THE COMMITTEE'S DILEMMA.
With the best will in the world it would have been quite impossible
to render any assistance to Dr. Jameson's forces, but apart from this
there never was the slightest doubt of his ability to get into
Johannesburg without assistance should he decide to attempt it. In
conversation with the leaders of the movement he had always scouted
the idea of requiring assistance from Johannesburg, nor would anyone
have believed that with a well-equipped and perfectly trained force
of 800 men (as it was believed he had) it was possible for the Boers
to get together a force sufficiently strong to stop him in his dash
on Johannesburg.
In the absence of Mr. Charles Leonard, who had been recognized as the
leader of the movement, Mr. Lionel Phillips was elected Chairman of
the Reform Committee, and he and Messrs. J.G. Auret, A. Bailey, and
M. Langermann were chosen as the Committee's deputation to proceed to
Pretoria and meet the Commission appointed by the Government. They
left at an early hour on Wednesday morning, and were given
practically a free hand to act on behalf of the Reform Committee. The
position having been so thoroughly discussed there was no possibility
of misunderstanding; there was no division in the Committee as to the
attitude to be taken up. The deputation were to negotiate with the
Government for a peaceful settlement on the basis of the Manifesto,
accepting what they might consider to be a reasonable instalment of
the reforms demanded. They were to deal with the Government in a
conciliatory spirit and to avoid all provocation to civil strife, but
at the same time to insist upon the recognition of rights and the
redress of the grievances, to avow the association with Dr. Jameson's
forces so far as it had existed, and to include him in any settlement
that might be made. It was impossible to lay down any definite
lines on which to negotiate on behalf of Dr. Jameson, as the Reform
Committee were still in complete ignorance of his reasons for
starting; but it was considered fairer and more reasonable to assume
that he had started in good faith and that the two messengers who had
been sent to stop him had not reached him, and to act accordingly.
However awkward a predicament he had placed the Johannesburg people
in, they accepted a certain moral responsibility for him and his
actions and decided to make his safety the first consideration.
Late on Tuesday night the Collector of Customs at Johannesburg
informed members of the Reform Committee that he had received a
telegraphic despatch from the Pretoria head office notifying the
suspension of all duties on various articles of food. It will be
remembered that this relief was prayed for by the representative
bodies of mining and commerce on the Rand several weeks before the
outbreak and that the Government had replied that they were unable
during the recess to deal with the matter as the legislative power
and the power of levying and remitting duties had been taken from the
Executive by the Volksraad some time previously. It will also be
remembered that the Government acted on this hint as to the
necessities of the community in a wholly unexpected way by granting a
monopoly for the free importation of grain to a favoured individual
of their party in Pretoria. It is not wonderful therefore that the
notification conveyed by the Collector of Customs was received with
considerable derision, and the opinion was expressed that it would
have redounded more to the credit of the Government's honesty and
intelligence had they remitted the duties when first petitioned
instead of doing so at the last moment hastily and ungracefully--so
to speak, at the point of the bayonet.
On Wednesday morning, whilst the deputation were engaged in
negotiations with the Government Commission, a telegram was received
by the Reform Committee in Johannesburg from Sir Jacobus de Wet,
the British agent, conveying the following proclamation of the High
Commissioner:
Whereas it has come to my knowledge that certain British subjects,
said to be under the leadership of Dr. Jameson, have violated
the territory of the South African Republic, and have cut
telegraph-wires, and done various other illegal acts; and whereas the
South African Republic is a friendly State, in amity with Her
Majesty's Government; and whereas it is my desire to respect the
independence of the said State;
Now, therefore, I hereby command the said Dr. Jameson and all persons
accompanying him to immediately retire from the territory of the
South African Republic, on pain of the penalties attached to their
illegal proceedings; and I do further hereby call upon all British
subjects in the South African Republic to abstain from giving the
said Dr. Jameson any countenance or assistance in his armed violation
of the territory of a friendly State.
A reply was immediately sent to the British Agent stating that the
Reform Committee were not aware of the reasons which prompted Dr.
Jameson to start, but that as he was coming to their assistance,
presumably in good faith, they felt morally bound to provide for him,
and they therefore urged the British Agent most strongly to spare no
effort in forwarding the proclamation to Dr. Jameson so that he might
be aware of the action taken by the Imperial Government and might
turn back before any conflict should take place between his and the
Boer forces. The Committee offered to forward the despatch themselves
if facilities of passport were given.
