AFTER DOORNKOP.
The news of Dr. Jameson's surrender was received in Johannesburg
towards mid-day, at first with derision, but as report after report
came in, each confirming and supplementing the other, no room for
doubt was left and a scene of the wildest excitement ensued. It is
not too much to say that not one person in a hundred, no matter what
his political leanings were, had doubted for a moment Dr. Jameson's
ability to force his way into Johannesburg. There is not the
slightest indication in the newspapers of the time, which without
doubt reflected every varying mood and repeated every rumour which it
was possible to catch from an excited people, that there was in any
man's mind a suspicion that the Boers would be able to stop the
invader. In the first place no one believed that they could mobilize
sufficiently quickly to oppose him, and in the second place, he was
understood to have a force of 800 men so admirably equipped and
trained that it would not be possible for 5,000 Boers hurriedly
called together to intercept him. All this, however, was forgotten
when it came to accounting for the disaster; or rather, the previous
convictions only added strength to the rage of disappointment. The
public by that time knew of the letter of invitation; it had been
taken on the battle-field and news of it was telegraphed in, and
apart from this the writers had made no secret of it. But what the
public did not know, and what, if they had known it, would not have
appealed with similar force, was the efforts made to stop Jameson and
the practical withdrawal of the letter before he had started. It
was sufficient for them during the few remaining hours of that day to
recall that Jameson had come in, that he had fought against great
odds, and that when almost reaching his goal he had been taken
prisoner for want of assistance. It is perfectly true that in their
rage of grief and disappointment men were willing to march out with
pick-handles to rescue him, if there were not rifles enough to arm
them. While the excitement lasted this was the mood, and the Reform
Committee were the scapegoats. The attitude of the crowd was due to
ignorance of the circumstances and natural emotion which could not be
otherwise vented. The excitement had greatly abated by the following
morning, and it was realized then that the position was practically
but little worse than that which the Reform Committee had offered
to take up when they tendered their persons as security for the
evacuation of the country by the invading force, and had proposed to
continue the struggle without their aid.
The reports received by the Johannesburg people were to the effect
that the surrender had been conditional upon the sparing of the lives
of the force. Indeed the first reports agreed that Jameson upon
receipt of the High Commissioner's proclamation, had laid down his
arms; but upon the return of Mr. Lace (whose mission has been
explained) it was realized that this was not the case. A later
account showed that Jameson had surrendered to Commandant Cronjé on
the condition that the lives of all should be spared, and this
version of the surrender was published in the Johannesburg
newspapers. When further accounts were received from Pretoria and
Krugersdorp, stating that the surrender had been unconditional and
that there was grave doubt as to what would be done with Dr. Jameson,
it was surmised as an explanation that he had declined to bargain for
his own life and had merely stipulated that those of his followers
should be spared.
On Friday the news that it was contemplated to shoot Dr. Jameson
caused a frenzy of horror and excitement in the town. Every effort
was made by the Reform Committee and its supporters to maintain
strictly the position which the Government had suggested through
their Commission on Wednesday, lest some untoward incident should
turn the trembling balance against Dr. Jameson and his men; nor were
the Committee alone in the desire to maintain that position. On
Friday and on Saturday communications were received from the local
Government officials, and from Commandant-General Joubert through the
British Agent, drawing the attention of the Committee to alleged
breaches of the arrangement. The allegations were satisfactorily
disproved; but the communications clearly indicated that the
Government were most desirous of maintaining the position in relation
to Johannesburg which they had laid down before the first battle with
Dr. Jameson's forces.
Information was received on Thursday that the High Commissioner would
leave Capetown for Pretoria at 9 p.m. that night. It had been a
matter of surprise that, the arrangement having been entered into
with him early on Wednesday, he had not found it convenient to start
for some thirty-six hours. Considering how seriously he had
interfered with the movement--first by his proclamation, and next by
concerted action with the Government for a peaceful settlement--it
had been naturally assumed that he would not lose a moment in leaving
Capetown for the scene of trouble. Such however was not the case.
It has been alleged that the arrangement made between the Transvaal
Government and the High Commissioner with a view to a peaceful
settlement bore only upon Dr. Jameson's action, and that it was not
contemplated that there should be any interference between the
Government and its own subjects in Johannesburg. In answer to this it
may be noted that the High Commissioner had in the first place
offered his services, and that those services had been declined by
the Transvaal Government; but that the latter, on realizing the
seriousness of the position which they were called upon to face, and
acting, it is stated, upon the advice of Mr. J.H. Hofmeyr, the
recognized leader of the Dutch Africanders in the Cape Colony,
reconsidered this refusal and urgently besought the High Commissioner
to go up to Pretoria and use his influence to effect a peaceful
settlement. This arrangement, together with the promise of the
redress of grievances, had been made known to the deputation of the
Reform Committee by the Government Commission in Pretoria, as has
already been stated--the Government well knowing that Johannesburg
was in arms and a party to the arrangement with Dr. Jameson.
Dr. Jameson surrendered at 9.30 a.m. on Thursday. The High
Commissioner did not leave Capetown until 9 p.m. the same day. There
had therefore been ample time for the Government to intimate to him
their opinion that matters had been satisfactorily settled and that
they did not need his services any longer, had they held such an
opinion. As a matter of fact, that was by no means their opinion.
