THE INVASION.
From the evidence on the trial at bar of Dr. Jameson and his
comrades, it appears that about 20th October, 1895, orders were given
to the Matabeleland Border Police to move southward. After this,
further mobilization of other bodies took place and during the first
week in December there collected at Pitsani Potlogo the body of men
from whom Dr. Jameson's invading column was afterwards selected. For
three weeks the men were continuously drilled and practised in all
warlike exercises and thoroughly prepared for the enterprise which
their leaders had in view. On Sunday, December 29, at about three in
the afternoon, the little force was paraded and Dr. Jameson read to
them the letter of invitation quoted in a previous chapter. He is
alleged by certain witnesses to have said that he had just received
this and that they could not refuse to go to the assistance of their
countrymen in distress, and he confidently appealed to the men to
support him. He said that he did not anticipate any bloodshed at all.
They would proceed by forced marching straight through to
Johannesburg, and would reach that town before the Boers were aware
of his movements, and certainly before they could concentrate to stop
him. It has been alleged by some witnesses that the men of the
Bechuanaland Border Police who advanced from Mafeking under the
command of Colonel Grey and Major Coventry were not so fully informed
as to their destination and the reasons for the movement until they
were actually in marching order to start. It would appear however
from the general summary of the evidence and from the reports of
the men who took part in the expedition, that they were informed that
the destination of the force was Johannesburg, that the object was to
render assistance to their countrymen in that town who were being
grossly misruled by the Transvaal Government and were at that time in
grievous straits and peril through having endeavoured to assert their
rights and obtain the reforms for which they had so long been
agitating, and that the immediate reason for marching was the receipt
of an urgent appeal from Johannesburg citizens, which appeal (the
letter of invitation) was duly read to them. In reply to questions as
to whether they were fighting under the Queen's orders, they were
informed that they were going to fight for the supremacy of the
British flag in South Africa. A considerable proportion of the men
declined to take part in the enterprise, and it is probably largely
due to defections at the last moment that the statement was made that
700 men had started with Dr. Jameson, whereas it appears that only
480 ever left the Protectorate.
The following is a portion of the Majority Report of the Select
Committee on the Jameson Raid appointed by the Cape House of
Assembly:
On the 26th December there was a sudden check. On the afternoon of
that day Colonel Rhodes telegraphs to Charter, Capetown, 'It is
absolutely necessary to postpone flotation. Charles Leonard left last
night for Capetown.' Messages to the same effect were sent from Mr.
S.W. Jameson to his brother, and from Dr. Harris for the Chartered
Company to Dr. Jameson, the latter concluding: 'So you must not move
till you hear from us again. Too awful. Very sorry.'
As to the nature of the hitch that occurred, there is some light
thrown on it by the statement from Mr. S.W. Jameson to his brother
that any movement must be postponed 'until we have C.J. Rhodes'
absolute pledge that authority of Imperial Government will not be
insisted on,' a point that is further alluded to in Telegram No.
6,537 of Appendix QQ of the 28th December.
Whatever the exact nature of the obstacle was, there can be no doubt
that some at least of the Johannesburg confederates were much alarmed
and took all possible steps to stay proceedings.
In addition to urgent telegrams special messengers were sent to
impress on Dr. Jameson the necessity for delay. One of these, Captain
Holden, made his way across country.
According to Mr. Hammond's evidence Holden arrived at Mafeking on the
28th December, and went in with the column.
The other messenger was Captain Maurice Heany, who left Johannesburg
on the 26th December, and on the 27th telegraphed from Bloemfontein
to Charter, Capetown, informing them that 'Zebrawood' (Colonel
Rhodes) had asked him to 'stop "Zahlbar" (Dr. Jameson) till Heany
sees him,' and asking that a special train might be arranged for him.
Dr. Harris replied to Kimberley on the 28th informing him that a
special train was arranged, and added, 'lose no time or you will be
late.'
It is in evidence that this special train was provided by the
Chartered Company, that Heany left by it, caught up the ordinary
train at Vryburg, and that he reached Mafeking at 4.30 a.m. on
Sunday, the 29th.
The evidence is that he was coming with an urgent message to stop Dr.
Jameson; that on his arrival at Mafeking he waked up Mr. Isaacs, a
local storekeeper, and purchased a pair of field boots and a
kit-bag, and proceeded by special cart to Pitsani; and that he
subsequently on the same evening accompanied Dr. Jameson on his
inroad and was captured at Doornkop.{24}
On the 27th, after receiving the discouraging telegrams mentioned
above from Johannesburg, Dr. Jameson telegraphed to Harris, Charter,
Capetown, 'I am afraid of Bechuanaland Police for cutting wire. They
have now all gone forward, but will endeavour to put a stop to it.
Therefore expect to receive telegram from you nine to-morrow morning
authorizing movements. Surely Col. F.W. Rhodes advisable to come to
terms at once. Give guarantee, or you can telegraph before Charles
Leonard arrived.' This doubtless alludes to the necessity for
guarantee mentioned in the message from S.W. Jameson, and the
alternative suggestion was that authority to proceed should be given
before the arrival of the Johannesburg delegate at Capetown.
Two hours later on the same day he sends another message of the
utmost importance. He informs Harris, Charter, Capetown, as follows:
'If I cannot, as I expect, communicate with Bechuanaland Border
Police cutting, then we must carry into effect original plans. They
have then two days for flotation. If they do not, we will make our
own flotation with help of letter, which I will publish.'
On the same day Dr. Jameson telegraphed to his brother in
Johannesburg as follows: 'Guarantee already given, therefore let J.H.
Hammond telegraph instantly all right.'
To this Mr. Hammond sent a most positive reply absolutely condemning
his proposed action.
As bearing upon the attitude of the force at Pitsani, it may be noted
that on the same day that the foregoing correspondence was taking
place, Mr. A. Bates was despatched from Mafeking into the Transvaal
with instructions from Major Raleigh Grey to collect information and
meet Dr. Jameson _en route._ He was supplied with a horse and money,
and seems to have done his best to carry out instructions.
Early the next day Dr. Jameson telegraphed to Harris, Charter,
Capetown: 'There will be no flotation if left to themselves; first
delay was races, which did not exist; second policies, already
arranged. All mean fear.{25} You had better go as quickly as possible
and report fully, or tell Hon. C.J. Rhodes to allow me.'
The reply to this was: 'It is all right if you will only wait.
Captain Maurice Heany comes to you from Col. F.W. Rhodes by special
train to-day.' And, again, two hours later, Dr. Harris for the
Chartered Company telegraphs: 'Goold Adams arrives Mafeking Monday,
and Heany, I think, arrives to-night; after seeing him, you and we
must judge regarding flotation, but all our foreign friends are now
dead against it and say public will not subscribe one penny towards
even with you as a director--Ichabod.'
Still on the same day two further telegrams to Dr. Jameson were sent
from Capetown, almost together, of a strongly discouraging tenour.
One of them concludes by saying 'we cannot have fiasco,' and the
other informs Dr. Jameson that Lionel Phillips anticipates complete
failure of any premature action.
On the same day Dr. Harris informs Colonel Rhodes at Johannesburg
that, 'Have arranged for Captain Maurice Heany; Dr. Jameson awaiting
Capt. Maurice Heany's arrival. Keep market firm.'