A full meeting of the Committee was immediately convened in order to
consider this new complication of the case, and the following
telegram was approved and sent at 11.15 a.m., addressed to the
Deputation of the Reform Committee, care of Her Majesty's Agent,
Pretoria:
Meeting has been held since you started to consider telegram from
British Agent, and it was unanimously resolved to authorize you to
make following offer to Government. Begins: 'In order to avert
bloodshed on grounds of Dr. Jameson's action, if Government will
allow Dr. Jameson to come in unmolested, the Committee will guarantee
with their persons if necessary that he shall leave again peacefully
within as little delay as possible.'{22}
The Committee well realized the fatal results of Dr. Jameson's
invasion under the circumstances, and much as their position had been
injured and complicated by his action, it was felt that it would
still be better to get rid of the foreign element which he
represented and to fight the battle out under such conditions as
might arise without any assistance than to let things go from bad to
worse through further action on Dr. Jameson's part.
No reply had been received from the High Commissioner to the
telegrams urging him to come up in person. Mr. Cecil Rhodes had
telegraphed that he was urgently pressing the High Commissioner to
come, but that he had received no assurances as yet from him. During
Wednesday Messrs. Leonard and Hamilton telegraphed that the former
had seen the High Commissioner, who had declined to move unless
invited by the other side; they were using every effort to induce him
to move but no reliance could be placed upon him. They further
advised that in their strong opinion a reasonable compromise should
be effected, and that it was most vital to avoid offence. Mr. F.H.
Hamilton, who was one of the first associated with the movement,
finding then that nothing more could be done and feeling that his
proper place was with his comrades, refused to remain longer and
returned to Johannesburg, arriving there after Dr. Jameson's
surrender.
Two and a half days had now elapsed since Dr. Jameson started, and
the Committee were still without word or sign from him as to his
having started or the reason which prompted him to do so. None knew
better than Dr. Jameson himself the difficulties and magnitude of the
task which he had set the Reform Committee when he struck his camp at
Pitsani and marched into the Transvaal. None knew better than he that
with the best luck and all the will and energy in the world it would
hardly be possible to do as much as place the town in a position of
defence. Every hour some explanation or some message was expected
from him, something to throw a little light on his action; but
nothing ever came, and the Committee were left to act in the dark as
their judgment or good fortune might lead them.
The deputation which had been sent to Pretoria met the Government
Commission at noon on Wednesday. The Commission consisted of Chief
Justice Kotzé (Chairman), Judge Ameshof, and Executive Member Kock.
There was a Government shorthand clerk present. Before the business
of the meeting was gone into, at the request of the Chief Justice
the deputation consented to minutes of the interview being taken,
remarking that as they were dealing with the Government in good faith
they had nothing to conceal. It may be well to mention that at the
meeting of Messrs. Malan and Marais with the Reform Committee the
question was raised as to the attitude of the Government towards the
deputation which it was suggested should be sent to Pretoria. Someone
remarked that the Government were quite capable of inducing the
deputation to go to Pretoria, having them arrested as soon as they
got there, and holding them as hostages. Messrs. Marais and Malan
both scouted the idea and stated positively that the Executive
Council had formally acknowledged to them that they were negotiating
with the Reform Committee in good faith, and that negotiations would
of course be carried on in a decent manner as between two civilized
parties in arms. These little incidents have a peculiar interest now
in view of the treachery practised by the Government by means of the
negotiations with the deputation.
Mr. Lionel Phillips as spokesman detailed at length the position of
affairs in Johannesburg, citing the grievances and disabilities under
which the Uitlander population existed. He pointed out that year
after year the Uitlanders had been begging and petitioning for
redress of these grievances, for some amelioration of their
condition, for fair and uniform treatment of all the white subjects
of the State, and for some representation in the Legislature of the
country, as they were entitled by their numbers and their work and
their property to have; yet not only had a deaf ear been turned to
all their petitions, but the conditions were actually aggravated year
by year and, instead of obtaining relief, there was a marked increase
in the burdens and disabilities imposed. He informed the Commission
that the Manifesto fairly represented the views of the Reform
Committee and the people of Johannesburg; that, whilst they were
determined to have their rights, they recognised that it might not
be possible to obtain complete redress at once, and they were
prepared to accept what they might consider a reasonable instalment
of redress. He stated that Dr. Jameson had remained on the borders
of the Transvaal with an armed force by a written arrangement with
certain of the leaders, and that he was there to render active
assistance should the community be driven to extremes and require his
assistance; but as to his present action the Committee could throw no
further light upon it, as they were in ignorance of his reason for
starting; they could only assume that he had done so in good faith,
probably misled by rumours of trouble in Johannesburg which he
thought he had sufficient reason to believe. He added that so far
from being invited by the Committee, messengers had actually been
sent to prevent him from moving, but that it was not known to the
Committee if these messengers had reached him or if the telegrams
which had been sent with a like purpose had ever been delivered to
him, and that consequently the Committee preferred to believe that he
had come in in good faith and thinking the community to be in dire
need, and for this reason the people of Johannesburg were resolved to
stand by him.