They considered that they had yet to deal with 20,000 armed men in
Johannesburg, and that they had to do that, if possible, without
provoking a civil war, which would inevitably result in the long-run
to their disadvantage, however great their success might be over the
Johannesburg people in the meantime. They not only allowed the High
Commissioner to proceed to Pretoria on the understanding originally
effected, but they took steps to remind the Reform Committee on
several occasions that they were expected to adhere to the
arrangement entered into. And such was the position when the High
Commissioner arrived on the night of Saturday, the 4th.
Sir Hercules Robinson proceeded direct to Pretoria, but did not
transact any business until Monday, abstaining, in deference to the
feelings of the Boers, from any discussion of business matters on the
Sabbath. On Sunday, however, he received information from the Reform
Committee as to the arrangements entered into with the Government. He
was also informed that threats had been made by persons who without
doubt were speaking the mind of the Government, that if any trouble
should take place with Johannesburg Dr. Jameson and probably many of
his comrades would be shot. It was not stated that the Transvaal
Government or authorities would officially countenance any such act
or would authorize it even as the result of a trial; but the
statement which was made by everyone from the President downward was
that, in the event of any fighting in Johannesburg, the burghers
would be so much enraged and so beyond control that the prisoners who
had caused all the trouble would inevitably be shot. It is a part
of Boer diplomacy to make as much use as possible of every weapon
that comes to hand without too great a regard for the decencies of
government as they occur to the minds of every civilized people, and
it is not at all unusual to find the President proclaiming at one
moment that some course must be taken to prevent disaster, for the
reason that he cannot be answerable for his burghers in their excited
state, and at another moment indignantly repudiating the suggestion
that they would be guilty of any step that could be considered
unworthy of the most civilized of peoples. In fact such exhibitions
were repeatedly given by him at a later stage when dealing with the
Reform prisoners.
Before any communication was received from the High Commissioner on
Monday messages had been received by the members of the Reform
Committee to the effect that the laying down of arms would be
absolutely necessary to ensure the safety of Jameson and his men. The
Reform Committee had then learnt that the two messengers sent to stop
Dr. Jameson--Major Heany and Captain Holden--had reached him, and had
come in with him, and were at that moment prisoners with him in
Pretoria. They had also heard of the reception accorded to Sir
Jacobus de Wet's despatch and the High Commissioner's proclamation,
so that it was abundantly clear that the incursion had been made in
defiance of the wishes of the leaders, whatever other reasons there
might have been to prompt it. But the public who constituted the
movement were still under the impression that Dr. Jameson was a very
fine fellow who had come in in a chivalrous manner to help those whom
he had believed to be in distress. There was however no division of
opinion as to what should be done; even those who felt most sore
about the position in which they had been placed did not hesitate for
a moment. The first and for the time being the only consideration was
the safety of Dr. Jameson and his comrades.
The events and negotiations of the days preceding the arrest of the
Reformers have been the subject of so much discussion and so much
misunderstanding that it will be better as far as possible to compile
the history from original documents or the published and properly
authenticated copies. In Blue Book [C. 7,933] the following is
published:
SIR HERCULES ROBINSON (Pretoria) to MR. CHAMBERLAIN.
(_Telegraphic. Received 1.8 a.m., 6th January, 1896._)
_5th January_. No. 3.--Arrived here last night. Position of affairs
very critical. On side of Government of South African Republic and of
Orange Free State there is a desire to show moderation, but Boers
show tendency to get out of hand and to demand execution of Jameson.
I am told that Government of South African Republic will demand
disarmament of Johannesburg as a condition precedent to negotiations.
Their military preparations are now practically complete, and
Johannesburg, if besieged, could not hold out, as they are short of
water and coal. On side of Johannesburg leaders desire to be
moderate, but men make safety of Jameson and concession of items in
manifesto issued conditions precedent to disarmament. If these are
refused, they assert they will elect their own leaders and fight it
out in their own way. As the matter now stands, I see great
difficulty in avoiding civil war; but I will do my best, and
telegraph result of my official interview to-morrow. It is said that
President of South African Republic intends to make some demands with
respect to Article No. 4 of the London Convention of 1884.
MR. CHAMBERLAIN to SIR HERCULES ROBINSON.
(_Telegraphic. January 6, 1896._)
_6th January_. No. 3.--It is reported in the press telegrams the
President of the South African Republic on December 30 held out
definite hopes that concessions would be proposed in regard to
education and the franchise. No overt act of hostility appears to
have been committed by the Johannesburg people since the overthrow of
Jameson. The statement that arms and ammunition are stored in that
town in large quantities may be only one of many boasts without
foundation. Under these circumstances, active measures against the
town do not seem to be urgently required at the present moment, and I
hope no step will be taken by the President of the South African
Republic liable to cause more bloodshed and excite civil war in the
Republic.
These are followed in the same volume by No. 89:
SIR HERCULES ROBINSON (Pretoria) to MR. CHAMBERLAIN.
(_Telegraphic. Received 7th January, 1896._)
_6th January_. No. 2.--Met President South African Republic and
Executive Council to-day. Before opening proceedings, I expressed on
behalf of Her Majesty's Government my sincere regret at the
unwarrantable raid made by Jameson; also thanked Government of South
African Republic for the moderation shown under trying circumstances.
With regard to Johannesburg, President of South African Republic
announced decision of Government to be that Johannesburg must lay
down its arms unconditionally as a precedent to any discussion and
consideration of grievances. I endeavoured to obtain some indication
of the steps that would be taken in the event of disarmament, but
without success, it being intimated that Government of South African
Republic had nothing more to say on this subject than had been
already embodied in proclamation of President of South African
Republic. I inquired as to whether any decision had been come to as
regards disposal of prisoners, and received a reply in the negative.