And later:
'Charles Leonard says flotation not popular, and England's bunting
will be resisted by public. Is it true? Consult all our friends and
let me know, as Dr. Jameson is quite ready to move resolution and is
only waiting for Captain Heany's arrival.'
A few hours later Dr. Jameson telegraphs to Harris, Charter,
Capetown: 'Received your telegram Ichabod _re_ Capt. Maurice Heany.
Have no further news. I require to know. Unless I hear definitely to
the contrary, shall leave to-morrow evening and carry into effect my
second telegram (Appendix QQ, No. 06365) of yesterday to you, and it
will be all right.'
On the next morning, Sunday the 29th, Heany arrived at Mafeking, and
after making the purchases detailed above, left by special cart for
the camp at Pitsani, where he probably arrived about eight o'clock
a.m. At five minutes past nine Dr. Jameson telegraphed to Harris,
Charter, Capetown: 'Shall leave to-night for the Transvaal. My reason
is the final arrangement with writers of letter was that, without
further reference to them, in case I should hear at some future time
that suspicions have been aroused as to their intention among the
Transvaal authorities, I was to start immediately to prevent loss of
lives, as letter states. Reuter only just received. Even without my
own information of meeting in the Transvaal, compel immediate move
to fulfil promise made. We are simply going to protect everybody
while they change the present dishonest Government and take vote from
the whole country as to form of Government required by the whole.'
The force took with them provisions for one day only, relying on the
commissariat arrangements made on their behalf by Dr. Wolff _en
route._ They were well mounted and armed with Lee-Metford carbines,
and took with them eight Maxims, two seven-pounders and one
twelve-pounder. In order to facilitate quick movement no heavy
equipment was taken, and but little spare ammunition. The vehicles
attending the column were six Scotch carts and one Cape cart. The
total distance to be covered was about 170 miles to Johannesburg, or
150 miles to Krugersdorp. The start was made from Pitsani shortly
after 5 p.m., and marching was continued throughout the night. The
force consisted of about 350 of the Chartered forces under Colonel
Sir John Willoughby, Major in the Royal Horse Guards; the Hon. H. F.
White, Major 2nd Battalion Grenadier Guards; Hon. R. White, Captain
Royal Welsh Fusiliers; Major J. B. Tracey, 2nd Battalion Scots
Guards; Captain C. H. Villiers, Royal Horse Guards; and 120 of the
Bechuanaland Border Police under Major Raleigh Grey, Captain 6th
Inniskillen Dragoons, and the Hon. C. J. Coventry, Captain 3rd
Militia Battalion Worcester Regiment. The two contingents met at
Malmani at about sunrise on Monday morning, December 30. They marched
throughout that day and night and the following day, Tuesday. There
were half-hour rests about every twenty miles for rationing the men
and feeding and watering the horses, the fodder being ready for the
horses at various stores. Provisions for the men consisted of tinned
meats and biscuits. There was no lack of provisions at all; but the
men complained afterwards that they were so overcome with fatigue
from continuous marching that when they reached the resting-places
they generally lay down where they dismounted, and slept, instead of
taking the food which was ready for them. A serious fault in the
conduct of the expedition appears to have been the lack of
opportunity for rest and food afforded the men. It was contended that
the same or a higher average of speed might have been attained by
pressing on faster for spells of a few hours and allowing reasonable
intervals for rest and refreshment. Only about 130 miles had been
covered by the column during the seventy hours that they were on the
march before they were first checked by any serious opposition from
the Boers.
On Monday, December 30, at about 1 p.m., Mr. F.J. Newton, Resident
Commissioner at Mafeking, received the following telegram from the
High Commissioner, Capetown, dated the same day:
It is rumoured here that Dr. Jameson has entered the Transvaal with
an armed force. Is this so? If so, send special messenger on fast
horse directing him to return immediately. A copy of this telegram
should be sent to the officers with him, and they should be told that
this violation of the territory of a friendly State is repudiated by
Her Majesty's Government, and that they are rendering themselves
liable to severe penalties.
Mr. Newton at once addressed to Dr. Jameson and each of the chief
officers with him the following letter:
SIR,
I have the honour to enclose copy of a telegram which I have received
from His Excellency the High Commissioner, and I have accordingly to
request that you will immediately comply with His Excellency's
instructions.
Trooper J.T. White was despatched as soon as possible with the five
letters, enclosed in waterproof, with instructions to ride until he
caught up to Dr. Jameson and delivered the letters. He was stopped by
a party of armed Boers and taken before Landdrost Marais at Malmani,
where the despatches were opened and read. He was delayed for four
hours, and then allowed to proceed with an escort. On Tuesday morning
he crossed the Elands River and caught up the column at about 11 a.m.
He had ridden all night, covering about eighty miles. He alleges that
at first the officers would not take the letters, but eventually Sir
John Willoughby accepted and read his and the others followed suit.
He stated that he had been instructed to deliver the letters
personally, and to get a reply. Sir John Willoughby sent a message by
him stating that the despatches would be attended to. Shortly after
this Dr. Jameson also received a protest from the Commandant of the
Marico district against his invasion of the State, to which he
sent the following reply:
_December 30, 1895._
SIR,
I am in receipt of your protest of the above date, and have to inform
you that I intend proceeding with my original plans, which have no
hostile intention against the people of the Transvaal; but we are
here in reply to an invitation from the principal residents of the
Rand to assist them in their demand for justice and the ordinary
rights of every citizen of a civilized State.
Yours faithfully
L.S. JAMESON.
White states that this was about noon, and 'then the bugle sounded
and the column moved off.' The force continued advancing in much the
same way throughout Tuesday, and at 6 p.m. a skirmisher of the
advanced guard met Lieutenant Eloff of the Krugersdorp District
Police, who had been instructed by his Government to ride to
Mafeking, presumably for the purpose of getting information. He had
come with a guard of nine men, whom he had left some distance off;
advancing alone to meet the column. He states that when released
after two hours' delay he left the forces, and passing along the
Rustenburg road met a commando of some 300 Boers with whom he made a
circuit to avoid the column, and reached Krugersdorp before it did.
From this it is clear that the Boers were collecting in considerable
numbers to meet the invading force, and were moving with much greater
rapidity than their enemies.
On Wednesday morning, at about 5.30, Messrs. Theron and Bouwer
(despatch riders), who had been sent by Sir Jacobus de Wet, British
Agent at Pretoria, at 1.30 p.m. on the previous day with a despatch
for Dr. Jameson, reached the column and delivered their letters, and
stated that they had been instructed to take back a reply as soon as
possible. Dr. Jameson said, 'All right; I'll give you a reply,' and
within a few minutes he handed to them the following letter:
_January 1._
DEAR SIR,
I am in receipt of the message you sent from His Excellency the High
Commissioner, and beg to reply, for His Excellency's information,
that I should, of course, desire to obey his instructions, but, as I
have a very large force of both men and horses to feed, and having
finished all my supplies in the rear, must perforce proceed to
Krugersdorp or Johannesburg this morning for this purpose. At the
same time I must acknowledge I am anxious to fulfil my promise on the
petition of the principal residents of the Rand, to come to the aid
of my fellow-men in their extremity. I have molested no one, and have
explained to all Dutchmen met that the above is my sole object, and
that I shall desire to return at once to the Protectorate. I am,
etc.,
(Signed) L.S. JAMESON.
At about 10.30 a.m. on the same day (January 1) two cyclists, Messrs.