In the course of the discussion, Executive Member Kock remarked: 'If
you have erected fortifications and have taken up arms, you are
nothing but rebels.' Mr. Phillips replied: 'You can call us rebels if
you like. All we want is justice, decent treatment, and honest
government; that is what we have come to ask of you.' Mr. Kock
thereupon remarked that the deputation spoke as though they
represented Johannesburg, whereas for all the Government knew the
Reform Committee might be but a few individuals of no influence; and
he asked if they could be informed as to who constituted that body.
The deputation gave certain names from memory and offered to
telegraph for a full list. The reply came in time to be handed to the
Government and it constituted the sole piece of evidence ever
obtained as to who were members of the Reform Committee. After
hearing the statement of Mr. Phillips the Chief Justice informed the
deputation that the Commission were not empowered to arrange
terms, but were merely authorized to hear what the deputation had to
say, to ascertain their grievances and the proposed remedies, and to
report this discussion to the Government. Taking up certain points
referred to by Mr. Phillips, the Chief Justice asked whether the
Johannesburg people would consent to lay down their arms if the
Government granted practically all the reforms that were asked.
Mr. Phillips replied in the affirmative, adding that after
enfranchisement the community would naturally be privileged to take
up arms again as burghers of the State. The Chief Justice asked on
what lines it was proposed that the franchise should be granted. The
deputation replied that the community would be quite content if the
Government would accept the principle, leaving the settlement of
details to a Commission of three persons--one to be appointed by
each party, and the third to be mutually agreed upon.
The meeting was adjourned at noon until 5 p.m., and in the meantime
the deputation telegraphed to the Reform Committee in Johannesburg
the substance of what had taken place, stating among other things
that they had explained the arrangements with Dr. Jameson. That such
a message should be sent through the Government telegraph-office at a
time when every telegram was read for the purpose of obtaining
information as to what was on foot is further proof (if proof be
needed) that the 'revelations' as to the connection between Dr.
Jameson and the Reformers, which were brought out with theatrical
effect later on, were not by any means a startling surprise to the
Government, and were in fact well known to them in all essential
details before the first encounter between the Boers and Dr. Jameson
had taken place. The significance of this fact in its bearing upon
Dr. Jameson's surrender and the after-treatment of the Reform
prisoners should not be lost sight of.
The adjourned meeting between the Government Commission and the
Reform Committee deputation took place at 5 p.m., when the Chief
Justice intimated to the deputation that they had reported to a full
meeting of the Executive Council all that had taken place at the
morning meeting, and that the Executive had authorized them to hand
to the deputation in answer a resolution, the substance of which
is given hereunder:
The High Commissioner has offered his services with a view to a
peaceful settlement. The Government of the South African Republic
have accepted his offer. Pending his arrival, no hostile step will be
taken against Johannesburg provided Johannesburg takes no hostile
step against the Government. In terms of a certain proclamation
recently issued by the State President the grievances will be
earnestly considered.
It is impossible to give the exact wording of the minute because the
original document was inadvertently destroyed and all applications to
Government for a copy were met at first by evasions and finally by
point-blank refusal. The document was required as evidence in the
trial of the Reform prisoners and every effort was made to secure an
exact copy. As a last resource the above version, as sworn to by a
number of men who had seen the original document, was put in. The
Government were informed that if a true copy of the original
resolution as recorded in the Minute Book of the Executive Council
were not supplied for the purposes of evidence in the trial the
prisoners would hand in the version given above. No reply was
received to this, and the State Attorney acting on behalf of the
Government admitted the version here given in the statement put in by
the prisoners. It is clear therefore that if this version errs in any
respect it cannot at all events be to the disadvantage of the
Government or they would assuredly have objected to it and have
produced the resolution itself.
On receipt of the above resolution the deputation inquired whether
this offer of the Government's was intended to include Dr. Jameson.
The Chief Justice replied that the Government declined to treat about
him as he was a foreign invader and would have to be turned out of
the country. The deputation thereupon handed in the telegram from the
Reform Committee, already quoted, offering their persons as security,
and pointed out that this was the most earnest and substantial
guarantee that it was possible to offer that the Committee had not
invited Dr. Jameson and had no desire to destroy the independence of
the State. The Commission in reply stated that the proclamation of
the High Commissioner was being forwarded to Dr. Jameson from
various quarters, and that he would inevitably be stopped. In reply
to the statement by the deputation that they were not empowered to
accept terms which did not explicitly include Dr. Jameson but would
report to headquarters and reply later on, the Chief Justice stated
that the Government required no answer to the resolution handed to
them. This was in fact _their_ answer, and if the people of
Johannesburg observed the conditions mentioned therein there would
be no further trouble, but if they disregarded them they would be
held responsible for whatever followed. The deputation returned to
Johannesburg fully convinced that the grievances would be redressed
and a peaceful settlement arrived at through the mediation of the
High Commissioner, and that Dr. Jameson would inevitably obey
the latter's proclamation and leave the country peacefully on
ascertaining that there was no necessity for his intervention on
behalf of the Uitlanders.