President of South African Republic said that, as his burghers, to
number of 8,000, had been collected, and could not be asked to remain
indefinitely, he must request a reply, 'Yes' or 'No,' to this
ultimatum within twenty-four hours. I have communicated decision of
South African Republic to Reform Committee at Johannesburg through
British Agent in South African Republic.
The burgher levies are in such an excited state over the invasion of
their country that I believe President of South African Republic
could not control them except in the event of unconditional
surrender. I have privately recommended them to accept ultimatum.
Proclamation of President of South African Republic refers to promise
to consider all grievances which are properly submitted, and to lay
the same before the Legislature without delay.
On January 7 Mr. Chamberlain replied:
No. 1.--I approve of your advice to Johannesburg. Kruger will be wise
not to proceed to extremities at Johannesburg or elsewhere; otherwise
the evil animosities already aroused may be dangerously excited.
And on the same day Sir Hercules Robinson telegraphed:
No. 1.--Your telegram of January 6, No. 2. It would be most
inexpedient to send troops to Mafeking at this moment, and there is
not the slightest necessity for such a step, as there is no danger
from Kimberley volunteer corps or from Mafeking. I have sent De Wet
with ultimatum this morning to Johannesburg, and believe arms will be
laid down unconditionally. I understand in such case Jameson and all
prisoners will be handed over to me. Prospect now very hopeful if no
injudicious steps are taken. Please leave matter in my hands.
On Monday Sir Jacobus de Wet, acting under the instructions of the
High Commissioner, telegraphed from Pretoria to the Reform Committee,
Johannesburg, informing them that the High Commissioner had seen the
President and Executive that morning, that he had been informed that
as a condition precedent to the discussion and consideration of
grievances the Government required that the Johannesburg people
should lay down their arms; and that the Government gave them
twenty-four hours--from 4 p.m. that day--in which to accept or reject
that ultimatum. The Committee replied that it would receive their
earnest consideration.
Notwithstanding the fact that such a condition had been anticipated
the ultimatum was very unfavourably received, a large number of those
present protesting that the Uitlanders were being led little by
little into a trap, that the Boers as was their wont would never keep
faith with them, that in the end they would find themselves
betrayed, and that it would be better at no matter what cost to make
a fight for it and attempt to rescue Dr. Jameson and his party. The
last suggestion was a mad one, and after some consideration, and
hearing the representations of Sir Sidney Shippard and Mr. Seymour
Fort, who had been in communication with the High Commissioner on the
previous day in Pretoria and were used by him as unofficial agents,
the matter was more calmly considered by the Committee. It was very
well realized that a struggle between Johannesburg and the Boer
forces would have been an absolutely hopeless one for those who took
part in it, but there was a determination to secure the objects for
the attainment of which the agitation had been started, and it was
believed that if a firm stand were taken, such was the justice of the
cause of the Uitlanders that the Government would not be able to
refuse definite terms as to what reforms they would introduce,
besides assuring the safety of Dr. Jameson.
While the discussion was proceeding another telegram was received
from the British Agent saying that, under instructions from the High
Commissioner, he was proceeding in person to Johannesburg to meet the
Reform Committee and explain matters to them. The meeting took place
on the morning of Tuesday, and Sir Jacobus de Wet pointed out to the
Committee the perilous position in which Dr. Jameson and his comrades
were placed, owing to the hesitation of the Uitlanders to accept the
ultimatum of the Government. He read again and again the following
telegram from the High Commissioner, which had been despatched from
Pretoria early that morning and received by the British Agent in
Johannesburg when on his way to meet the Reform Committee:
_Urgent_.--You should inform the Johannesburg people that I consider
that if they lay down their arms they will be acting loyally and
honourably, and that if they do not comply with my request they
forfeit all claim to sympathy from Her Majesty's Government and from
British subjects throughout the world, as the lives of Jameson and
the prisoners are now practically in their hands.
In reply to remarks about grievances, Sir Jacobus de Wet stated that
the Uitlanders could not expect under the circumstances anything
more favourable than the discussion and consideration of the
grievances with the High Commissioner, as had been promised, and
added that, if there were any spirit of reason in the community at
all, they would be content to leave their case in the hands of so
experienced a statesman as Sir Hercules Robinson, a man whose
instinct and training were towards fair and decent government.
In the course of a very long discussion, Sir Jacobus de Wet was asked
if he did not consider the Boer Government capable of an act of
treachery such as disarming the community and then proceeding to
wreak their vengeance upon those whom they might consider responsible
for the agitation. According to the evidence of a number of those who
were present, his reply was that 'not a hair of the head of any man
in Johannesburg would be touched.' The discussion was resumed at
various times and in various forms, when different groups of men had
opportunities of questioning the British Agent themselves. When
questioned again more definitely as to whether this immunity would be
extended to the leaders--those who had signed the letter--Sir Jacobus
de Wet replied again in the affirmative. To another member, who had
asked the same question in another form, he said 'Not one among you
will lose his personal liberty for a single hour. John Bull would
never allow it.' In reply to the remark, 'John Bull has had to put up
with a good deal in this country. What do you mean by "John Bull"?'
he answered, 'I mean the British Government could not possibly allow
such a thing.'
It would have been an easy and no doubt a proper and reasonable
precaution had the Reformers insisted upon a statement in writing of
the terms upon which they laid down their arms. There were however
two considerations which weighed against any bargain of this sort.