Celliers and Rowland, carrying despatches from members of the Reform
Committee, met the column. The letters were received by Dr. Jameson,
and taken with him as far as Doornkop, where, upon surrender of the
force, they appear to have been torn up. With that good fortune which
seems to have followed the Boers throughout this business, these torn
fragments were picked up on the battle-field by a Boer official four
months later, having remained undisturbed during the severe rain and
wind storms of the wet season. Some portions were missing, but the
others were pieced together and produced in evidence against the
Reform prisoners. The letters are printed hereunder as they were
written, as testified by the writers, and, in the case of the first
one, by others who read it before it was despatched. The italics
represent the fragments of the letters which were never found:{26}
DEAR DR.
The rumour of massa_cre in_ Johannesburg that started yo_u to_ our
relief was not true. We a_re all_ right, feeling intense. We have
armed a lot of men. Shall be very glad to see you. _We are_ not in
possess_ion of the_ town. _I shall send out some_ men to
_You are a fine_ fellow. Yours ever
F.R.{27}
We will all drink a glass along _o_' you.
L.P.{28}
31st, 11.30. Kruger has asked for _some of us to_ go over and treat:
armistice for _24 hours agreed_ to. My view is that they are in a
funk at Pretoria, and they were wrong to agree from here.
F.R.{27}
DR. JAMESON.
[Illustration. Caption: The above are reproductions of photographs of
the documents now in possession of the Transvaal Government. For the
report of the expert, Mr. T.H. Gurrin, as submitted to the Select
Committee of the House of Commons, see Appendix L.]
It may be noted that the tone of this correspondence does not appear
to be in accord with the attitude taken up by the Reform
Committee. The letters however were written on Tuesday the 31st, when
there was a general belief that Dr. Jameson had started in good
faith, misled by some false reports. In the second letter Colonel
Rhodes expresses the opinion that it was wrong to agree to send in
a deputation to meet the Government. This was written before the
deputation had gone to Pretoria, and clearly implies that the moral
effect of treating would be bad. The phrasing also shows that the
so-called armistice was for the purpose of treating, and not the
treating for the purpose of securing an armistice: in other words,
that the armistice would expire, and not commence, with the treating.
From the evidence given by the cyclist Rowland, it appears that he
stated to Dr. Jameson that he could get 2,000{29} armed men to go out
to his assistance; and Rowland in evidence alleged further that there
was some offer of assistance in one of the despatches, and that Dr.
Jameson, in reply, said he did not need any assistance, but that if
2,000 men should come out probably the Boers would draw off. This
witness in his evidence at Bow Street also alleged that one of the
despatches expressed surprise at Dr. Jameson's movement. There is now
a complete record of these despatches. They make no allusions to
giving assistance, and the Johannesburg leaders are very clear on the
point that no promise or offer of assistance was ever made. The reply
which Dr. Jameson caused to be sent was concealed in one of the
bicycles, which were seized by the Boer authorities on the return
ride of the despatch-carriers, and was not brought to light until the
following March, when a mechanic who was repairing the broken bicycle
discovered it.
The much-debated question of whether assistance was ever promised or
expected should be finally disposed of by the publication of two
documents which have not heretofore appeared in print. They are _(a)_
the reply of Dr. Jameson to Colonel Rhodes' letters, and _(b)_ the
report of Mr. Celliers, the cyclist despatch-rider who took the
letter and received the reply, which report was taken down in
shorthand by the clerks in the Reform Committee room as it was
made verbally by him immediately on his return. Both these records
dispose of Mr. Rowland's statement about 2,000 men; and apart from
this it should be observed that Mr. Celliers was the messenger sent
by Colonel Rhodes and not Mr. Rowland; the latter having been later
on picked up 'for company,' was presumably less qualified to speak
about the instructions and messages than Celliers, from whom indeed
he learned all that he knew.
The letter was written by Col. H. F. White in the presence of the
cyclists, and partly at the dictation of Dr. Jameson. It was in the
form of a memorandum from Col. H. F. White to Col. Frank Rhodes, and
bore no signature; but the last line was in Dr. Jameson's
handwriting, and was initialed by him. It ran as follows:
As you may imagine, we are all well pleased by your letter. We have
had some fighting, and hope to reach Johannesburg to-night, but of
course it will depend on the amount of fighting we have. Of course we
shall be pleased to have 200 men meet us at Krugersdorp, as it will
greatly encourage the men, who are in great heart although a bit
tired. Love to Sam, Phillips, and rest,
L. S. J.
Mr. Celliers' report--after detailing the incidents of the ride
out--runs:
... I reached the column between 9 and 10 o'clock. I saw Dr. Jameson
personally. He received us very well, and was very glad with the news
I brought him. He read the despatch, and asked me for full details. I
told him the strength of the Boers and the dangers he was in. I told
him that they had no guns, and all that I saw and heard that they had
during my travels. I explained to him everything in detail. The
Doctor seemed to be very brave. He told me that he had two
scrimmages, and that no damage had been done. I said to him whether
it would not be well for him to halt until we got through and sent
him some help. The Doctor said he did not think there was anything to
fear, and at the same time he did not want to go to Johannesburg as a
pirate, and it would be well for them to send some men to meet him. I
also made inquiries as to whether I could return by any other road,
but found it was impossible, and that we had to come back the same
way. I got his despatch, shook hands with him, wished us well, and
set on our journey back.
The report, which is given above literally as transcribed from the
shorthand notes, concludes with an account of the return journey.
Mr. Celliers in a subsequent statement confirmed the above,
and added:
The impression which the Doctor gave me most certainly was that he
had never expected help and did not want it.{30}
The march continued on towards Krugersdorp. At one or two places a
few shots were fired by Boer pickets, and on one occasion the Maxims
of the invading force were turned on a party of some fifty Boers
ensconced in a good position. No casualties however occurred until
Krugersdorp was reached at 3 p.m. on Wednesday. A message was sent by
Sir John Willoughby to the authorities at Krugersdorp that if he
encountered any opposition he would shell the town, and he warned
them to have their women and children removed.
Shortly after mid-day positions were taken up on the hills pear
Krugersdorp, and at three o'clock severe fighting took place which
lasted well on into the night. An ambush at the crushing mill and
works of the Queen's Mine was shelled and an attempt was made to
storm it by a small party of the invaders. It was unsuccessful
however, and after nightfall Dr. Jameson's force was obliged to
retreat from its position and seek a more advantageous one on higher
ground.
They had suffered a reverse at the hands of a somewhat larger force
of Boers who had selected a very strong position. Firing did not
cease until 11 p.m. Here it is alleged the fatal military mistake of
the expedition was committed. No precautions had been taken to
ascertain the road. Instead of being well acquainted with the
direction to be taken the force was dependent upon a guide picked up
on the spot, a man who was never seen after the events of the
following day and is freely alleged to have been a Boer agent. It is
stated by competent judges that, had Dr. Jameson's force pushed on
during the night on the main road to Johannesburg, they would have
succeeded in reaching that town without difficulty. As it was however
they camped for the night in the direction of Randfontein and in the
early morning struck away south, attempting a big detour to avoid the
road which they had tried to force the previous night. There is but
little doubt that they were shepherded into the position in which
they were called upon to fight at Doornkop. The following description
of the Doornkop fight was written by Captain Frank Younghusband, the
correspondent of the London _Times_, who was an eye-witness:
Galloping over the rolling open grassy downs in search of Dr.