Not only did the Government supply the deputation with the minute in
writing already quoted, but they also instructed the local officers
of Johannesburg to make public their decision to avail themselves of
Sir Hercules Robinson's services. It will be observed that the
notification published in Johannesburg is not so full as the
Executive minute handed to the deputation in Pretoria, but the spirit
in which it was given and accepted is shown by the following notice
issued by the Reform Committee embodying the official statement:
REFORM COMMITTEE.
NOTICE.
The Government have handed us a written reply this afternoon (January
1), stating they have agreed to accept the offer of the High
Commissioner to go to Pretoria to assist the Government in preventing
bloodshed, and then the representations of the Committee will be
taken into serious consideration. The communication referred to is as
follows:
'The Government of the South African Republic have accepted the offer
of the High Commissioner to come to Pretoria.
(Signed) J. L. VAN DER MERWE, _Mining Commissioner._
J. F. DE BEER, _Judicial Commissioner._
CARL JEPPE, _Member of the First Volksraad,_
_Johannesburg._
A. H. BLECKSLEY, _Commandant Volunteers._
Desirous as the Committee has always been to obtain its objects
without the shedding of blood and incurring the horrors of civil war,
the opportunity of achieving its aims by peaceful means is welcome.
The Reform Committee desires that the public will aid them with the
loyalty and enthusiasm which they have shown so far in the
maintenance of its organization, and will stand firm in the cause of
law and order and the establishment of their rights.
By order of the Committee.
This notice was published in the local press, and also distributed as
a leaflet in Johannesburg.
More than this! At one o'clock on Wednesday President Kruger had sent
for Sir Jacobus de Wet and requested him to transmit to the Reform
Committee the following message: 'I desire again to invite your
serious attention to the fact that negotiations are going on between
Mr. Chamberlain and His Honour the President. I am convinced the
Government is prepared to meet any committee or deputation at any
time to discuss matters. In view of this and of negotiations with Mr.
Chamberlain I advise you to follow a constitutional course.' That
telegram was framed at President Kruger's request and approved by him
before being transmitted.
A great deal has been said about the impolicy, and even the bad
faith, of the Johannesburg people in concluding an armistice which
did not include Dr. Jameson. From the above account it is clear in
the first place that every effort was made to provide for his safety,
and in the next place that no armistice was concluded. Certain terms
were offered by the Government which it was open to the Committee to
either accept or reject or ignore, as they might decide later on. In
plain English, the Committee were as free after the negotiations as
they had been before. They gave no undertaking to abstain from
hostile action; they simply received the offer of the Government.
Whether they complied with those conditions as a matter of
cold-blooded selfish policy, whether they simply selected an easy way
out of a difficult position, or whether they complied with the
conditions solely because they were not in a position to do anything
else, it is open to every man to decide for himself; but it does not
seem fair, in face of the fact that they were _not_ able to do
anything else, to impute the worst motives of all for the course
which they eventually took.
On the return of the deputation to Johannesburg a report of what had
taken place was given to a full meeting of the Reform Committee.
Divers opinions were expressed as to what was the right course to
take, but eventually all were agreed that, as the first duty of the
Committee was undoubtedly to protect the town and the unarmed section
of the community, as they could not afford to send a single man out
of the place, as there was no reason to suppose that Dr. Jameson
required or would welcome any assistance, and as it seemed certain
that he would be stopped by the High Commissioner's proclamation and
turned back, it would be nothing short of criminal madness to adopt
any aggressive measures at that stage.
It does not appear to have occurred to many of the hostile critics of
the Reform Committee to consider what might have happened when they
are judging what actually took place. Dr. Jameson had invaded the
country with less than 500 men. It must be clear from this that it
was not his intention to conquer the Transvaal. It must have been and
indeed it was his idea that it would be impossible for the Imperial
Government to stand passively by and witness the struggle between its
own subjects preferring legitimate and moderate claims and a corrupt
and incompetent Boer Government. Intervention of one sort or another
he certainly expected--either material help in the shape of British
troops, or the intervention of the High Commissioner to effect a
peaceful settlement. By the false step which evoked the High
Commissioner's proclamation he had forfeited all claim to the support
on which he reckoned. It was reasonable to suppose therefore that, on
the receipt of the proclamation ordering him to return and calling on
all British subjects to abstain from assisting him, he would realize
the consequences of his mistake. He would also learn from the Reform
Committee's messengers (that is, assuming that he did not know it
already) that the Johannesburg people neither required nor wished for
his intervention, and he would elect to leave the country in
accordance with the High Commissioner's mandate rather than continue
a course which, with the opposition of the British Government added
to that of the Boer Government, must inevitably end in disgrace and
disaster. This was the conclusion arrived at in the Reform
Committee room; and it was then considered what would be the position
of the Johannesburg people if, in defiance of the High Commissioner's
proclamation and in violation of the terms offered by the Transvaal
Government, they should adopt aggressive and wholly futile measures
in aid of Dr. Jameson, only to find that he himself had obeyed the
proclamation and had turned back.