The first was the overwhelming and paramount consideration of
insuring Dr. Jameson's safety; and the other was the belief (not
seriously shaken by suggestions to the contrary) that the Government
would be obliged to abide by the spirit of the terms arranged on
January 1, because the High Commissioner would insist upon it as the
vital condition under which he was endeavouring to effect the
disarmament of Johannesburg. That Sir Hercules Robinson well
realized his responsibility to the Uitlander, but found it
inconvenient or impossible to accept it at a later stage, is shown by
his own reports. On January 7 he telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain as
follows:
_Your telegram No. 3 of January 6. I need now only say that I have
just received a message from Reform Committee resolving to comply
with demand of South African Republic to lay down their arms; the
people placing themselves (? and) their interests unreservedly in my
hands in the fullest confidence that I will see justice done to them.
I have received also the following from British agent, dated 7th
January:_
_Begins:_ I have sent the following telegram to His Honour the
President:
I have met the Reform Committee. Am gratified with the spirit shown
in the discussion of the all-important present position. The
Committee handed me the following resolution--_Begins:_ The Reform
Committee in Johannesburg, having seriously considered the ultimatum
of the Government of the South African Republic communicated to them
through Her Majesty's Agent at Pretoria, in a telegram dated 6th
instant, to the effect that Johannesburg must lay down its arms as a
condition precedent to a discussion and consideration of grievances,
have unanimously decided to comply with this demand, and have given
instructions to the citizens employed by this Committee for
maintaining good order to lay down their arms. In coming to this
determination, the Committee rely upon the Government that it will
maintain law and order, and protect life and property in this town at
this critical juncture. The Committee have been actuated by a
paramount desire to do everything possible to ensure the safety of
Dr. Jameson and his men, _to advance the amicable discussion of terms
of settlement with the Government, and to support the High
Commissioner in his efforts in this respect_. The Committee would
draw the attention of the Government of the Republic to the presence
of armed burgher forces in the immediate vicinity of this town, and
would earnestly desire that these forces be removed in order to avoid
all risk of any disturbance of the public peace. _Resolution ends_. I
wish to add to my above remarks that I feel convinced there will be
no further difficulty in connection with the laying down of their
arms. I would suggest that the Government co-operate with the Reform
Committee for a day or two for the purpose of restoring the town to
its normal state. This will only take a day or two, and those who are
excited among the people will by that time have calmed down, and the
police can resume their ordinary duties. The Committee will
co-operate in this matter. This course will very much facilitate the
task of your Government if it meets with your approval. _Ends_.
The High Commissioner concluded the above telegram with the following
significant sentence:
_I hope now to be able to confer with President of the South African
Republic and Executive Council as to prisoners and the redress of
Johannesburg grievances_.
On the 8th he again telegraphed:
Referring to your telegram of the 7th inst., No. 1, I consider that
so far throughout this matter Kruger has behaved very well. He
suspended hostilities pending my arrival, when Johannesburg was at
his mercy; and in opposition to a very general feeling of the
Executive Council and of the burghers who have been clamouring for
Jameson's life, he has now determined to hand over Jameson and the
other prisoners. If Jameson had been tried here there can be no doubt
that he would have been shot, and perhaps some of his colleagues
also. The excitement of the public is now calmed down.
I shall try to-day to make arrangements with Kruger as to taking over
the prisoners, and _I will confer with him as to redressing the
grievances of the residents of Johannesburg on the basis of your
telegram of the 4th inst. I have given Kruger a copy of that
telegram._'
And later on the same day:
Since my telegram No. 1 of this morning, matters have not been going
so smoothly. When the Executive Council met, I received a message
that only 1,814 rifles and three Maxim guns had been surrendered,
which the Government of the South African Republic did not consider a
fulfilment of the ultimatum, and orders would be immediately issued
to a commando to attack Johannesburg. I at once replied that the
ultimatum required the surrender of guns and ammunition for which no
permit of importation had been obtained, and that onus rested with
Transvaal Government to show that guns and ammunition were concealed
for which no permit had been issued. If before this was done any
hostile step were taken against Johannesburg, I should consider it to
be a violation of the undertaking for which I had made myself
personally responsible to the people of Johannesburg, and I should
leave the issue in hands of Her Majesty's Government. This had a
sobering effect, and the order for the attack on Johannesburg was
countermanded, and it was arranged that the Transvaal officials
should accompany Her Majesty's Agent to Johannesburg and point out to
him if they could where arms were concealed. Her Majesty's Agent left
at 1 p.m. to-day for Johannesburg for this purpose.
The explanation of the change, I take it, is that Kruger has great
difficulties to contend with among his own people. The apparent
object is to prove that people of Johannesburg have not fulfilled the
conditions which were to precede the handing over of the prisoners
and consideration of grievances. I should not be surprised if, before
releasing the prisoners or redressing grievances, an attempt were now
made to extort an alteration of the London Convention of 1884, and
the abrogation of Article No. 4 of that instrument. _I intend, if I
find that the Johannesburg people have substantially complied with
the ultimatum, to insist on the fulfilment of promises as regards
prisoners and consideration of grievances_, and will not allow at
this stage the introduction of any fresh conditions as regards the
London Convention of 1884. Do you approve?
The Reform Committee published the following official notice on
Tuesday afternoon:
The Reform Committee notify hereby that all rifles issued for the
defence of life and property in town and the mines are to be returned
at once to the Central Office in order to enable the Committee to
carry out the agreement with the Government, upon the faithful
observance of which so much is dependent.
The Committee desire to make it known that late last night they
received an intimation from Her Majesty's Agent in Pretoria to the
effect that the decision of the Government was that Johannesburg must
lay down its arms as a condition precedent to the discussion and
consideration of grievances.
