'
The battle of the White Mountain is one of the greatest landmarks in the
history of Bohemia, and of Prague in particular. I will not here refer
to the complete change in the condition of Bohemia which it caused, the
complete suppression of Protestantism, the complete annihilation of the
ancient constitution of the land, the almost complete, though but
temporary, extinction of the national language.
But before ending my account of Prague as the capital of an independent
country, I must briefly refer to the executions on June 21, 1621.
Immediately after the suppression of the national movement it appeared
probable that the Austrian policy would be a lenient one. But sterner
councils soon prevailed at Vienna. In February Slik, Budova, Divis
Cernin, Kaplir, as well as Jessenius, the rector of the University, and
some of the leading townsmen, were arrested. There was no pretence of
conducting the trial according to the ancient legal institutions of the
country, which granted great privileges to nobles. A special tribunal
was constituted, and its members were instructed to judge with the
greatest severity.
The judges arrived from Vienna on March 13, 1621, and the court sat for
the first time at the Hradcany Castle on the 15th of that month. The
judges did not fail to act according to their instructions. Their
decision, which Ferdinand confirmed on May 23, the anniversary of the
defenestration, pronounced the confiscation of the estates of all the
accused. There were twenty-seven death sentences; of the condemned men
twenty-four were to be decapitated, three hanged. In some cases torture
was added to the death penalty. Thus Divis Cernin, captain of the
Hradcany Castle, who had opened the gates of that castle to the
Protestants, Count Slik, Bohuslav Michalovic and others were to have a
hand cut off before execution, while the tongue of Jessenius, rector of
the Prague University, whom the Bohemians had employed in their
negotiations with Transsylvania, and whose eloquence the Imperialists
dreaded, was to be cut out. Not many of these additional punishments
were, however, actually carried out.
Besides these death sentences many Bohemians were condemned to prison
for lengthy periods, while others were expelled from Prague, and it was
ordered that they should be whipped with rods till they reached the city
gates.
[Illustration: THE DUNGEON IN THE TOWN HALL]
On June 19 the prisoners were informed of their fate, and on the
following day their wives and children, as well as three Lutheran
clergymen, were admitted to visit them. It is on the narrative of these
clergymen that the great historian Skála has based his account of the
last movements of the prisoners and their execution.[41] The day fixed
for the executions was June 21, and on the previous day all prisoners
who were not already confined in the dungeons of the town hall of Staré
Mesto were conveyed there, as the executions were to take place in the
immediately adjacent market-place. They met their fate with great
fortitude, and spent their time mainly in singing hymns. They conversed
freely with the Lutheran clergymen. Budova said, 'I am weary of my days.
May God deign to receive my soul, that I may not behold the disaster
that, as I know, has overcome my country.' Count Slik said, 'I am before
the tribunal of the world, and expect immediate death. But those who
have judged me will have to appear before the awful tribunal of Him who
will judge more justly.'
Early on the morning of June 21 a cannon-shot was fired as a signal that
the executioners were to begin. One by one the prisoners were conducted
to the market-place, 'that mournful stage and slaughter-house of
Antichrist,' as Skála calls it. Each man when proceeding to his death
took leave of his comrades in a pleasant manner, as if he were going to
a banquet or some pastime. 'I go before you,' he said, 'that I may first
see the glory of God, the glory of our beloved Redeemer; but I await you
directly after me; in this hour grief already vanishes, and a new
heartfelt and eternal happiness begins.' Full preparations had been made
by the Imperial authorities to prevent disturbances. The whole
market-place was lined with troops, and orders had been given that the
drums should beat during the whole time that the executions lasted. A
tribune had been erected, from which the Austrian authorities watched
the executions. Slik was first led forth, and after him twenty-three
others were decapitated. The tongue of Jessenius was cut out before his
execution, and a hand of Michalovic was cut off. Three citizens of
Prague then suffered death on the gallows. To further accentuate the
reign of terror that had begun, the heads of twelve of the nobles who
had been decapitated were exposed on the towers of the bridge of Prague,
six on the bridge tower of the Malá Strana, six on that of the old town.
[Illustration: BETHLEHEM CHAPEL]