No man in his senses would have anticipated Dr. Jameson's continuing
his march after receipt of the proclamation and full information as
to the wishes and position of the Johannesburg people. But, apart
from this, it was the opinion of military men, such as Colonel
Heyman, who had been sent in by Dr. Jameson, and who were present at
the meetings of the Reform Committee, that it would not be possible
for the Boers to stop him, and that it would require a very large
force indeed to cope with a body of men so well trained, well
equipped, and well led as his were thought to be. It would moreover
need extraordinary luck and management on the Boers' side to get
together any considerable force in time to intercept him before he
should reach Johannesburg. It may be added that the opinion expressed
by these gentlemen is still adhered to. They say that, properly led,
Jameson's force should have got in without firing a shot, and that,
properly handled, they should not have been stopped by a much greater
number of Boers. However this is as it may be.
It has been stated, and the statement has gained considerable
credence, that the very train which brought the deputation back to
Johannesburg after their negotiations with the Government also
brought a detachment of the State artillery with field-pieces and
a plentiful supply of ammunition to reinforce the Boers, who were
then in position to intercept Dr. Jameson, and it has further been
suggested that the obvious course for the Reform Committee to have
taken was to break up the line and to stop trains passing out towards
Krugersdorp, also to seize the telegraph and railway offices. Such
action would have been perfectly futile. As a matter of fact the
artillery and ammunition were sent direct from Pretoria by waggon,
and not through Johannesburg at all.{23} Any such action as the
seizing of the telegraph and railway offices would have been useless
in itself, if intended to aid Jameson's force, and would of course
have been a declaration of war on the part of the Committee against
the Transvaal Government, a declaration which they were not able to
back up by any effective measures. A partially successful attempt
was made to blow up the line between Johannesburg and Krugersdorp by
individuals who thought that they would be rendering a service to the
cause, and who did not stop to calculate the full effects of their
action.
During the afternoon of Wednesday, while the deputation were still
engaged in negotiation with the Government Commission, the messenger
despatched by Sir Jacobus de Wet, British Agent in Pretoria, to
deliver the High Commissioner's proclamation to Dr. Jameson, arrived
in Johannesburg, and applied at the Reform Committee rooms for an
escort through the lines of defence, showing at the same time the
passport given him by the Commandant-General to pass him through the
Boer lines. It was immediately decided to take advantage of the
opportunity in order to bring further pressure to bear upon Dr.
Jameson to induce him to leave the country peacefully, and to make
finally and absolutely sure that he should realize the true position
of affairs. Mr. J. J. Lace, a member of the Reform Committee,
volunteered to accompany the messenger to explain to Dr. Jameson the
state of affairs in Johannesburg and to induce him to return while
there was yet a chance of retrieving the position. On the return of
the deputation this action of the rest of the Committee was cordially
approved and was found to be in entire accord with the attitude taken
up by them in their dealings with the Government.
If any evidence were needed as to the sincerity and singleness of
purpose of the Committee, the action taken by the deputation in
Pretoria and the rest of the Committee in Johannesburg, whilst
acting independently of each other and without any opportunity of
discussing matters and deciding upon a common line, should be
sufficient. If the Committee as a whole had not been following an
honest and clearly-defined policy they would have inevitably come to
grief under such trying circumstances. As a matter of fact, the steps
taken during Wednesday by the two sections acting independently were
wholly in accord.
In the course of the day it became known that Dr. Jameson had caused
to be published the letter of invitation quoted in another chapter,
and from this it was clear to those who knew the circumstances under
which the letter was given that he had deliberately started in
violation of the agreement entered into, that he had thrown
discretion to the winds, and decided to force the hands of the
Johannesburg people. The result of this was that among the leaders it
was realized that Dr. Jameson was playing his own hand with complete
indifference to the consequences for others; but the vast majority of
the Rand community could not possibly realize this, and were firmly
convinced that the invading force had come in in good faith,
believing the community to be in extreme peril.
In sensational matters of this kind it is very often the case that a
single phrase will illustrate the position more aptly than chapters
of description. It is unfortunately also the case that phrases are
used and catch the ear and survive the circumstances of the time,
carrying with them meanings which they were never intended to convey.