The Committee met this morning to consider the position, and it was
unanimously resolved to accept the ultimatum of the Government for
reasons which the following communications sufficiently explain:
Here followed the High Commissioner's telegram to Sir Jacobus de Wet,
urging disarmament, already given, and the following memorandum:
Sir Jacobus de Wet, Her Majesty's Agent at Pretoria, has notified to
the Committee that he has been officially informed by the Government
in Pretoria that upon Johannesburg laying down its arms Dr. Jameson
will be handed over to Her Majesty's High Commissioner.
By Order.
Johannesburg, _7th January._
The above is correct.
J.A. DE WET,
H.B.M. Agent.
The Committee can add nothing to the above, and feel that there will
not be one man among the thousands who have joined the Reform
movement who will not find it consistent with honour and humanity to
co-operate loyally in the carrying out of the Committee's decision.
By order of the Committee.
On Wednesday the investigations effected by the Government, with the
aid of the Reform Committee, established the fact that the ultimatum
had been complied with; but the juggling with Dr. Jameson's life
continued for some days. On Thursday the 9th the High Commissioner
received a communication from the President in which occurred the
following sentence: 'As I had already caused your Excellency to be
informed, it is really my intention to act in this sense (_i.e._,
hand over Dr. Jameson and men), so that Dr. Jameson and the British
subjects who were under his command may then be punished by her
Majesty's Government, and I will make known to your Excellency the
final decision in this matter _as soon as Johannesburg shall have
reverted to a condition of quietness and order_.'
In the face of this and many other significant messages and
expressions which reached Sir Hercules Robinson, it is not to be
wondered at that he considered Dr. Jameson's life to be in peril, and
that he regarded, as he distinctly said he did, disarmament by
Johannesburg as the only means of saving him; but what is less
pardonable is, that he did not pin President Kruger to this, and
demand an explanation when it became known that Jameson and his men
were secured by the conditions of the surrender. The truth is that
the wily old Boer President, by a species of diplomacy which does not
now commend itself to civilized people, managed to jockey everybody
with whom he had any dealings. He is much in the position of a
certain financier who, after a vain effort to justify his
proceedings, turned at last in desperation upon his critics and said:
'Well, I don't care what view you hold of it. You can have the
morality, but I've got the cash.'
Late in the evening of the 9th the following proclamation was
published:
Whereas by resolution of the Government of the South African
Republic, dated Monday, the 6th of January, 1896, whereby to all
persons at Johannesburg and suburbs twenty-four hours were granted to
hand over and to lay down to the Government unconditionally all arms
and ammunition for which no permit could be shown, and
Whereas the said period of twenty-four hours has already expired on
Tuesday, the 7th of January, 1896, and whereas the so-called Reform
Committee and other British subjects have consented and decided to
comply unconditionally with the resolution of the Government, and
Whereas sundry persons already have laid down their arms and
ammunition, and have handed them over to the Government, and
Whereas the laying down and giving over of the said arms and
ammunition is still proceeding, and
Whereas it is desirable and proper that this be done as soon as
possible, and in a proper way, and that a term be fixed thereto,
Now I, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, State President of the South
African Republic, with the advice and consent of the Executive
Council, by virtue of Article 5 of their minutes, dated 9th January,
1896, proclaim that further time will be given for that purpose until
FRIDAY, the 10th JANUARY, 1896, at 6 p.m.
All persons or corporations with whom, after the expiration of that
period, arms or ammunition will be found, for which no permit granted
by Government can be shown, will be dealt with according to law; and
Whereas the laying down and handing over of the said arms and
ammunition should have been effected unconditionally,
Now I further proclaim that all persons who have already laid down
and given over the said arms and ammunition, or who shall have done
so before Friday, the 10th January, 1896, at 6 p.m., shall be
exempted from all prosecution, and will be forgiven for the misdeeds
that have taken place at Johannesburg and suburbs, _except all
persons and corporations who will appear to be the chief
offenders, ringleaders, leaders, instigators, and those who have
caused the rebellion at Johannesburg and suburbs_.
Such persons and corporations shall have to answer for their deeds
before the legal and competent courts of this Republic.
I further proclaim that I will address the inhabitants of
Johannesburg to-morrow by a separate proclamation.
_God save Land and People._
Given under my hand at the Government Office at Pretoria on this
Ninth Day of January, in the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and
Ninety-six.
S.J.P. KRUGER,
_State President_.
C. VAN BOESCHOTEN,
_Acting State Secretary_.
The grim, cautious method of the President was never better
illustrated than by these proclamations and the concurrent actions.
In no part of his diplomatic career has he better stage-managed the
business than he did here. To the world at large these addresses
commend themselves no doubt as reasonable and moderate, and they
establish a record which will always speak for him when the
chronology of events is lost; but the true worth of it all is only
appreciated when one realizes that the first proclamation extending
the time for disarmament, and promising amnesty to all except the
leaders, was not issued until two days after the Government had
satisfied themselves that the disarmament had been completed, and
that it was deliberately held back until the police and burghers were
in the outskirts of the town ready to pounce upon the men with whom
they had been treating. It is an absolute fact that the Reform
Committee-men, who had offered to effect the peaceful settlement
seemingly desired by all parties, who had used every means in their
power to convince the Government that disarming was being effected in
a _bonâ fide_ and complete manner, and who had themselves supplied
the Government in good faith with any documents they had showing the
number of guns and the amount of ammunition which had been at the
disposal of the Reform Committee, had not the remotest suspicion that
an act of treachery was in contemplation, nor any hint that the
Government did not regard them as amnestied by virtue of the
negotiations; and it is a fact that when the proclamation of the 9th
was issued the detectives were waiting at the clubs, hotels and
houses to arrest the members of the Reform Committee, and that
the Reformers did not know of the proclamation exempting them from
the 'Forgive and Forget' until after they had been seized.