Jameson's force which was expected to arrive at Johannesburg at any
moment, my companion Heygate and myself saw between us two forces,
both stationary. Then one began to move away and from the regularity
of its movement we recognized that this must be Dr. Jameson's trying
to round the opposing Boer forces. We found a Boer guard holding the
only ford across the stream; so going up to the Commander we asked
for news. He, after questioning us, told us all that had occurred.
He was a field-cornet from Potchefstroom, and leader of one division
of the Boers. He said that yesterday, January 1, Dr. Jameson had
attacked the Boer force at the George and May Mine, two miles
north-west of Krugersdorp, a small mining township twenty-one miles
west of Johannesburg. Fighting took place from three in the afternoon
to eleven at night, Dr. Jameson making three principal attacks, and
doing great damage with his artillery, which the Boers, having then
no guns, were unable to reply to.
My informant, the Boer leader, said that both then and to-day Dr.
Jameson's men behaved with great gallantry, and he also said that
admirable arrangements had been made at Krugersdorp for nursing the
wounded on both sides.
This morning the Boers took up a position at Vlakfontein, eight miles
on the Johannesburg side of Krugersdorp, on a circuitous road to the
south by which Dr. Jameson was marching. The Boers in the night had
been reinforced by men and with artillery and Maxims. Their position
was an exceedingly strong one on an open slope, but along a ridge of
rocks cropping out of it. It was a right-angled position and Dr.
Jameson attacked them in the re-entering angle, thus having fire on
his front and flank.
To attack this position his men had to advance over a perfectly open
gently-sloping grassy down, while the Boers lay hid behind rocks and
fired with rifles, Maxims, and artillery upon their assailants. The
Boers numbered from 1,200 to 1,500, Dr. Jameson's force about 500,
and the position was practically unassailable.
Dr. Jameson, after making a desperate effort to get through,
surrendered, and as we stood we saw his brave little band riding
dejectedly back again to Krugersdorp without their arms and
surrounded by a Boer escort.
We were allowed to ride close up, but were refused permission to see
Dr. Jameson. It is therefore impossible to state his full reasons,
but it is known that he was made aware that it was impossible to send
assistance from here, and this may have influenced him in giving
up the contest when he found the enemy's position so strong that
in any case it would have been no disgrace to have been beaten by
superior numbers of such a brave foe as that Boer force which I
saw in the very position they had fought in. It was evident that
probably no one had ever started on a more desperate venture than
had this daring little force, and they gained by their gallantry the
adoration, not only of the Boer burghers who spoke to me, but of the
whole town of Johannesburg.
These Boers--rough, simple men, dressed in ordinary civilian clothes,
with merely a rifle slung over the shoulder to show they were
soldiers--spoke in feeling terms of the splendid bravery shown by
their assailants. They were perfectly calm and spoke without any
boastfulness in a self-reliant way. They said, pointing to the
ground, that the thing was impossible, and hence the present result.
The total loss of Dr. Jameson's force is about twenty. Major Grey
was, they said, the principal military officer, and they thought that
no officer was killed, and that the report that Sir John Willoughby
had been killed was unfounded. He and Dr. Jameson have been taken to
Pretoria.
At 9.15 o'clock the white flag was put up. Sir J. Willoughby, the
officer in command of the force, then sent the following note
addressed to the Commandant of the Transvaal Forces:
We surrender, provided that you guarantee us safe conduct out of the
country for every member of the force.
JOHN C. WILLOUGHBY.
A reply was sent within fifteen minutes, of which the following is a
literal translation:
OFFICER,--Please take note that I shall immediately assemble our
officers to decide upon your communication.
COMMANDANT.
Twenty or thirty minutes later a second note was received by the
surrendering force, addressed 'John C. Willoughby':
I acknowledge your letter. The answer is that, if you will undertake
to pay the expense which you have caused the South African Republic,
and if you will surrender with your arms, then I shall spare the
lives of you and yours. Please send me a reply to this within thirty
minutes.
P. A. CRONJÉ.
_Commandant, Potchefstroom._
Within fifteen minutes of the receipt of this letter, Sir J.
Willoughby replied, accepting the conditions in the following terms:
I accept the terms on the guarantee that the lives of all will be
spared. I now await your instructions as to how and where we are to
lay down our arms. At the same time I would ask you to remember that
my men have been without food for the last twenty-four hours.
'The flag sent with the first message (to quote the statement made on
behalf of Sir J. Willoughby by his solicitor, Mr. B.F. Hawksley) was
sent perhaps a little earlier than 9.15. Dr. Jameson's force ceased
firing as soon as the flag was hoisted, except on the extreme right.
Messengers were sent to stop that firing, and all firing ceased
within five minutes. The Boers continued to fire for some ten
minutes, and for some time after Jameson's force had ceased. After
Sir J. Willoughby had received the first answer the State Artillery
opened fire and continued firing for at least fifteen minutes. Sir J.
Willoughby sent Colonel the Hon. H. White and Captain Grenfell to the
Commandant with a note requesting to know the reason for firing on a
flag of truce, and requesting that it might cease. Sir J. Willoughby
has no copy of the letter he wrote accepting the conditions offered
by Cronjé, but it was to the effect above given. 'Besides Cronjé,
Commandant Malan was acquainted with the terms of surrender, for
_after Jameson's force had given up their arms_ Commandant Malan came
up and repudiated part of the terms, saying he would not guarantee
the lives of Jameson and the leaders, and that they would be handed
over to General Joubert, who would decide their fate.'
The decision having been announced to the forces, and many of the men
having stacked their arms and dropped off to sleep where they lay in
the veld, several other commandants joined Cronjé, and an altercation
took place in the presence of the surrendered officers, Commandant
Malan of Rustenburg violently proclaiming that Cronjé had no
right to spare the lives of the force, and that it lay with the
Commandant-General and Krijgsraad (or War Council) to decide what
should be done with the prisoners. Commandant Cronjé replied that
they had surrendered to him upon certain conditions, and those
conditions had been accepted by him. In the course of the discussion,
in which several other prominent Boers joined, disapproval was
generally expressed of Cronjé's acceptance of the terms and threats
were used to Dr. Jameson in person. Eye-witnesses on the Boer
side state that Dr. Jameson declined to discuss the matter further;
he merely bowed and walked away. It may be remarked that it is not by
any means unusual for the Boers to seek to stretch to their advantage
terms which they have previously agreed upon. There can now be no
question as to the conditions of the surrender. The officer in
command on the field agreed to spare the lives of the entire force,
and it was not competent for anyone to reverse that decision or to
reopen the question. The incident is instructive, and also important
since the lives of Dr. Jameson and his men were made to play a
considerable part in President Kruger's game of magnanimity later
on.{31}
The Johannesburg _Star_ correspondent, describing the surrender,
says:
There were upwards of 400 altogether, and the poor fellows made a
sorry sight--tired from their long march, their privations, and the
tremendous strain of continuous engagements for nearly twenty-four
hours. Some almost slept in their saddles as they were being
escorted; and when they arrived on Krugersdorp Market Square the
scene will not soon be forgotten.
The Boers freely mixed with them and talked with them. Provisions
were brought, and devoured with ravenous hunger. In many cases the
Boers gave from their own scant stock of provisions to the starving
men, for whom they expressed the utmost admiration for their
pluckiness and determination.