In the course of the events which took place in the early part of the
year many such expressions were seized on and continually quoted.
Among them, and belonging to the second description above referred
to, is the phrase 'Stand by Jameson.' It was never used in the sense
of sending out an armed force to the assistance of Dr. Jameson,
because it was recognized from the beginning that such a course was
not within the range of possibility. The phrase was first used in
the Executive Council Chamber when the deputation from the Reform
Committee met the Government Commission and Mr. Lionel Phillips
explained the nature of the connection between the Johannesburg
people and the invading force. After showing that the Rand community
were not responsible for his immediate action, and after
acknowledging that he was on the border with the intention of
rendering assistance if it should be necessary, he said that the
Uitlanders nevertheless believed that, owing to circumstances of
which they were ignorant, Dr. Jameson had started in absolute good
faith to come to their assistance, and for that reason they were
determined to stand by him. For that reason they offered their
persons as security for his peaceful evacuation of the country--a
course which was then, and is still, deemed to be 'standing by him'
in as effective and practical a manner as it was possible for men in
their position to do.
The reproach levelled at the Reform Committee by members of the
Transvaal Government ever since the surrender of Dr. Jameson is
that, whilst professing not to support hostile action against the
State, and whilst avowing loyalty to the Republic, the people of
Johannesburg did not give the logical and practical proof of such
loyalty that the Government were entitled to expect; that is, they
did not take up arms to fight against the invaders. It is scarcely
necessary to say that such a preposterous idea never entered the
minds of any of the Uitlanders. When all is said and done, blood is
thicker than water, alike with the Uitlanders as with the Boers. The
Boers have shown on many occasions that they elect to side with their
kin on the promptings of their heart rather than support those whom
their judgment shows them to be worthy of their assistance. Had the
Uitlanders been sufficiently armed there can be no question that
rightly or wrongly they would have sided with Jameson, and would have
given him effective support had they known that he needed it. Had he
ever reached Johannesburg the enthusiasm would have been wild and
unbounded, and, however much the cooler heads among the community
might realize that such a partial success might have proved a
more serious misfortune than the total failure has been, no such
considerations would have weighed with the community in general; and
the men who were aiming at practical and lasting good results, rather
than cultivating popular enthusiasm, would have been swept aside, and
others, more in accord with the humour of the moment, would have
taken their places.
It is useless to speculate as to what would have happened had Dr.
Jameson reached Johannesburg. The prestige of success might have
enabled him, as it has enabled many others, to achieve the apparently
impossible and compel the acceptance of terms which would have
insured a lasting peace; but as Johannesburg had neither arms
nor ammunition, especially the latter, commensurate with the
requirements of anything like severe fighting, even for a single day,
and as the invading force had not more than enough for its own
requirements, it is difficult to conceive that anything but disaster
could have followed.
Throughout the troubles which followed the invasion it was not the
personal suffering or loss which fell to the lot of the Johannesburg
people that touched them so nearly as the taunts which were unjustly
levelled at them for not rendering assistance to Dr. Jameson. The
terms, 'cowards,' 'poltroons,' and 'traitors,' and the name of
'Judasburg,' absolutely undeserved as they were known to be, rankled
in the hearts of all, and it was only by the exercise of much
self-denial and restraint that it was possible for men to remain
silent during the period preceding Dr. Jameson's trial. Extremely
bitter feeling was roused by the tacit approval given to these
censures by the officers of the invading force, for their continued
silence was naturally construed to be tacit approval. 'Not once,'
said one of the Reformers, 'has a single member of Dr. Jameson's
party come forward and stated that the imputations on the Reformers
were undeserved; yet we gave them the benefit of every doubt, and
tried throughout to screen them, whilst all the time the Doctor and
at least three of his companions knew that they had started to "make
their own flotation." That is not cricket.'
It has been urged on behalf of Dr. Jameson that he could not have
been asked to state prior to his trial that he never expected or
arranged for help from Johannesburg--that his case was already a
sufficiently difficult one without embarrassing it with other
people's affairs. Yet it was noted in Johannesburg that, when a
report was circulated to the effect that he had started the invasion
on the instructions of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, he and another officer of
his force wrote jointly to the English papers to say that there was
no truth whatever in the statement. The consequences of taking upon
himself the responsibility for initiative in this way, while he
had yet to undergo his trial, were far more serious than would have
followed a simple statement to the effect that injustice was being
done to the Rand community in the charges of cowardice laid against
it. It was felt then, and the feeling has not in any way abated,
that Dr. Jameson regarded the fate and interests of the people of
Johannesburg with indifference, looking upon them merely as pawns
in a game that he was playing. It was only Mr. Rhodes who took an
opportunity to say that 'the Johannesburg people are not cowards;
they were rushed.'
The general public did not know the circumstances under which Dr.