On the 10th the address promised to the inhabitants of Johannesburg
duly appeared.
After reviewing recent events, it concluded with this appeal:
Now I address you with full confidence! Strengthen the hands of the
Government, and work together with them to make this Republic a
country where all inhabitants, so to say, live fraternally together.
For months and months I have thought which alterations and
emendations would be desirable in the Government of this State, but
the unwarrantable instigations, especially of the Press, have kept me
back. The same men who now appear in public as the leaders have
demanded amendments from me in a time and manner which they should
not have dared to use in their own country out of fear of the penal
law. Through this it was made impossible for me and my burghers, the
founders of this Republic, to take your proposals into consideration.
It is my intention to submit a draft law at the first ordinary
session of the Volksraad, whereby a municipality with a Mayor at its
head will be appointed for Johannesburg, to whom the whole municipal
government of this town will be entrusted. According to all
constitutional principles, such a municipal council should be
appointed by the election of the inhabitants. I ask you earnestly,
with your hand upon your heart, to answer me this question: Dare I,
and should I, after all that has happened, propose such to the
Volksraad? What I myself answer to this question is, I know that
there are thousands in Johannesburg to whom I can with confidence
entrust this right to vote in municipal matters. Inhabitants of
Johannesburg, make it possible for the Government to appear before
the Volksraad with the motto, 'Forget and Forgive.'
(Signed) S.J.P. KRUGER,
_State President_.
One would think that anyone gifted with even a moderate sense of
humour would have been restrained by it from issuing a second
proclamation on top of the elaborate fooling of the first. Is it
possible to imagine any other community or any other Government in
the world in which the ruler could seriously set to work to
promulgate two such proclamations, sandwiching as they did those acts
which may be regarded as the practical expression--diametrically
opposed to the published expression--of his intentions?
In the meantime the negotiations concerning Dr. Jameson were dragging
on. After securing the disarmament of Johannesburg and getting rid of
the troublesome question of the disposal of Jameson, and after
refusing for several days (to quote the gist of the High
Commissioner's telegram, Blue Book No. 125 [C-7933]) to allow the
necessary arrangements for the deportation of the men to be made, Mr.
Kruger suddenly called upon the High Commissioner to have them
removed at once, intimating at the same time that it was the decision
of the Executive that all the prisoners, except the Transvaal and
Free State subjects, whom he would retain, should be sent to England
to be tried according to English law. It was pointed out that it was
only contemplated to send the officers for trial. To this Mr. Kruger
replied: 'In such case the whole question must be reconsidered.'
The High Commissioner at once telegraphed for the decision of Her
Majesty's Government, stating that it was the opinion of Sir Jacobus
de Wet and Sir Graham Bower, who had represented him at the interview
with the Transvaal Government, that, if the whole lot were not sent
home to be dealt with according to English law, they would be tried
in Pretoria, with a result which he feared would be deplorable. To
this Mr. Chamberlain replied:
Astonished that Council should hesitate to fulfil the engagement
which we understood was made by President with you, and confirmed by
the Queen, on the faith of which you secured disarmament of
Johannesburg. Any delay will produce worst impression here, and may
lead to serious consequences. I have already promised that all the
leaders shall be brought to trial immediately; but it would be absurd
to try the rank and file, who only obeyed orders which they could not
refuse. If desired we may however engage to bring to England all who
are not domiciled in South Africa; but we cannot undertake to bring
all the rank and file to trial, for that would make a farce of the
whole proceedings, and is contrary to the practice of all civilized
Governments. As regards a pledge that they shall be punished, the
President will see on consideration that although a Government can
order a prosecution, it cannot in any free country compel a
conviction. You may remind him that the murderers of Major Elliott,
who were tried in the Transvaal in 1881, were acquitted by a jury of
burghers. Compare also the treatment by us of Stellaland and other
freebooters.
The result of this communication was that the President drew in his
horns and agreed that if the prisoners were deported to England he
would be satisfied to let the British Government decide which of them
should be prosecuted.
The success of his diplomatic methods had whetted his appetite, it
would appear. He was not content with the conditional surrender of
Dr. Jameson, nor--having suppressed the fact that it was
conditional--with having used him for the purpose of disarming
Johannesburg; but, having achieved both purposes, Mr. Kruger was
still desirous of keeping him in hand. This however was a length to
which the British Government did not see fit to go; but there is no
evidence in the correspondence which has passed tending to show that
even then Sir Hercules Robinson perceived how he was being made use
of and played with by the President.
On the night of the 9th and the morning of the 10th, the members of
the Reform Committee to the number of about sixty were arrested and
lodged in gaol; and from this moment the High Commissioner appears to
have erased them from the tablets of his memory. On January 14 he
telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain as follows:
I have received a letter from Government of South African Republic,
stating that, in their opinion, every reason exists for assuming that
the complications at Johannesburg are approaching to an end, and that
there need be no longer any fear of further bloodshed. The President
of the South African Republic and Executive Council tender to me the
warmest thanks of the Government of the South African Republic for
the assistance I have been able to render in preventing further
bloodshed, and their congratulations on the manner in which my object
in coming has been fulfilled. They tender also their cordial
acknowledgment of the services rendered by the British Agent at
Pretoria, which I think is fully deserved. The Volksraad met
yesterday, and adjourned until May, the only business transacted
being a vote of thanks to the Orange Free State and the High
Commissioner for their efforts in promoting a peaceful settlement,
which was carried by acclamation. I now only await settlement of
prisoners' difficulty to leave for Capetown, where my presence is
urgently needed in consequence of change of Ministers. Governor of
Natal and General Cox are here, to whom I will give instructions as
to reception and disposal of prisoners as soon as I hear from you.