Dr. Jameson and his principal officers, including Sir John
Willoughby, were brought in separately from the main body of the
captured troops. Although the Boers treated most of the prisoners
with consideration, they jeered somewhat when Dr. Jameson was brought
forward; but this was promptly suppressed by the Commandants. Dr.
Jameson and the officers were temporarily housed in the Court-house,
together with the other officers captured previously.
A mule-waggon was brought up, fitted with mattresses. The chief
officers were despatched to Pretoria under a strong escort of Boers.
About half an hour later the rest of the prisoners were also escorted
out of the town to Pretoria, most of them on their own horses. Both
men and horses were extremely emaciated.
The burgher losses were reported to have been 4 killed and 5 wounded.
The losses of Dr. Jameson's force were 18 killed and about 40
wounded.
There were also taken: 400 magazine and Lee-Metford rifles, 8 Maxims
(one spiked, or with the breach-piece gone), 4 field-pieces, 33,000
rifle cartridges, 10 cases of Maxim cartridges, 10 cases of
projectiles, 2 sacks of projectiles, 300 cartridge-belts, 13
revolvers, 4 mule-waggons, 5 Scotch carts, 742 horses (in which were
included the 250 horses which were captured in charge of two troopers
near Blaaubank), a full-blooded stallion (the property of Dr.
Jameson), 400 saddles, bridles etc., 38 mules with harness, 1
telegraph instrument (probably to tap wires with), harness and other
accoutrements and instruments of war.
The prisoners were treated with every consideration by their captors,
with the exception perhaps of Dr. Jameson himself, who was threatened
by some of the unruly ones and freely hissed and hooted, but was
protected by the officers in charge. It must be said of the Boers
that they acted with admirable self-restraint and dignity in a
position such as very few are called upon to face. However politic
their actions may have been in their fear of provoking conflict with
Johannesburg and the Imperial Government, however the juggling with
Dr. Jameson's life afterwards and the spurious magnanimity so freely
advertized, may detract from what they did and may tend to bring
ridicule and suspicion upon them, one cannot review the broad facts
of the Jameson invasion, and realize a position which, if only for
the moment, gave the aggrieved party unlimited scope for revenge upon
an aggressor who had not the semblance of personal wrong or interest
nor the pretext of duty to justify his action, without allowing to
the Boers that they behaved in such a manner as, for a time, to
silence even that criticism which is logically justifiable and
ultimately imperative. In so far as the invading force are concerned,
the words of Mr. A. J. Balfour aptly sum up the position: 'President
Kruger has shown himself to possess a generosity which is not the
less to be admired because it is coincident with the highest
political wisdom.'
With reference to the surrender of the force, it is reasonable to
believe that the Transvaal Government, knowing how serious the
complications would be if civil war actually took place, and
believing as they undoubtedly did that Johannesburg contained upwards
of 20,000 armed men, were quite willing--indeed anxious--to secure
the surrender of Dr. Jameson's force on any terms, and that the
conditions made by Cronjé were quite in accordance with what the
highest Boer authorities would have accepted. It seems to be beyond
question also that the conditions of surrender were purposely
suppressed in order to enable the President to bargain with
Johannesburg; and, as has already been stated, such action
materially detracted from the credit due to the Transvaal Government.
This is their characteristic diplomacy--the fruit of generations of
sharpening wits against savages; and the same is called Kaffir
cunning, and is not understood at first by European people. But when
all such considerations are weighed, there is still a large balance
of credit due to the Boers for the manner in which they treated
Dr. Jameson and his invading force. It is difficult to conceive of
any people behaving better to a foe vanquished under such conditions;
indeed, it would be quite impossible.
The Boers when under control of their leaders have generally behaved
in an admirable manner. It is only when the individuals, unrestrained
by those in authority, are left to exercise their power at the
dictates of their own uncurbed passions, that the horrible scenes
have occurred which have undoubtedly blemished their reputation.
In connection with the Jameson raid there was one such incident--the
shooting of Trooper Black. The unfortunate man fell into the hands of
the Boers while out scouting and was taken as a prisoner to a
farmhouse near Blaaubank. There he was tied up and beaten, and it is
stated by a woman who gave him water when he was half mad with
thirst, that his face had been smashed by a blow from a rifle butt.
When unable to bear the treatment any longer Black stood up and,
tearing his shirt open, cried out, 'Don't shoot me in the back! Shoot
here! My heart's in the right place.' He was then untied and (as
alleged by Dutch witnesses) given an opportunity to escape. He
mounted his horse, but before he had gone far was shot dead. On the
appeal of Sir Jacobus de Wet the Government consented to investigate
the matter; but the Commandant in charge, Piet Grobler, when
questioned on the subject, merely replied, 'Oh, he [Black] was a very
insolent fellow. We could do nothing with him.' The man who fired the
shot despatching Black, a half-caste Boer named Graham, stated on his
return from Pretoria that he was asked no questions at the so-called
inquiry.
A somewhat similar incident took place, but fortunately with less
serious results, on the way from the battle of Krugersdorp. A
well-known resident of Johannesburg had ridden out to ascertain news
of Dr. Jameson, and, arriving as the surrender took place, thrust his
way among the Boers until he reached the Doctor, where he was
arrested by the Boer authorities as a spy. Being a burgher of the
State who had been resident in the Transvaal for some sixteen or
seventeen years, he was recognized and rather harshly treated. He was
attached by a leather thong to the saddle of one of the Boer
Commandants and made to run, keeping pace with the horse. After a
spell of this treatment he was released, and the Commandant in
question offered to make a bet with him that he would not be able to
race him on horseback to the ambulance waggons a few hundred yards
off, the prisoner to take a short cut across a swamp and the
Commandant to ride round by the road. The prisoner thereupon replied,
'No, thank you, Commandant. I was in the Boer War myself and saw
several men shot by that dodge, on the pretence that they were
escaping.' The worthy Commandant thereupon drew his stirrup from the
saddle, and thrashed his prisoner with the stirrup end. After some
ten days' imprisonment under exceptionally hard conditions the
gentleman in question was released without trial.