Jameson had agreed to remain on the frontier. They did not know that
telegrams and messengers had been despatched to stop him, nor was it
felt advisable to inform them of these steps at a time when matters
had seemingly gone too far to be stopped. It was considered that any
statement of that kind put forth at that particular juncture would
simply tend to create a panic from which no good results could
accrue, and that, as Dr Jameson had cast the die and crossed his
Rubicon, as little as possible should be done needlessly to embarrass
him. Suggestions were continually being made, and have been and are
still being frequently quoted, to the effect that a force should be
sent out to create a diversion among the Boer commandoes in Jameson's
favour. Suggestions were made by men who had not the remotest idea of
the resources at the command of the Committee, or who did not stop to
think of what might have happened had Johannesburg been depleted of
its armed force, and so left at the mercy of a few hundred Boers.
There were always, as there will always be, men prepared for any
reckless gamble, but this course was most earnestly considered time
after time by the Committee when some fresh suggestion or development
seemed to warrant a reconsideration of the decision already arrived
at not to attempt any aggressive measures. Finally the matter was by
common consent left in the hands of Colonel Heyman, an officer who
has rendered distinguished service in South Africa, and whose
reputation and judgment were acknowledged by all. This course was the
more readily agreed to since Colonel Heyman was by none more
highly thought of than by Dr. Jameson himself. The decision given by
him was that the invading force, properly led, drilled and equipped
as it was, was a far stronger body than the entire force enrolled
under the Reform Committee, and that it would require a very large
force indeed of burghers to stop it. If Dr. Jameson had thought that
he would need help there had been ample time for him to send a fast
mounted messenger to Johannesburg. He had not done so; and it was
therefore to be presumed that as he had taken upon himself the
responsibility of invasion he was prepared for all contingencies;
but, apart from this, the force available in Johannesburg, which
would be in a few days a very good one behind earthworks, was at that
moment utterly unfit to march out in the open. It would in its then
condition, and with no equipment of field-pieces, be liable to be
annihilated by a relatively small number of Boers before it should
reach Dr. Jameson. It was decided, however, that, should fighting
take place within such distance from the town that men could be taken
from the defences without endangering the safety of the town, a force
should be taken out at once.
Fault has repeatedly been found with the military organization in
Johannesburg for not having been well served by an Intelligence
Department, and for not knowing from day to day what the whereabouts
and position of Dr. Jameson's forces were.
The reply to this is that the Johannesburg people had only two days
in which to look after themselves and protect themselves in the
crisis in which Dr. Jameson's action had plunged them; that as a
matter of fact strenuous efforts were made to establish communication
with the invading force; that the Intelligence Department--which,
considering how short a time was available for its organization, was
by no means unsatisfactory--was employed in many directions besides
that in which Dr. Jameson was moving; that some success was achieved
in communicating with him, but that the risks to be taken, owing to
the imperative necessity of saving time at almost any cost, were
greater than usual and resulted in the capture of eight or ten of the
men employed in the endeavour to communicate with Dr. Jameson alone;
and finally, that since he had seen fit to violate all the
arrangements entered into and dash into the country in defiance of
the expressed wishes of the people, whom he was bent on rescuing
whether they wished to be rescued or not, the least that could be
expected of him and of his force was that they should acquaint
themselves with the road which they proposed to travel and take the
necessary steps to keep the Johannesburg people posted as to their
movements.
It has been urged by a prominent member of the invading force--not
Dr. Jameson--that since the force had been kept on the border for
some weeks with the sole object of assisting Johannesburg people when
they should require assistance, the very least that they were
entitled to expect was that someone should be sent out to show them
the road and not leave them to go astray for want of a guide. To this
it was replied that a force which had been, as they stated, on the
border for several weeks with the sole object of invading the country
by a certain road, had ample time, and might certainly have been
expected to know the road; and as for relieving Johannesburg in its
necessity, the argument might have applied had this 'necessity' ever
arisen; but since the idea was to force the hands of the Reformers,
the latter might fairly regard themselves as absolved from every
undertaking, specific or implied, which might ever have been made in
connection with the business. But at that time the excuse had not
been devised that there had ever been an undertaking to assist
Jameson, on the contrary it was readily admitted that such an idea
was never entertained for a moment; nor can one understand how anyone
cognizant of the telegram from Dr. Jameson to Dr. Rutherfoord
Harris--'We will make our own flotation by the aid of the letter
which I shall publish'--can set up any defence at the expense of
others.
By Wednesday night it was known that Major Heany had passed through
Mafeking in time to join Dr. Jameson's force, and that, bar some
extraordinary accident, Captain Holden must have met Dr. Jameson on
his way, since he had been despatched along the road which Dr.