To this Mr. Chamberlain telegraphed a most important reply on January
15:
I am left in great perplexity by your telegram No. 3, of the 14th
inst., and fear that some previous telegrams must have miscarried.
(Here follow directions to refer to a number of telegrams in which
Mr. Chamberlain had indicated the settlement which he anticipated,
the nature of the reforms which Sir Hercules Robinson was to secure,
and many inquiries as to the reason for the arrests of the reformers
as reported in the English papers.) I have received no reply to any
of these telegrams, but have assumed that negotiations were in
progress between the President and yourself.
There can be no settlement until the questions raised by these
telegrams are disposed of. The people of Johannesburg laid down their
arms in the belief that reasonable concessions would be arranged by
your intervention; and until these are granted, or are definitely
promised to you by the President, the root-causes of the recent
troubles will remain.
The President has again and again promised reform, and especially on
the 30th December last, when he promised reforms in education and
franchise; and grave dissatisfaction would be excited if you left
Pretoria without a clear understanding on these points. Her Majesty's
Government invite President Kruger, in the interests of the South
African Republic and of peace, to make a full declaration on these
matters. I am also awaiting a reply respecting the alleged wholesale
arrests of English, Americans and other nationalities, made after the
surrender of Johannesburg.
It will be your duty to use firm language, and to tell the President
that neglect to meet the admitted grievances of the Uitlanders by
giving a definite promise to propose reasonable concessions would
have a disastrous effect upon the prospects of a lasting and
satisfactory settlement.
Send me a full report of the steps that you have already taken with
regard to this matter, and of the further action that you propose.
In the meantime Sir Hercules Robinson left Pretoria, satisfied that
he had done all that was necessary, and telegraphed to Mr.
Chamberlain as follows:
FROM THE HIGH COMMISSIONER _en route_ TO CAPETOWN.
_15th January_, 1896. No. 1.--Your telegram 13 January, No. 1, only
reached me last night, after I had left Pretoria. I could if you
consider it desirable, communicate purport to President of South
African Republic by letter, but I myself think such action would be
inopportune at this moment. Nearly all leading Johannesburg men are
now in gaol, charged with treason against the State, and it is
rumoured that Government has written evidence of a long-standing and
widespread conspiracy to seize government of country on the plea of
denial of political privileges, and to incorporate the country with
that of British South Africa Company. The truth of these reports will
be tested in the trials to take place shortly in the High Court, and
meanwhile to urge claim for extended political privileges for the
very men so charged would be ineffectual and impolitic. President of
South African Republic has already promised municipal government to
Johannesburg, and has stated in a proclamation that all grievances
advanced in a constitutional manner will be carefully considered and
brought before the Volksraad without loss of time; but until result
of trials is known nothing of course will now be done.
Mr. Chamberlain replied to the above:
_15th January_. No. 5.--Referring to your telegram, No. 1, of the
15th January, see my telegram No. 1 of to-day, which was sent before
receipt of yours. I recognize that the actual moment is not opportune
for a settlement of the Uitlanders' grievances, and that the position
of the President of the South African Republic may be an embarrassing
one, but I do not consider that the arrest of a few score individuals
out of a population of 70,000 or more, or the supposed existence of a
plot amongst that small minority, is a reason for denying to the
overwhelming majority of innocent persons reforms which are just in
themselves and expedient in the interests of the Republic. Whatever
may be said about the conduct of a few individuals, nothing can be
plainer than that the sober and industrious majority refused to
countenance any resort to violence, and proved their readiness to
obey the law and your authority. I hope, therefore, to hear at an
early date that you propose to resume discussion with President of
South African Republic on lines laid down in my previous telegrams. I
do not see that the matter need wait until the conclusion of the
trial of the supposed plotters. I am anxious to receive the
information asked for in my telegram No. 1 of the 14th January.
Please communicate at once with the President on this matter.
The following is the telegram to which allusion is made above:
_14th January_. No. 1.--Press telegrams state numerous arrests of
leading residents on the Rand, including many Americans, Germans, and
other nationalities. Fear that number of these arrests of active
managers, representatives, may disorganize industry on the Rand. Wish
to know of what accused, when brought to trial, whether bail allowed,
and what penalities prescribed by law. Shall be glad to learn from
President of South African Republic what his intentions are in this
matter, which affects the subjects of so many States. Propose to
communicate President's reply to American and Belgian Governments,
which have already asked us to take charge of interests of their
respective citizens.
Sir Hercules Robinson, replied:
_15th January_. No. 2.--Your telegram of 14th January, No. 1. The
accused are between fifty and sixty in number, and are mostly members
of the Reform Committee. They have been arrested on charge of
treason, and of seeking to subvert the State by inviting the
co-operation and entrance into it of an armed force. The proceedings
are based, I understand, on sworn information, and the trials will
take place before High Court. The accused are being well treated, and
are represented by able counsel. It is alleged that Government has
documentary evidence of a widespread conspiracy to seize upon
Government, and make use of the wealth of the country to rehabilitate
finances of British South Africa Company. On taking leave of
President of South African Republic, I urged on him moderation as
regards the accused, so as not to alienate the sympathy he now enjoys
of all right-minded persons. Bail is a matter entirely in the hands
of Attorney-General. The Government seem acting within their legal
rights, and I do not see how I can interfere. Mines are at work, and
industry does not seem to be disorganized.