The complete success of the Boer forces against Dr. Jameson's band
has been accounted for in many ways, but undoubtedly the one reason,
if one can be selected, which enabled them to deal with the invaders,
was their ability to mobilize at short notice. And in this connection
arises the question: Did the Boers know beforehand of the intended
invasion, and were they waiting until Dr. Jameson should walk into
the trap? On behalf of the Boers it is strenuously maintained that
they had not the remotest notion of what was brewing, and that had
such an idea occurred to them they would of course have reported
matters to the High Commissioner. The President's unyielding mood
before he heard of Dr. Jameson's start, and his change afterwards,
the state of demoralization in Pretoria, the unpreparedness of the
State Artillery, and the vacillation of General Joubert, the
condition of alarm in which the President was during that night of
suspense before the surrender, when Chief Justice Kotzé sat with him
to aid and cheer, and when the old white horse stood saddled in the
stable in case Johannesburg should attack Pretoria; all point to the
conclusion that it was not all cut and dried. With a singular
unanimity, the Boers and their friends and the majority of the
Uitlanders in the Transvaal support this view; but there are on
record certain facts which are not to be ignored. Apart altogether
from the hearsay evidence of telegraphists and Boer officials in
different parts of the country, who state that they were under
orders from Government to remain at their posts day and night--that
is to say to sleep in their offices--a fortnight before the Jameson
raid took place, a significant piece of evidence is that supplied by
the Transvaal Consul in London, Mr. Montagu White, who in a letter to
the London Press stated that on December 16 he received information
as to the plot against the independence of the Republic, and that he
on that date cabled fully to President Kruger warning him of what was
in contemplation, and that the President took the necessary
precautions. Now, on December 14 it was announced in Pretoria that
the President, being greatly in need of a rest and change, was about
to undertake a tour through the country to visit his faithful
burghers. Perusal of the newspapers of the time shows that among the
Uitlanders no significance was attached to this visit. Indeed, the
Uitlander press agreed that it had become painfully evident that His
Honour required a change in order to restore his nervous system. As
nothing can better represent the opinions of the time than the
current comments of the Press, the following extracts from the
Johannesburg _Star_ are given:
In short, His Honour is developing an ungovernable irritability and a
tendency to choleric obsessions, when the word 'Uitlander' is barely
mentioned in his presence, that are causing the greatest concern to
those around him. Only on some such grounds are explicable the raging
exclamations he is reported to have permitted himself to lately use
towards Johannesburg and the cause of reform upon which it is so
earnestly engaged. That His Honour should have been generally
credited with indulging in unconventional vernacular terms concerning
the pronouncedly loyal and hearty reception accorded to him on his
visit to the Rand Agricultural Show, seems to argue a lapse into the
habits of his youngest days, which has a direct significance in the
case of ordinary individuals, and is known by a very familiar name.
That he should tragically declare that only across his bleeding
corpse will the Uitlander ever come into his own, is merely the
extravagant and regrettable melodrama of an overheated mind. The
general desire is quite averse to encountering any stepping-stones of
that kind, and most of all averse to Mr. Kruger's taking any such
place. Our quarrel is with principles and systems, and never yet has
a note of personal vengeance been sounded whilst we have endeavoured
to compass their destruction. It is quite obvious that a little
relaxation from the cares of State, or reversion to more primitive
conditions, a freer communion with Nature--viewed from an
ox-waggon--are eminently desirable to restore His Honour's shattered
nerves.--_December 14, 1895._
AT HIS POST.
His Honour the President has returned to the seat of Government. The
itinerary appears to have been somewhat prematurely cut short; but no
one is likely to so ridiculously underestimate the sterling qualities
of His Honour as to conceive the possibility of his absence when
difficulty and danger imperatively command his presence at the head
of public affairs. The conclusions which Mr. Kruger has derived from
converse with his faithful burghers are likely to remain buried in
his own breast. The outward and ostensible object of his recent tour
has been fulfilled in much the accustomed manner; that is to say, he
has discussed with apparent interest the necessity for a pont here or
a bridge there; the desirability of Government aid for tree-planting,
the trouble which the farmers experience in getting native labour,
and so forth, and so on; but we must not derive from all this
peripatetic fustian the erroneous impression that His Honour has been
vacuously fiddling on the eve of a conflagration. The real business
which took him to Lydenburg and Middelburg has no doubt been
satisfactorily accomplished. Boer sentiment has been tested in
secret, and the usual professions of fervid patriotism and of
readiness for target practice with the Uitlander as the mark have
been profusely evoked. This sub-official aspect of the itinerary has
been discreetly veiled in all the reports which have been permitted
to transpire, and the censorship thereof has been more than normally
exacting and severe; but we are from private sources left in no
manner of doubt that Mr. Kruger has been canvassing and stimulating
the Boers to be ready for any emergency, and has been metaphorically
planting a war-beacon on every hill. All scrutiny and inquiry fail to
discover that he has uttered one single word which can be described
as an emollient to the present critical situation. He has pandered
rather to the worst racial passions of the Boer, instead of using the
enormous responsibility resting upon him in the direction of
mediation. Old patriarchs--whom we cannot but respect and admire
whilst we deplore their immitigable and hopeless rancour against the
cause of the newcomer--have been permitted, apparently without
rebuke, to show their wounds to the younger and more malleable
generation in His Honour's presence, and to boast of their readiness
to receive as much more lead as they can conveniently find room for.
The tour, indeed, has been a _wapenschouwing_, with oratory of the
most dangerous and pernicious type for its accompaniment. His
Honour's contribution to this interesting display of martial ardour
has been couched, as usual, in the enigmatic form. He has spoken
another parable. A mind so fertile in image and in simile cannot have
lost much of its wonted vigour. The one he has chosen to employ on
this occasion is full of instruction, and is derived, as Mr. Kruger's
images frequently are, from the arena of natural history. When you
want to kill your tortoise, he must be artfully induced to
imprudently protrude his head beyond his thick and impregnable shell,
and then the task becomes a very easy one. This little parable was
considered good for use on more than one occasion, varied by the
addition that, if the tortoise be up to the trick, it is necessary to
sit down and wait until he does make the fatal mistake. The only
drawback to our profound intellectual delight in the parable is the
question, 'Who will be the tortoise?'--_December 27, 1895._
A perusal of the German White Book shows that
On December 24 the German Consul in Pretoria telegraphed to the
Foreign Office that 'news from Johannesburg points to the preparation
of disturbances by the English party there, and the Government is
taking precautionary measures.' Baron von Marschall communicated this
to Sir Frank Lascelles, and, after pointing out the possible
consequence of bloodshed, emphasized once again the necessity for
maintaining the _status quo_. In reply to the German Consul in
Pretoria, the Secretary of State telegraphed a similar statement,
adding: 'Impress energetically upon the Transvaal Government that it
must most scrupulously avoid any provocation if it wishes to retain
German sympathy.'
Another little light on the inside history is that afforded by Mr.
J.C. Bodenstein, Field-cornet of the Krugersdorp district, who in the
course of an interview accorded to the _Standard and Diggers' News_,
the Johannesburg Government organ, stated how he came to know of
Jameson's intended invasion. He heard that a certain young lady who
resided at Luipaardsvlei, near Krugersdorp, whose _fiancé_ occupied a
good position in the Bechuanaland Border Police, had received a
letter from him at Mafeking to the effect that he intended paying her
a visit about the New Year, and that he would not be alone, as the
whole force was coming to Johannesburg. The lady proved no exception
to the alleged rule concerning secrets, and Field-cornet Bodenstein
personally assured himself of the authenticity of the report he had
heard.
On Friday, December 27, a German gentleman from the Free State also
informed the Field-cornet that Dr. Jameson and his troopers might be
expected at any time. 'On hearing this confirmation of the letter,'
said Mr. Bodenstein, 'I went at once to Pretoria. I arrived there at
eleven o'clock at night, and early the next morning I saw the
President and informed him about the letter and what I had been told.
He remarked quietly: "Yes, I have heard all about it" The General
(Joubert) then said: "All right; I will send you the ammunition you
require."'
In the report of the Select Committee of the Cape House of Assembly
(Blue Book A 6 of 1896, page 76) there is the evidence of the Hon.
J.A. Faure, M.L.C., which shows that he and Sir Thomas Upington, the
Attorney-General of Cape Colony, were on a visit to Johannesburg on
December 27, and heard it publicly stated that Dr. Jameson with 800
men was on the border for the purpose of invading the Transvaal.
Mr. Faure testifies that he learned this from a very prominent Free
State Dutchman. Among others, one would suppose that the Transvaal
Government must also have heard something of it.