Jameson would take in marching on Johannesburg; and if all other
reasons did not suffice to assure the Committee that Dr. Jameson
would not be relying on any assistance from Johannesburg the
presence of one or other of the two officers above mentioned would
enable him to know that he should not count upon Johannesburg to give
him active support. Both were thoroughly well acquainted with the
position and were able to inform him, and have since admitted that
they did inform him, that he should not count upon a single man
going out to meet him. Captain Holden--who prior to the trial of
Dr. Jameson and his comrades, prompted by loyalty to his chief,
abstained from making any statement which could possibly embarrass
him--immediately after the trial expressed his regret at the unjust
censure upon the Johannesburg people and the charges of cowardice and
bad faith which had been levelled against them, and stated that he
reached Pitsani the night before Dr. Jameson started, and that he
faithfully and fully delivered the messages which he was charged to
deliver and earnestly impressed upon Dr. Jameson the position in
which the Johannesburg people were placed, and their desire that he
should not embarrass them by any precipitate action.
Before daybreak on Thursday, January 2, Bugler Vallé, of Dr.
Jameson's force, arrived in the Reform Committee room and reported
himself as having been sent by the Doctor at about midnight after the
battle at Krugersdorp on Wednesday. He stated that the Doctor had
supplied him with the best horse in the troop and sent him on to
inform Colonel Rhodes where he was. He described the battle at the
Queen's Mine, Krugersdorp, and stated that the force had been obliged
to retreat from the position in which they had fought in order to
take up a better one on higher ground, but that the position in which
they had camped for the night was not a very good one. When
questioned as to the exact message that he had been told to deliver
he replied, 'The Doctor says, "Tell them that I am getting along all
right, but they must send out to meet me."' He was asked what was
meant by 'sending out to meet him.' Did it mean to send a force out?
Did he want help? His reply was, 'No; the Doctor says he is getting
along all right, but you must send out to meet him.' The messenger
was keenly questioned upon this point, but adhered to the statement
that the force was getting along all right and would be in early in
the morning. Colonel Rhodes, who was the first to see the
messenger, was however dissatisfied with the grudging admissions and
the ambiguous message, and expressed the belief that 'the Doctor
wants help, but is ashamed to say so.' Acting promptly on this
conviction, he despatched all the mounted men available (about 100)
under command of Colonel Bettington, with instructions to ascertain
the whereabouts of Dr. Jameson's force, and if possible to join them.
This was done without the authority of the Committee and in direct
opposition to the line already decided upon. It was moreover
considered to be taking a wholly unnecessary risk, in view of the
fact that an attack upon the town was threatened by burgher forces on
the north-west side, and it was immediately decided by a number of
members who heard of Colonel Rhodes' action to despatch a messenger
ordering the troop not to proceed more than ten miles from the town,
but to reconnoitre and ascertain what Dr. Jameson's position was,
with the reservation that, should it be found that he actually needed
help, such assistance as was possible should of course be given him.
As a matter of hard fact it would not have been possible for the
troop to reach Dr. Jameson before his surrender, so that the action
taken upon the only message received from the invading force had no
practical bearing upon the results.
At daybreak on Thursday morning Mr. Lace and the despatch rider sent
by the British Agent to deliver the High Commissioner's proclamation
and the covering despatch were passed through the Dutch lines under
the authority of the Commandant-General, and they delivered the
documents to Dr. Jameson in person. In reply to Sir Jacobus de Wet's
appeal Dr. Jameson said, 'Tell Sir Jacobus de Wet that I have
received his despatch; and that I shall see him in Pretoria
to-morrow.' Mr. Lace briefly informed him of the position, as he had
undertaken to do. The presence of a Boer escort and the shortness of
the time allowed for the delivery of the messages prevented any
lengthy conversation. Dr. Jameson made no comment further than to
say, 'It is too late now,' and then asked the question, 'Where are
the troops?' to which Mr. Lace replied, 'What troops do you mean? We
know nothing about troops.' It did not occur to Mr. Lace or to
anyone else that he could have meant 'troops' from Johannesburg. With
the receipt of Dr. Jameson's verbal reply to the British Agent's
despatch-carrier the business was concluded, and the escort from the
Boer lines insisted on leaving, taking with them Mr. Lace and the
despatch-rider. He offered no further remark.
Footnotes for Chapter V
{22} The telegram originally read 'within twenty-four hours,' but
it was considered impossible to guarantee the time exactly, and the
alteration as above given was made, the word 'within' being
inadvertently left standing instead of 'with.'
{23} Captain Ferreira, at one time in command of the guard over the
Reformers, informed the writer that he had formed one of the cavalry
escort. 'It is a good story,' he said, 'but what fools we would have
been to send our guns shut up in trucks through a hostile camp of
20,000 armed men--as we thought--round two sides of a triangle
instead of going by the shorter and safe road.'