While still on his way to Capetown, the High Commissioner telegraphed
to Mr. Chamberlain again in a manner indicating his complete
abandonment of the position taken up by him in relation to
Johannesburg--in fact, his repudiation of what his own words have
recorded against him:
_16th January_. No. i.--Your telegram of 15th January, No. 1,
received. I cannot at this moment follow the complications arising
from supposed missing and crossing telegrams, but can only say that
no telegram which has reached me from you has remained unanswered.
No promise was made to Johannesburg by me as an inducement to disarm,
except that the promises made in the President's previous
proclamation would be adhered to, and that Jameson and the other
prisoners would not be transferred until Johannesburg had
unconditionally laid down its arms and surrendered. I sent your long
telegram of 4th January to President; _but the question of
concessions to Uitlanders has never been discussed between us_.
Pending result of coming trials, and the extent to which Johannesburg
is implicated in the alleged conspiracy to subvert the State is made
clear, the question of political privileges would not be entertained
by Government of the South African Republic.
He justified the change of policy in another communication addressed
to Mr. Chamberlain before he reached Capetown:
_16th January_. No. 3.--Your telegram of the 15th January, No. 5. If
you will leave the matter in my hands, I will _resume_ advocacy of
Uitlanders' claims at the first moment I think it can be done with
advantage; the present moment is most inopportune, as the strongest
feeling of irritation and indignation against the Uitlanders exists
both amongst the Burghers and Members of Volksraad of both Republics.
Any attempt to dictate in regard to the internal affairs of South
African Republic at this moment would be resisted by all parties in
South Africa, and would do great harm.
I have already replied in my telegram of 15th January, No. 2, in
answer to your telegram of 14th January, No. 1, and I do not think it
possible to obtain further information at this stage, the matter
being _sub judice_.
Sir Hercules Robinson left Pretoria on the 14th, having resided
within a few hundred yards of Dr. Jameson and his comrades for a
week, and of the Reform prisoners for four days, without making any
attempt whatever to ascertain their circumstances or story. During
that time his military secretary called upon Dr. Jameson for the
purpose of finding out details of the prisoners and wounded of the
force, but made no further inquiries. Dr. Jameson's solicitor wrote
to the Colonial Office on March 5:
MY DEAR FAIRFIELD,
You have probably seen the cable that has come to the _Diggers'
News_, giving the lie direct to Sir John Willoughby's statement
respecting terms of surrender.
I have seen Sir John again, and am authorized by him to state, with
regard to the criticism that it is incredible that nothing should
have been said by the officers when in prison at Pretoria to anybody
about the terms of surrender, that it must be remembered that from
the time of the surrender until they left Africa none of them were
allowed to make any communication. While in gaol they were not
allowed to see newspapers or to receive any news of what was going on
in Pretoria or elsewhere.
Sir J. Willoughby made a statement to the head gaoler and other
officials at the time of his arrival at the gaol when he was searched
and all his papers taken from him. He requested to be allowed to keep
the document signed by Cronjé, as it contained the terms of the
surrender, but received as answer that all papers must be taken and
that they would be returned afterwards. They were in fact taken and
only returned when the officers were removed from the gaol to go to
Durban.
My clients did try to get a note through to Johannesburg concealed in
a matchbox. They paid twenty-five pounds to get it through, and sent
it within thirty-six hours of their arrival in gaol, but they have
never been able to ascertain whether it reached its destination.
The gist of it was that they were all right. It never occurred to the
prisoners that neither the British Resident nor the High Commissioner
would be informed of the terms of the surrender, or that they would
not satisfy themselves on this point.
Sir Hercules Robinson might urge, in so far as Dr. Jameson's affair
is concerned, that he could not be expected to suspect a deception
such as was practised upon him; yet it does seem extraordinary that,
being in Pretoria for the purpose of negotiating for the disposal of
Dr. Jameson and his comrades, he should not have taken steps to
ascertain what there was to be said on their behalf, especially as on
his own showing it was for the greater part of the time a question of
life and death for the leaders of the force. It is even more
difficult to understand why no effort should have been made to
communicate with the Reformers. The High Commissioner was thoroughly
well aware of the negotiations between them and the Government on
January 1. He had received communications by telegraph from the
Reformers before he left Capetown; he came up avowedly to settle
their business; he negotiated on their behalf and induced them to
disarm; he witnessed their arrest and confinement in gaol; yet not
only did he not visit them himself, nor send an accredited member of
his staff to inquire into their case and conditions, but Sir Jacobus
de Wet alleges that he actually, in deference to the wish of the
President, desired the British Agent not to hold any communication
whatever with the prisoners during his (Sir Hercules Robinson's)
stay in Pretoria. Truly we have had many examples of President
Kruger's audacity, and of the success of it; but nothing to equal
this. That he demanded from Sir Hercules Robinson information as to
the objects of the Flying Squadron and the movements of British
troops in British territory, and succeeded in getting it, was a
triumph; but surely not on a par with that of desiring the High
Commissioner not to hold communication with the British subjects whom
he, as the official representative of their sovereign, had travelled
a thousand miles to disarm, and on whose behalf--ostensibly--he was
there to negotiate.