Dr. Veale, a well-known Pretoria doctor, states that at daybreak on
Thursday, January 2, Commandant Hendrik Schoeman called on him to
secure his professional attendance for a member of his family who was
very ill. The Commandant said that he had been sent out on Monday to
watch the invading force and to ascertain their numbers, and also
stated that he had been following the troop with others for a
considerable time and that he was sure Jameson had not 800 but
between 450 and 500, as he had repeatedly counted them; that the
force was being delayed by small parties drawing it into useless
fighting and so losing time; that he himself had been obliged to come
on ahead, having been recalled on account of his wife's serious
illness, but that it made little difference as there were others to
take his place, and they had arranged not to tackle Jameson until
they had drawn him among the kopjes at Doornkop, where it would be
quite impossible for him ever to get through. This statement it
should be noted was made in Pretoria some hours before the Jameson
force surrendered at Doornkop.
So certain do the Boers appear to have been, and so confident of
their ability to carry out their plans, that they stated to a
reporter of the Government newspaper that they intended to stop
Jameson at Rietspruit (Doornkop), and this statement was published in
a Johannesburg paper on the morning of January 1, but was of course
regarded as mere gossip of a piece with that which flooded the
newspapers at the time. It is only right to add that there were
numbers of other announcements at the same time which by no means
agreed with this one, and it is stated that the editor was as much
surprised as the public to find that he had been right.
In reviewing the whole of the circumstances of the raid, not the most
biased and most interested of persons can withhold a tribute of
admiration to the President's presence of mind, skill, and courage in
dealing with circumstances wholly without precedent; and in quiet
moments, when recalling all that has happened, if human at all, his
Honour must indulge in a chuckle now and then to think how completely
he jockeyed everybody.{32} Not the least amusing recollection must be
that of the 'great trek' (Banjailand Trek), which his burghers
threatened to make into Mashonaland viâ Rhodes' Drift when Sir John
Willoughby gained his first experience of Oom Paul. The military
commander of Dr. Jameson's force had called on the President to add
weight to the remonstrances which were being made against the action
of the burghers in invading the Chartered territory, and the
President, playing his cards for a favourable settlement of
Swaziland, had replied that he had done all that he could, and events
must take their course. 'Tell him,' said Sir John to Dr. Leyds who
was interpreting, 'that if the trek is not stopped of course the
result will be war!' 'If it must be, let it be,' the old gentleman
answered quietly. 'Then tell him,' Sir John replied, 'that in that
case he will have to reckon with the British Army.' 'And tell _him_',
said the President, pointing placidly at his interviewer with his big
pipe, 'that I have reckoned with the British Army once before.' If
the recollection occurred to both men on January 2, it must have been
with different emotions.
In dealing with President Kruger's personal attitude it is not
perhaps pertinent but, it is interesting, to recall an incident of
his earlier career--a parallel between the prisoner and the
President. Oddly enough President Kruger was a rebel and a filibuster
himself in the days of his hot youth, and one of his earliest
diplomatic successes was in securing the release and pardon of
men who, in 1857, stood in exactly the same position as the
Uitlanders whom he imprisoned.
The story of the Potchefstroom revolt is little known in England, but
it is told in Theal's 'Standard History of South Africa,' and very
instructive reading it is. Dr. Hillier, of Johannesburg, one of the
Reformers, called attention just before the outbreak to the
extraordinary parallel between the revolt of Potchefstroom in 1857
against the dominance of Lydenburg and the condition of Johannesburg
in 1895 under the despotism of Pretoria. Dr. Hillier in his pamphlet
said:
In 1857 the Republic north of the Vaal attained its twentieth year.
It had increased in population, and had taken on, to some extent, the
habits and mode of life of a settled community. Mr. Pretorius and his
followers began to feel that in the altered circumstances of the
State the time had arrived for a remodelling of the Constitution.
Among these followers of Pretorius, these advocates of reform, it is
interesting to find was Mr. Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger.
Mr. Theal says:
'During the months of September and October, 1856, Commandant-General
M. W. Pretorius made a tour through the districts of Rutsenburg,
Pretoria and Potchefstroom, and called public meetings at all the
centres of population. At these meetings there was an expression by a
large majority in favour of immediate adoption of a Constitution
which should provide for an efficient Government and an independent
Church.'
And again, later on, we have in the words of South Africa's historian
the gist of the complaint against the then existing state of things:
'The community of Lydenburg was accused of attempting to domineer
over the whole country, without any other right to preeminence than
that of being composed of the earliest inhabitants, a right which it
had forfeited by its opposition to the general weal.'
Such was the shocking state of things in this country in 1856. It was
a great deal too bad for such champion reformers as Mr. Pretorius and
his lieutenant, Mr. S.J.P. Kruger, as we shall see later. Shortly
after these meetings were held, a Representative Assembly, consisting
of twenty-four members, one for each field-cornetcy, was elected for
the special purpose of framing a Constitution and installing the
officials whom it should decide to appoint.
On January 5, 1857, the Representative Assembly appointed Mr.
Martinus Wessels Pretorius President, and also appointed members of
an Executive Council. The oaths of office were then taken, the
President and Executive installed, and the flag hoisted. When
intelligence of these proceedings reached Zoutpansberg and Lydenburg,
there was a violent outburst of indignation. At a public meeting at
Zoutpansberg the acts and resolutions of the Representative Assembly
at Potchefstroom were almost unanimously repudiated, and a manifesto
disowning the new Constitution and everything connected with it was
drawn up. Mr. Pretorius then issued a proclamation, deposing
Commandant-General Schoeman from all authority, declaring
Zoutpansberg in a state of blockade, and prohibiting traders from
supplying 'the rebels' with ammunition or anything else. This conduct
on the part of the new Government under Mr. Pretorius appears to me
distinctly adroit. Having taken upon themselves to remodel the entire
Constitution of the country, they turn round on the adherents of the
older Government, whom, by-the-by, they had not thought it worth
while to consult, and promptly call them 'rebels.' And so you have
this striking political phenomenon of a revolutionary party turning
on the adherents of the Government of the State, and denouncing them,
forsooth, as 'rebels.'
The 'Republic of Lydenburg' then declared itself into a sovereign and
independent State. And thus two Republics, two Volksraads, two
Governments, were formed and existed simultaneously in the Transvaal.
And all this without a shot being fired, each party finding
sufficient relief to its feelings by calling the other party
'rebels.' In order to strengthen its position, the party of Pretorius
now determined on a bold stroke. They sent emissaries to endeavour to
arrange for union with the Free State. The Free State Government
rejected their overtures, but Pretorius was led to believe that so
many of the Free State burghers were anxious for this union that all
that was necessary for him to do, in order to effect it, was to march
in with an armed force. He therefore placed himself at the head of a
commando, and crossed the Vaal, where he was joined by a certain
number of Free State burghers.
But Pretorius, with whom was Paul Kruger, found, like Dr. Jameson,
that he had reckoned without his host. When intelligence of this
invasion reached Bloemfontein, President Boshoff issued a
proclamation declaring martial law in force throughout the Free
State, and calling out burghers for the defence of the country. It
soon appeared that the majority of the people were ready to support
the President, and from all quarters men repaired to Kroonstad. At
this stage the Free State President received an offer of assistance
from General Schoeman, of Zoutpansberg, against Pretorius, in which
object he believed Lydenburg would also join.
On May 25 the two commandoes were drawn up facing each other on
opposite banks of the Rhenoster River, and remained in that position
for three hours. Threatened from the north as well as the south
Pretorius felt his chance of success was small, and he therefore sent
out Commandant Paul Kruger with a flag of truce to propose that a
pacific settlement should be made.
Here indeed is a very close parallel, but the climax is still to
come. The treaty arrived at was practically an apology on the part of
the South African Republic. Many citizens of the Free State who had
joined the northern forces moved over the Vaal after this event.
Those who remained and those who had been previously arrested were
brought to trial for high treason. One man was sentenced to death,
but the sentence was mitigated subsequently to a fine; others were
fined. These fines were again still further mitigated at the
solicitation of Messrs. Paul Kruger and Steyn, until it came to
little more than a ten-pound note apiece.
There we have the story of President Kruger and his friends playing
exactly the part Dr. Jameson and the Johannesburg Reformers tried to
do. As Potchefstroom rose under Mr. Kruger against the oligarchical
rule of Lydenburg, so Johannesburg was to rise against Pretoria. The
Potchefstroom Republic under Pretorius and Kruger made a raid _à la_
Jameson into the Orange Free State for political purposes, to
encourage those who were believed to be anxious to effect a
union. And just as Jameson failed against the Government of Pretoria,
so Pretorius failed against the Government of the Orange Free State.
In 1857 it was Paul Kruger not Dr. Jameson who hoisted the white
flag. The Free Staters who had tried to help Kruger's raid were
arrested just as the Johannesburgers were; but although one of them
was condemned to death all of them were released, by the intervention
of Mr. Kruger himself, on paying a slight fine.
History has repeated itself indeed; but the offence of Dr. Jameson is
surely less than that of Mr. Kruger, if we are to pay heed to the
records of the Free State Volksraad, wherein it is written that on a
certain day the President stated in open Raad that proof had been
obtained of a proposed combined attack on the Free State by the
Transvaal Boers, led by Pretorius and Kruger on the one side, and the
Basutos under Moshesh on the other--a horrible and unnatural alliance
which was not effected only because Moshesh could not trust his
professed allies. The Raad thereupon publicly gave thanks to the
Almighty, Who had revealed and frustrated this 'hideous complot.'
Footnotes for Chapter VI
{24} In the Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons
the following questions and answers occur, Mr. Blake questioning and
Major Heany replying:
'Having got the message you went off with it and you got in, as we
see by the evidence, as quickly as you could, and you just gave the
message as accurately as you could to Dr. Jameson?--I read the
message from my note-book absolutely accurately to Dr. Jameson.
'And he did not lose much time in making up his mind?--No; he went
outside his tent. He was in a bell-tent when I arrived and he went
outside and walked up and down for about twenty minutes, and then he
came in and announced his determination.'
{25} In the course of the Inquiry at Westminster, Dr. Jameson
himself took occasion to explain this reference, when answering a
question put by Mr. Sidney Buxton.
Knowing what you do now of the position at Johannesburg, do you think
it was within their power to send out 300 mounted men?--I cannot give
an opinion upon that; I think all their actions were perfectly _bonâ
fide_. There is one telegram here which has been brought up against
me very unpleasantly, which I wish I had never sent, where 'fear' is
imputed in the telegram as it stands here. My explanation is that I
was irritated at the time at the trouble going on, and that I used it
inadvertently, or possibly there is a mistake in deciphering the code
word; as to that I cannot tell, but I am sorry that it should appear
so in the telegram, because I never imputed fear or cowardice to
anyone in connection with anything.
{26} July 1899. The originals have since been photographed and
are here reproduced.
{27} Colonel Francis Rhodes.
{28} Lionel Phillips.
{29} (July, 1899.) Is it not probable that the deleted figures
'2,000' in Colonel Rhodes' letter (see photograph) may account
for some of the talk about 2,000 armed men?
{30} After the arrival in England of the officers of Dr. Jameson's
force, a report dealing with the military aspect of the expedition
was sent by Sir John Willoughby to the War Office. It has been
printed and--to a certain extent--circulated, and cannot therefore
be regarded as private. But apart from this it is a document so
peculiar--so marked by mishandling of notorious facts--that it
deserves no consideration other than it may earn on merits. It is
printed _in extenso_ with notes by a member of the Reform Committee.
See Appendix H.
{31} See Appendix G. It will be noted that in his declarations
Commandant Cronjé modifies his terms very considerably. It was
impossible for any reasonable person to accept the explanation
preferred by him, that the promise to spare the lives of the
surrendered force was only to hold good until they could be handed
over to the Commandant-General. In fact, it is well known that
Commandant Cronjé only took up this attitude after an extremely
acrimonious discussion had taken place between him and Commandant
Malan--a quarrel in which they went the length of making charges
against each other in the public press of treachery and neglect of
duty whilst in the field. The Commandant Cronjé referred to here is
the same gentleman who commanded the Boer forces at Potchefstroom in
the War of Independence, and his record is an extremely unpleasant
one, his conduct of operations having earned for the Potchefstroom
commando the worst reputation of any. Apart from the execution
of several British subjects who were suspected and, on wholly
insufficient grounds, summarily shot as spies, there are the
unpleasant facts that he caused prisoners of war to be placed in the
forefront of the besieging operations and compelled them to work in
the trenches in exposed positions so that they should be--and
actually were--shot by their own comrades. There was also the
incident in which he refused to allow one or two of the ladies who
were among the beleaguered garrison, and who were then in extremely
bad health, to leave the fort to obtain such food and medical
attendance as would enable them to live. One of the ladies died in
consequence. But the incident which has more bearing on Jameson's
surrender than any other is that connected with the armistice, when
Commandant Cronjé, in defiance of treaty obligations, withheld from
Colonel Winslow and the besieged garrison the news that an armistice
had been arranged between the Boer and British forces, and continued
the siege until the garrison, in order to save the lives of the
wounded and the women and children refugees, were obliged to
surrender. It will be remembered that this incident was too much even
for Mr. Gladstone, and that on its becoming known after the terms of
peace had been settled, the Transvaal Government were required by Sir
Evelyn Wood to allow a British force to march up from Natal and
re-occupy Potchefstroom as a formal acknowledgment of Cronjé's
treachery. Mr. Kruger and his party, who were in the greatest fear
that the settlement would not be effected, and that Sir Evelyn Wood's
action might provoke a renewal of hostilities, agreed to the terms,
but with grave apprehensions as to the results. However, no
_contretemps_ occurred.
{32} Once when out hunting on foot--a young man then--Mr. Kruger,
after climbing to the top of a kopje, found that he had been seen by
a number of hostile natives who were then running towards him, some
to climb the hill, others branching out to surround it. He knew that
those on the flat could cut him off before he could descend and that
his only chance lay in 'bluff.' Stepping on to the outermost ledge in
full view of the enemy he calmly laid down his rifle, drew off first
one and then the other of his velschoens (home-made hide shoes, in
those poorer days worn without socks) and after quietly knocking the
sand out of them drew them on again. By this time the natives had
stopped to observe him. He then picked up his rifle again, and
turning to an imaginary force behind the kopje waved to the right and
then to the left, as though directing them to charge round each end
of the hill. The next instant the Kaffirs were in full retreat.